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opinion Power
to the student? Taal
Matol fcr A refreshing
change RIPPLE EFFECT
By Raza Rumi What is so peculiar about
the Pakistani media opinion factories churning out problems and solutions
products day after day? Frankly, they are self perpetuating oligarchies and
boring at best. The The curse of self-importance Nowhere else would you find brazen references to the importance of a writers' opinion particularly among the Urdu language newspaper columnists. Despite the slow growth of readership, the 'kalam-navees' industry is flourishing. A few years ago, a new Urdu newspaper with a hefty advertising budget, ensured that a few big names in the column industry were under its wings. One saw TV commercials with celebrity columnists announcing how they were switching to the new publication and how their avid readers must follow. New columnists follow their seniors in terms of writing with a clear, often not so subtly articulated, sense of self-importance. Many of them mention how a state functionary called on them or invited them over for a discussion. The best example is a senior and much respected political commentator published in an Urdu daily who frequently quotes his previous columns as if they were voices of the oracle. While reading an otherwise well-written piece you are suddenly reminded by him of something written years ago by the same gentleman insisting how prophetic his words were. There are others who write a full piece on a day spent at the Governor's house in the provincial capital or on a leader's aircraft or even a luncheon hosted by Pir of Pagara. It is sometimes embarrassing when a couple of journos writing in the same newspaper, relate their 'individual' experiences of attending a collective meeting with the chief minister that often end with a punchline on the vision or personal kindness (more so in Zia era) of powerful persona concerned. Printing fan-mail is another favourite pastime of our columnists. An indicator of their grandeur and invincibility, perhaps. Some opinion-makers in English language are in the same league. A senior journalist with a penchant for reproducing his court petitions in entirety, claims a grand 'position' in making or breaking events. It is not uncommon to read him addressing the General or the Prime Minister directly and warning him/her of the fateful anjaam if his advice is not heeded. In Urdu press, "hukmarano hosh ke nakhun lo or rulers, act sanely" is a favourite byline. A few Urdu newspapers actually conduct 'raids' to expose stories of injustice and corruption. Great, but isn't that the task of agencies that function with taxpayers' money; and thereby are accountable to the public. Go where the power goes I am no political activist. And, I earnestly believe that some measure of grace is far more important that the particular ideology or political affiliation one holds. Even if people strive to be pragmatic or blow with the opportunistic winds, which define Pakistan's ethical climate, some subtlety can do us all good. I vividly remember those exciting mornings after General Musharraf's takeover in 1999 when I made it a point to read all the papers. Whilst, during pre-Musharraf days, I found the comparisons of his predecessor with Mohammad Bin Qasim, at the least inaccurate, I was horrified to read the same columnists working hard to prove the same person's villainous, scheming and naive (yes all in one go) nature. There was one such luminary of the column-stan (yes this is what it is!) who happened to be in the Sharif kitchen cabinet and was also incarcerated briefly after the declaration of emergency, proved his innocence in the public domain by undermining his former benefactors. Let me also cite another case from the English language columstan. A suave writer on economic and political issues who had written enthusiastic columns on the eve of 1997 elections and continued eulogising the successful Sharif brothers was among the first ones to condemn them after their fall. He was also a regular member our retired General's entourage on foreign tours and ponders a lot on the recent economic miracle. Another Urdu newspaper columnist who only writes on 'non-political issues' is an example of journalitistic expediency. His writings on the younger Sharif's leadership and achievements quickly found an echo in his later writings on the progress in the Punjab crediting the succeeding chief executive. The writer is a former... With due respect to all the bright diplomats who navigated our foreign policy, led our missions abroad, increased Pakistan's trade and inflow of tourists: please reconsider the burden of writing. Last week, I counted that almost every day in our leading English newspapers former ambassadors had held forth on issues from Islamic Ummah, terrorism, middle eastern crisis, domestic policies and tonnes of policy advice to the rulers. Most of the writings were well intentioned though generally quite dull, much like the dispatches that they were trained to write. The more important question is that what did they do while holding senior positions. Did they furnish truthful advice to their bosses that they now generously dole out to the 'common' readers! Some questions have no answers, I guess. Perhaps the 'former' category is empitomised by the born again democrat, a retired demigod civil servant who enjoyed positions of authority under most regimes and who was a reliable advisor to a galaxy of constitutionalists including General Zia and Ghulam Ishaque Khan. The gentleman is extremely cross with our present General in command because of his new-found fondness for constitutionalism and democracy. Amazing that newspapers management and editorial teams are oblivious to the 'image' such gentlemen hold in the public eye. Our memories are not that short after all? And the piece of cake will be taken by a polished writer based abroad and who held senior positions in a renowned international financial institution. His weekly dose of "what should be Pakistan's policy and strategy" regularly falls on deaf ears. His column starts with what he wrote the last time and makes sure that he gives us good tidings of the forthcoming article's wonder prescription. Not just that, he comes across as patronising about Pakistan's progress and in that vein often pats the back of our leaders (as if his endorsement of their decisions means anything). But then why does he still live abroad? Some readers wonder and whisper. Qualified to comment? Mostly No. This is perhaps the most irritating group, often found on the pages of Urdu newspapers. Writers with unclear expertise, driven by rhetoric and gup-shup culture, recklessly comment on the economy, technology, global warming and renewable energy. There is an indecent play of ideology and jingoism in their ranting but sometimes it is just a reflection of medieval cultural practices. Inaccuracies (2-3 lakhs), no recourse to data ('ba-khabar-zaraiy' or informed sources and 'generally speaking') and sitting on judgment (we don't want the American dollars). By the way, most of these West-bashers have email addresses flaunted at the end of every column they bequeath to the public -- Bill Gates was not born in Raiwind, exactly. I humbly suggest that they should focus more on what they are good at: narrating mirasi and sardar jokes with qaseedas or ghadar sentences to individuals they like of dislike! Obsession with regression Why are so many Urdu columns, save great exceptions, on politics or to be specific, the jor-taur (wheeling dealing) stories? Is it the predominance of ideology (nurtured by the medieval court intrigue culture) filtering through political comment? Our friends in the Urdu press and now the electronic media are driven by self-propelled engines of a make-belief ideology. Read the articles on how debates on Hudood Ordinance were inviting the wrath of Allah and how we all were doomed by even debating the fine print of a man-made law. Add to this the way our changed Taliban policy is ghaddari to the Muslim cause. This reminds one of the naivete of the Khilafat movement when the South Asian hysteria for the restoration of Khilafat was dashed by the Turks abolishing it themselves. Stereotypes on women's roles, shoddy defense of the maulvi and extolling irresponsible behaviour displayed by the unfortunate late Amir Cheema who killed a kafir in Germany or the release of a 'spy' after 35 years are common themes in our current [opinion] affairs. There is a long way to go before we can see some signs of responsibility that is as important as ensuring and safeguarding of the press freedoms. Author's Disclaimer: The author might change his opinion following the winds of opportunity. The restoration of student unions, once the platform for student rights and nurseries for future politicians, is not sitting well with regressive forces By Shahid Husain Winds of change are blowing
after the Feb 18 elections. There is euphoria among democratic forces.
However, regressive forces are desperate and ready to strike even if there is
no provocation. The way the house of deposed Supreme Court judge Justice
Khalilur Rehman Ramday was vacated on Three days after Prime Minister Gilani's announcement that student and trade unions would be restored, two student groups clashed at the University of Karachi. The only fault of Dr. Ahmed was that he had asked the Rangers' personnel to open the gate they had closed because of clash among the students since he wanted to go home at about 4:30 pm. "The ugly incident is a message to the educated lot and the intelligentsia that 'chowkidars' are vying to become rulers," said an agitated Dr. Shahana Urooj, Chairperson, Department of Microbiology at a general body meeting held at the campus. Student unions were banned on Feb 9, 1984 when Gen Ziaul Haq ruled the roost. Very methodically, the military dictator crushed trade unions, students, teachers, journalists, lawyers and the intelligentsia since he expected fierce resistance from them. The ban on student unions was imposed on the plea that they indulged in violence though, as a matter of fact, these unions acted as nurseries for future politicians. "The student unions fought for students' rights. They also inculcated a sense of management and leadership among the students through managing bus fleets, canteens and the union president would be a part of syndicate that is the highest body in the university," said Dr. Mutahir Ahmed, a professor of International Relations at the University of Karachi and a former student activist. "The students protested against a ban on student unions and the University of Karachi and other educational institutions in the city remained closed for 99 days," he recalled. Student unions organised debates, literary and cultural programmes. More importantly, middle class political leadership emerged in the country due to union activity. "Eminent lawyer Abid Hasan Manto, politicians such as Javed Hashmi and Raza Rabbani are the product of student unions and student politics," said Justice (retd) Rasheed A. Razvi, President Sindh High Court Bar Association and a former student leader of left-wing National Students Federation (NSF). The contention of the ruling elite that student unions generated violence has been proved to be untrue. A report published in The News on March 30 stated that students clashed 151 times from 1947 to 1984 during which 13 were killed, 284 injured, 800 arrested and 110 rusticated, when the unions were functioning. The period that spans 1984 to 2004 saw 525 student clashes during which 165 were killed, 1,210 injured, 7,235 arrested and 985 rusticated. In other words, educational institutions became the victim of malignant aggression after a ban was imposed on student unions. Until the 1960s and early 1970s even if students clashed on some issue the fighting was mostly with fists or at the most by a hockey stick and if a student carried a knife he was considered a goon. But when Pakistan's ruling elite got the country involved in a proxy war in Afghanistan in the 1980s, availability of deadly weapons such as kalashnikovs became easy and campuses became the battlegrounds of rival student factions. "In the 1970s students rallied around ideological slogans and showed tolerance towards each other. During the election campaign at the campuses and at colleges they would distribute pamphlets highlighting their point of view and ideology on national and international issues and these pamphlets were very educative," said Dr. Ahmed. "Sadly enough, after a ban was imposed on student unions, the ideological debate evaporated in thin air and was replaced by ethnic, sectarian and parochial slogans, destroying the very social fabric of Pakistan society," he said "Student unions help develop leadership among the new generation and are important because students indulge in extra curricular activity in a democratic way. It is through student unions that the collective voice of the youth is heard and they get empowerment," said Dr. Abdul Qadeer, Professor of Applied Physics at the University of Karachi. In the formative years of Pakistan too, student unions and student organisations played a vital role in organising the community and in inculcating democratic ethos amongst the students. These unions were quite vocal in raising voice of dissent against raise in fee and other demands and achieved success. On Jan 8, 1953, students in Karachi, the then capital, were fired upon near Paradise Cinema in the heart of the city when they brought out a procession and a number of students, including a minor were killed. On Jan 9, 1953, Karachiites observed a strike against police atrocities and the government imposed a curfew in the city for a couple of days. However, the impact of Jan 8 movement was such that the government of Prime Minister Khawaja Nazimuddin was forced to accept most of the demands of the students, including the establishment of the University of Karachi. The Jan 8 movement was led by Democratic Students Federation (DSF) with Mohammad Sarwar as its president and included brilliant students in its fold such as Khawaja Moin Ahmed, Syed Haroon Ahmed, Adeeb-ul-Hasan Rizvi, Mohammad Yousuf, Safdar Ali, and Ayub Mirza, who emerged as distinguished personalities in their professional lives. Similarly, student unions and student organisations played a vital role in the ouster of military dictator General Ayub Khan in 1969 and it was essentially the democratic upsurge of 1968-69 that forced General Yahya Khan to hold elections in 1970 on the basis of adult franchise. Banning student unions in 1984 by Gen Ziaul Haq not only dealt a heavy blow at the institution that inculcated tolerance, awareness and consciousness among the new generation, it also closed the door of the middle class in national politics. It should not be astonishing if the national politics today is dominated by the filthy rich and opportunists of every hue. But merely making an announcement about the restoration of student unions in the parliament is not enough. It's high time to make necessary legislation to translate the announcement into a reality. More so because regressive elements are bent upon sabotaging the announcement. "It's significant that three days after Prime Minister Gillani made an announcement of withdrawing a ban on student unions, two groups clashed at the campus and a teacher was severely beaten up by Rangers," said Dr. Shakeel Farooqi, Professor of Genetics at the University of Karachi who was elected the president of Karachi University Students Union in 1983, the last union at the campus before it was banned. Though there has been no union at the campus since 1983 Dr Farooqi's announcement on Tuesday that Rangers should be sent back to their barracks and a 'Black Day' would be observed on a national level against beating of Dr. Riaz Ahmed points to a training he got 25 years ago as the president of Karachi University Students Union. By Shoaib Hashmi The other day, after many, many, many moons, I had the opportunity and gathered up the gumption to venture forth -- mostly because I was being chauffeured -- to the other side of the canal, and go to the old haunts on the city side; and it brought back many memories and raised old questions. So apropos of nothing but a few items. I was looking for something
and everyone told me that the biggest market was at 'Paisa Akhbaar.' Also it starts respectably enough at the city end, and gets narrower and narrower and around the edge of Oriental College, the road comes to a dead stop, and you have to turn right and come out in 'Changarrh Mohallah' where I learnt to fly kites as a kid before we mucked it up! Actually in those days Lahore extended only up to Mozang Chungee, and even at Chungee there were fields and open ground, but Ferozepur Road and Jail Road did go on from there -- and in the little cranny between the two streets there was a magnificent house which was very well known as the 'Dilroz Walon Ki Kothi.' This was a known prosperous family of Lahore who had made their fortune manufacturing a very special medicine called 'Dilroz', which was special because it was the only known cure for the 'Lahore Sore'! I bet you didn't know there was a bloody carbuncle named after your city. I did and felt very proud until I got a lackey to investigate and found it was an ancient affliction which was also locally named for Delhi, and other places, including Aleppo a few thousand years ago! Someone in the family got it, and has never lived it down, but that is not the reason I remember it. A much fonder memory is of going to a wedding to the 'Dilroz Kothi' It was early days and I must have been all of four, but my distinct memory is of the bride being the most beautiful girl I ever saw ever saw in my life, not excluding the ones I have seen since. I have more to say, but it is getting around the hour when the power will go away for an hour, and I have to send this off, so I will continue next time. Adios! Frontier Crimes Regulation is a bad law which exists in clear violation of the recognised norms and principles of justice and should be done away By Asad Jamal "We cannot rein wild horses with silken braids." -- John William Kay John William Kay, an
artillery officer turned civil servant, was a successor of John Stuart Mill
as secretary political and secret department of the India Office. He is
quoted to have said this almost The fact is that the FCR is sustainable neither on the touchstone of the constitution nor of internationally recognised principles of human rights and humanitarian law. Several judgments over the decades -- regarding the legality of the various provisions of FCR, and development of general consensus against its ruthless use by the executive -- demand that the law must be drastically modified or repealed altogether. However, what is puzzling is the opposition and criticism to the policy announcement made by Prime Minister Syed Yousaf Raza Gillani regarding the abolition of FCR, 1901. One pretext for the opposition is that any change in the law will leave vacuum and make things more difficult. FCR is also defended on the ground that tribal areas are special geographical regions with peculiar customs and traditions and have to be dealt with special laws. The critics have either not read the law and considered its implications for the people subjected to the law or are acting in cahoots with the retrogressive institutions and forces moulded in the colonial mindset. Even a plain reading of the draconian law lays bare the methodology the British colonialists adopted to rein in the 'wild horses.' FCR in its original form was first enacted in 1848, then re-enacted with modifications in 1873 and again in 1876 and lastly in 1901. We inherited the FCR, 1901 and have retained it with some modifications. The preamble to the Frontier Crimes Regulation, 1901, states: "Whereas it is expedient further to provide for the suppression of crime in certain frontier districts. It is hereby enacted as follows". The original object of the enactment may, therefore, have been taken as suppression of crime in certain 'frontier districts.' The third schedule to FCR mentions the areas where it is to be applied, which include tribal areas. Several provisions of the FCR are violative of several articles of the constitution including Article 8 of the constitution, which provides that any law or custom or usage having the force of law, in so far as it is inconsistent with fundamental rights shall be void; and Article 4 (the right of an individual to be dealt with in accordance with the law), Article 9 (security of person), Article 10 (safeguards as to arrest and detention), Article 13 (protection against double jeopardy, self-incrimination), Article 14 (inviolability of the dignity of man, prohibition of torture for the purpose of extracting evidence) Article 24 (protection of property rights) and Article 25 (equality of citizens). Justice A. R. Cornelius -- in a judgment as far back as in 1954 (entitled Sumunder versus the State and cited as PLD 1954 FC 228) -- has referred to proceedings under FCR as "...obnoxious to all recognised modern principles governing the dispensation of justice." FCR can be divided into general and special provisions as Section 4 says that certain provisions of the law will be applied "only against Pathans and Balochis" and against such other 'classes' as the Government may, by notification, declare to be subject thereto. Sub-section (5) further lays down that a notification under sub-section (4) may declare a specific class only to be subject to all or any of the provisions of this Regulation in a district or part of a district. On the one hand this clearly discriminates against Pathans and Baloch populations, on the other it gives blanket authority to the executive to decide inclusion or exclusion of any group of people as a class. This provision is violative of the equality-before-law clause (Article 25) of the constitution which provides that: "All citizens are equal before law and are entitled to equal protection of law." This provision was first assailed as far back as in 1957 in a case entitled Malik Toti Khan versus The State [PLD 1957 (WP) Q 1] in which it was held that the discrimination was "...based principally on racial or tribal considerations, and to the extent that there is provision for other classes being added to the Pathans or Baluchs for attracting the provisions of the Regulation, the classification may be wholly arbitrary and capricious at the sweet will of the executive. These provisions are, therefore, ex facie discriminatory and do not rest on any classification such as could take the enactment out of the mischief of Article 5 [Article 25 of the Constitution of 1973] of the Constitution [of 1956]." On the face of it, the law was enacted to incorporate and accommodate the customs and usage of the tribal people but in fact it was meant to control the people of tribal areas while using the facade of tribal culture and custom. Under sections 8 and 11 of FCR the hearing or trial is supposed to take place before a Jirga (Council of Elders) but the selection of jirga members and the power of final decision is vested the executive authority. The jirga envisaged under the FCR is therefore a mere advisory body, and since the executive authority does not have the case presented before him through counsel, his decision can be nothing but wholly arbitrary. Further, FCR does not provide for appellate forum beyond the executive authorities. Due to this limitation, tribesmen convicted under the FCR cannot appeal in superior courts against the judgments passed by the political agent. Other provisions of the law are even more fatal to the ordinary lives of the tribal people covered under FCR. The FCR empowers the executive authorities to arrest and detain anyone without specifying the charges without warrants. The accused cannot get bail in such cases. Contrary to the constitutional safeguards and international human rights law and jurisprudence, the FCR provides for collective punishment to the family members or blood relatives instead of punishing only the guilty. Innocent family members or blood relatives of the accused are reportedly handed jail terms for no crime of their own. According to news reports, children as young as two years old have been convicted under such provisions of FCR. The jirga often metes out punishment to an offender with heavy fines, expulsions and exiles, sanctions or harassment of any sort, administrative, by police action, or otherwise. More serious measures of punishment involve expelling an individual or a family from the area, and confiscating, destroying or setting fire to homes and property in clear violation of constitutional safeguards to property. In recent years FCR has come under severe criticism because of the serious violations of fundamental rights in the post 9/11 volatile situation in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). According to a Human Rights Watch report: "The Pakistani military has made frequent use of the provisions of the FCR. In January 2004, a tribal militia in South Waziristan used military bulldozers to destroy the homes of seven fugitive tribesmen. At the time, government officials, including the military spokesperson, went on record threatening mass arrests and further collective punishment if those wanted by the military were not handed over." In an article included in a Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) report on FCR entitled:''A Bad Law Nobody can Defend', Dr Faqir Hussain, former Secretary Law and Justice Commission of Pakistan, says that all the FCR provisions - substantive as well as procedural -- e.g. selection of jirga members (section 2), trial procedure in civil/criminal matters (sections 8 & 11), the power to blockade hostile or unfriendly tribe (section 21) demolition of and restriction of construction of hamlet, village or tower in the Frontier (section 31), removal of persons from their places of residence (section 36), method of arrest/ detention (section 38 & 39), security for good behaviour (sections 40, 42), imposition/collection of fine (sections 22-27), etc are all in violation of the Constitution and internationally recognised principles of human rights and humanitarian law. Clearly FCR is a bad law which exists in clear violation of the recognised norms and principles of justice and should be done away. No argument based on peculiar and special circumstances can justify the existence of a law that violates human dignity. Fears of vacuum, after FCR's abolition, can be taken care of by first proposing an alternative regime which in any case must be in conformity with the constitution and international norms of justice. Similarly, no law grounded in the argument of peculiarity of the cultural circumstances can be justified if it violates principles of natural justice and modern human rights law. Experience shows that bad laws once enacted are difficult to get rid of. Hudood Ordinances are but one example. It is high time we stopped treating our people like 'wild horses'.
Some of the regressive measures taken by the MMA government are being set aside by the people as the new government is put in place By Farzana Shah Feb 18 has been a refreshing harbinger of elections results for many political parties. It is even more refreshing for a common Peshawarite. The more visible change has come about in the case of billboards, displaying only male models along with the products during the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) government, being replaced with smiling faces of women. Earlier, any billboard
displaying women attracted the wrath of the activists of MMA, the six-party
religious alliance that ruled NWFP for five years. They considered these
billboards were promoting obscenity and vulgarity in the Pakhtun society. The
unruly activists of Shabab-e-Milli, a MMA was voted into power for the first time in the 2002 elections. After assuming power, the alliance started making announcements regarding promulgation of Sharia but more in terms of promises than solid actions. There were frivolous actions like tearing off billboards, forcible taking out of music systems from public transport, segregation in educational institutions and offices etc. This created a false image of Pakistan and the people of NWFP in particular who were dubbed as narrow-minded fanatics by the outside world. The multinationals suffered huge losses due to the destruction of their existing billboards followed by the ban on the display of woman models on their future advertisements. "The ban left us in a fix because we are not only engaged in the business of securing advertising contracts but also into designing the billboards and installing them. Due to the ban we faced huge losses," said Naveed Ahmad who is working with Orient ad agency. "Different companies stopped hiring our services." Ahmed added that the ban also affected the revenue collection of the district administration which is paid by the advertisement companies. MMA justified the ban put on displaying women on advertisements by terming it as exploitation of women. Here their stand came close to the feminists' version who reject women in advertising on similar grounds. An activist of Shabab-e-Milli said: "Islam gives women due rights and respect. Displaying the fairer sex for selling product is their exploitation." He also questioned the use of women models for the promotion of products meant for men. "What does a shaving cream has to do with women?" Besides billboards, the display of the mannequins at dress designers' shops and boutiques was termed un-Islamic and banned. Holding of musical concerts was also not allowed. All entertainment activities at Nishtar Hall -- the only place for stage dramas and different kinds of exhibitions in Peshawar -- were banned. The worst hit were the traditional 'Lakhtais' of Dabgari Bazaar, whose only means of livelihood and survival was singing and dancing on marriages and other family festive occasions. "Due to the threats given to artists working in CD dramas followed by blasts at CD shops, the actor community was faced with a very grim situation. Many opted to leave the profession, adding to their financial problems," said renowned TV/theatre artist, Ismail Shahid from Peshawar. He lamented that even those artists who are selective and avoided working in such CD dramas, allegedly spreading obscenity, were also threatened. "I used to work in stage dramas and cultural shows staged at the Nisthar Hall, but after the ban on staging such activities at the hall most of the stage artists left with no other option but to either leave the profession or turn to CD dramas. We started working in CD dramas but the decision proved to be more troublesome because we are receiving threats from unknown extremists," said Shabnam a stage artist. It was this extreme sense of suffocation in people who feared the hardliners might impose even more stricter rules in the future that led to MMA's defeat in elections. Despite the fact that threats are still being hurled by the extremist elements to stop such activities, people are no more scared. This bodes well for the business and the business community and portrays a different picture of Pakhtun society. Most of the traders and companies have started replacing their billboards and hoardings in various parts of the city and the University Road areas. The mannequins have also reappeared at most of the garment shops in the posh Peshawar Cantt and University Road areas adding the much needed colour to life. "Putting women images on billboards or removing is just one side of the picture. It is not the problem of a middle class person like me. It maybe only serve the interest of the multinationals and advertising companies," said Aman Gul who is a low-paid employee at a government department. Imran Alam, a student of University of Peshawar said, "Advertising is a powerful tool to sell products of any nature these days. What is the harm in using women models for the purpose? It is a non-issue. Look at prices of oil, gas, electricity and all other things which are skyrocketing. Leave the billboard issue and come to the point: How will we address the issues like poverty and make progress in the future?" Now that the process of the formation of the new government has been completed by the political parties, the common man is anxiously waiting to see if the hopes pinned on the secular and liberal parties would come true or not.
RIPPLE
EFFECT By Omar R. Quraishi At the time of writing this I am in the midst of attending a conference on Pakistan at Wilton Park, an agency run by Britain's Foreign and Commonwealth Office at Wiston House, a castle-like structure halfway between London and Brighton close to England's south coast. The journey to Wiston Park was hectic. The flight on Emirates -- first from Karachi to Dubai and then to London Gatwick -- was uneventful though I will have to make one observation about the crew. Whatever one says about PIA's crew, it has to be said that the crew on foreign airlines is often too stringent and seem to sacrifice passenger comfort and convenience for the sake of going by the book. Here I am not talking about how many Pakistanis, who have an annoying habit of getting up and walking about as soon as the plane lands or takes off, are being told off by the crew (the PIA crew normally do not do this), but rather about how even a glass of water, much before the plane has taken off, is refused by the crew (the foreign one that is) till after the plane has taken off and reached its cruising altitude. As for Gatwick airport, though it is one of the smaller international airports that I have been to, I can say that it, unlike Karachi, did not have any mosquitos. At Karachi airport for instance, the internet service, loudly advertised by Wateen, did not work in the international departures lounge for the two hours that I was waiting there. Also it seemed that some parts of the lounge had been taken over by hundreds of blood-thirsty mosquitoes. I wonder what the CAA has to say for this. The only positive thing that I noticed was that in the bathrooms they had now installed showers. Gatwick, on the other hand, was most passenger-friendly and I could take my trolley, with luggage and all, to this other terminal, which was a small train ride away. At Karachi airport, the lifts that are meant to transport passengers from the departures floor to the arrivals, or vice versa, sometimes do not work -- but then who cares about facilitating passengers and doing things for their benefit. As for the conference itself, it is going to last for a total of four days. Organised by three British ministries, it is titled 'Pakistan: Sources of Conflict and Stability' and has several well-known Pakistani journalists in attendance as well as a rich mix of government officials, a handful of former ministers, bureaucrats and army generals and a large contingent of officials from foreign governments. In fact, glancing at the attendance list, one was quite struck because it confirmed that the rest of the world has taken a very strong interest in things and matters Pakistani. This interest is greater especially if the topic is related to terrorism, FATA, the Taliban and religious extremism. For instance, in the working group that I attended on strategies addressing ethnic and sectarian tension I, and some other Pakistanis, found that the focus of the non-Pakistanis seemed to be wholly on wanting to discuss Afghanistan, Taliban and the situation in FATA. For instance when one thinks of sectarian tension one usually has in mind Shia-Sunni or Deobandi-Barelvi tensions while with regard to ethnic tensions, the MQM or the wider situation in Karachi over the past two decades, especially since the Bushra Zaidi incident of 1986 comes to mind. However, I found that the non-Pakistanis were completely fixated on wanting to discuss FATA and the Taliban with one academic (based in the UK but of Pakistani origin) even using academic jargon like 'DDR' -- demilitarise, demobilise and rehabilitate -- and I wanted to ask 'who are you talking about?' Besides, recommendations on how ethnic tensions could be reduced (because they were based on provincial disharmony and lack of trust) by taking measures to have an equitable National Finance Commission award or the new government's intentions to do something about the federal and concurrent lists were seemingly ignored by the working group because they did not figure in the recommendations. One point of discussion that came up had to do with the state building and imposing a national identity and the Pakistani members of the group mostly felt that this had been tried and tested but had not worked, and that a better thing would have been to not impose any 'national culture' as such but rather to respect differences of various ethnicities and language groups in the country. Anyway, the conference itself seems quite interesting although one has to admit that many of the things and issues raised one was already familiar with in some detail. One of the more interesting sessions was on how peace could be restored to the tribal areas and here too there was considerable debate and divergence of opinion. One speaker, a former ambassador of Pakistan to Kabul, said that there was a need for the system of administration and governance to revert to that left in place by the British. He also said that the decision to extend the right to vote to FATA in 1997 had in fact weakened the administration's writ and led to social conflict. This, and much else, was hotly contested by the next speaker, a former chief secretary of NWFP, whose main point was that the government needed to integrate the region into the rest of the province and the country. A Pakistani journalist who writes for a British newspaper took major issue with both presentations, and in fact ended up giving his own mini-presentation, his main point being that neither speaker had said anything about the fact that FATA had become, in the last few years, the base from where terrorist acts all across the world had been launched. On the first day, a former interior minister was taken to task by some participants who asked him what had his government done to quell militancy in Pakistan. As expected of a former minister, and he also happens to be a member of the new parliament, he did not respond to these queries and side-stepped the issues. A working group of civil society and the media looks promising as do scheduled talks on what foreign governments can do with regard to stabilising Pakistan. More on that next week. The
writer is Editorial Pages Editor of The News. Email:
omarq@cyber.net.pk
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slightly discerning mortals who browse the daily newspapers in English and
vernacular languages or bother to engage with the electronic media
discussions are struck by certain repetitive trends. Let me map them out
before rambling any further. On a note of caution, there is no intention of
making generalisations here. Exceptions, they say, prove the rule!
March 29 in the Judges Enclave in Islamabad and Dr. Riaz Ahmed, an assistant
professor at the University of Karachi, severely beaten up by Rangers on
March 31 only confirm what has been apprehended.
Now I know why it is 'Paisa Akhbaar', because in olden times one of Lahore's
earliest Urdu newspaper used to be published here, and it sold for a paisa,
hence... It should be familiar to you because it is also the source of the
most well known purveyor of 'Nihari' who also makes the 'Sheermaal' so you
can gorge yourself and come out soaked to the elbows in oil, and feeling
bloated and on top of the world. But the place is also called Aabkaree Road,
and I have never known what the heck 'aabkaree' is, or if they did some sort
of work on water, what was it. I know it wasn't the centre of bootlegging, or
we would have known.
150 years ago about the 'troublesome tribesmen' of the North Western Frontier
of India while explaining the reason for the 'very special codes' such as
Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR). More than 60 years after the British left
the subcontinent, the state continues to treat the people in tribal areas
like 'wild horses.'
Jamaat-e-Islami affiliated group, were seen on the media destroying the
billboards or painting the female faces black.