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Editorial analysis The
lost generation rebellion Nothing to
write home about Children of the
lesser god Girl
power
There was a lot of positive energy while the special report was being discussed. The peg was August 12, celebrated by the UN as International Youth Day. The latent power of the youth and how it must be channelised pepped up the debate. The realisation, of course, was there that this was an underutilised section of the population. But what has eventually turned out in analyses and reports is rather depressing. A huge chunk of the population falls in the youth category. 64 per cent of the youth lives in rural areas. A lot of them are hooked to drugs -- both in urban and rural centres. Majority of them are driven by purely individualistic concerns and totally unmoved by ideology. For all those who have religion as a motivating force, the situation is even more alarming. Many have already blown themselves up in suicide bombings. That their families did not receive monetary gains after their sons were killed hardly comes as a consolation. The performance of young parliamentarians is far from satisfactory too. They've not been able to make a dent in the system and have performed as good or bad as their fathers and forefathers. There have been some exceptions, though, among parliamentarians, at the time of earthquake and in some other instances. This Special Report is a wishful attempt to turn these exceptions into a rule. Only by stating the problems once again. Due to the hegemony of capital and the particular manner in which information is produced and projected by the corporate media, what stands out most about young people these days is their stark individualism By Aasim Sajjad Akhtar Pakistan is undergoing a dramatic demographic transition. The dearth of reliable sources of information notwithstanding, it is widely acknowledged that well over half of the population of 160 million is below 25 years of age. This figure is likely to increase in the coming years due to persistently high birth rates and the reduction -- however minimal -- in infant mortality rates. It is this segment of the population then that will play a crucial role in virtually every sphere of social life in the coming century. To a large extent this is
stating the obvious. In all societies, the young people of today Unfortunately, the Pakistani youth of today cares little for ideals. In fact, due to the hegemony of capital and the particular manner in which information is produced and projected by the corporate media, what stands out most about young people these days is their stark individualism. As soon as one is old enough to read and write -- and in some cases even before this -- the possession of the latest model of mobile phone is an absolute imperative. Toddlers are not only learning how to operate computers but are more proficient than many adults who have been doing so for years. Indigenous culture, including language, suffers as the global consumer culture becomes all-encompassing. Technology is far from a bad thing, but can become destructive if it promotes alienation and competition even amongst the very young. Meanwhile, schools, colleges, and universities are no longer dynamic places where young people imbibe ideas of change, where they are encouraged to explore their creative talents. Instead, these institutions reinforce the individualistic trends that consumer culture gives rise to. Rote learning has always been a characteristic feature of our educational system, but alongside it there is now ruthless competition and a scant disregard for anyone who even suggests the importance of collective struggle for social justice. Then there is arguably the most serious crisis of all: There are at least three totally distinct educational systems operating in Pakistan today, namely the elite private schools, the government schools, and the religious schools. This is exacerbating the already acute polarisations amongst young people. As pointed out, young people are often the harbingers of change, and this is why the situation unfolding in front of our eyes is so troubling. The fact that young people constitute the majority of the population should actually be a good thing insofar as this implies that vibrance and dynamism become the defining features of the wider society. Instead, many young people today that are thinking about epic notions such as 'challenging empire' are driven to do so not by progressive ideas and the hope of a better society but by desperation that follows from exclusion and the polarisation to which this gives rise. This is the story of too many young people who are engaging in random acts of political violence, ostensibly motivated by an ideology, but often seeing little behind the seething anger and despondency that leads them to take such a step in the first place. This vacuum in society's imagination -- and particularly that of youth -- is at least partially caused by the apolitical and ahistorical nature of the 'development' discourse. When the United Nations (UN) -- itself an institution that can hardly claim independence from the vagaries of international geo-politics -- propounds the imperative of 'youth in development', it is compounding the problem rather than addressing it. Conventional notions of development assume the universal 'goodness' of a particular vision of 'progress' (read capitalism) and, therefore, 'youth's contribution in development' is no more than an effort to internalise within the young people that there is one defined path of 'progress' for all of humanity and one either rides on this train or none at all. Insofar as organisations such as the UN promote volunteerism and charity amongst young people, they play a limited role in offsetting the dominant consumerist trends. On the other hand, however, initiatives such as 'youth in development' prevent rather than promote critical thinking and dissent. Having said that, there are signs in many parts of the world that in spite of the tidal wave of consumer culture, young people remain the most likely to challenge obsolete ideas and injustice. In much of the western world, for example, there is substantial involvement of youth in anti-war movements that have demanded that western governments and particularly the United States, immediately end their war mongering and occupations of Iraq, Afghanistan and Palestine. It is not as if young people do not harbour similar sensibilities in this country. Unfortunately, however, the opportunities to express their indignation and protest are conspicuous by their absence or, as mentioned earlier, exist only in the form of parties and groups motivated by exclusionary and often violent principles. Organisations such as the UN at most can promote 'peace' campaigns amongst young people but remain unable and/or are unwilling to take more explicitly political positions against the United States in its quest for global domination. Such initiatives are, therefore, woefully incapable of addressing the polarisations that characterise today's world. Instead what is required is a tremendous revival of the organic bases of culture and politics within Pakistan (or, for that matter, other countries where similar degeneration has taken place) that provide young people with avenues to learn the truth about history and today's world, and then actively promote the ideals with which they identify. Neither the UN nor the Pakistani state is committed to such an objective. The handful of young people in this country that understand the need for this regeneration, helped along by those in older generations who themselves are products of such an environment in the past are charged with this responsibility. And a quite enormous responsibility it is.
Precisely why is idealism that once marked the youth of yesteryears missing today? By Shahid Husain A couple of years ago I
wrote an article about the Left in Pakistan. It was published I was shocked because when I was his age I had read almost the entire Urdu fiction besides the best of French and Russian literature and was politically conscious. But, then, suddenly I realised that the innocent question was the manifestation of a generation gap and it was essentially my fault since I had failed to properly address his anxieties. Rahma Muhammad, 23, a brilliant journalist working for Geo TV and a student at a business school explains the phenomenon in more explicit terms: "The youth has been suddenly exposed to global channels and the new generation is severely confused by the bombardment of information on the one hand and values taught at home on the other," she tells TNS. She says that even the lower middle class youth in urban centres has access to cyber cafes and watching porn has become the order of the day. There is no understanding of concrete issues, and easy reads and books such as 'How to Become Rich in 10 Days' are the favourites of today's youth. "Every second student I have met has experimented with drugs, especially hashish because it is easily available," she says. "My brother who is 10 years older than me has enjoyed poetry recitation sessions but today I find a large number of youngsters who need counselling. There is a lot of disillusionment and there are no healthy means of expressing oneself. In fact, there seems to be no values and this includes the domain of sex and drugs." It seems Pakistani youth today is passing through what was dubbed in the 1960s as the process of 'burning out'. Totally disillusioned, he seeks refuge in drugs, sex, and religion. Tauseef Ahmed Khan, an associate professor of Mass Communication at Karachi's Urdu University and a former student leader agrees. "Since we have double standards, it's not surprising that everybody watches porn but at the same time condemns it. There are a few public libraries, and reading habit among the youth has almost come to a naught. The youth don't even read newspapers. Since there are no sports and cultural activities in educational institutions, a significant number of students have taken refuge in religion," he says. He points out that student unions inculcated democratic behaviour, tolerance, and an ability to accept defeat, and acted as schools that nourished future leadership but unfortunately they were banned by military dictator General Zia ul Haq in 1982, leaving the youth in the lurch. Mohammad Nauman, an associate professor at Karachi's prestigious NED University of Engineering and Technology, and a former student leader says that we have lost our 'cultural continuity' and a generation gap exists in our middle. "Despite the fact that rapid changes are occurring due to the introduction of Internet, cellular phone, and TV channels, idealism of the youth that was once found among the youth in the 1960s has badly eroded and, thanks to a liberal policy of the government, today's youth has found refuge in drugs. "I have been told that the vast majority of our youth working during the night in call centres indulges in drugs." But he also sees a ray of hope. "Despite all odds, the vast majority of our youth has no anarchist tendencies. And, one is delighted to find groups providing solace to earthquake victims or collecting donations for a cancer patient," he says. He regrets that there has been no class formation in Pakistan and even the aristocracy could not develop due to a host of reasons and maintains that violence, at least in private sector educational institutions, has dropped. He contends that with the advent of computers, Internet, and cell phones, the mobility of the youth has been drastically curtailed. More so because in urban centres such as Karachi, physical health centres and playgrounds have been encroached upon by Rangers and police, and the absence of student unions has almost brought to an end to healthy activities such as debates and literary and cultural programmes. Dr Mutahir Ahmed, an associate professor of International Relations at the University of Karachi, believes that the Pakistani youth today is fiercely segmented and an urban and rural divide amongst them is pretty sharp. "The state has absolved itself from the responsibility of educating the youth and this has resulted in mushrooming of private institutions where only the fortunate ones can take admission. As far as the middle and lower middle class youth are concerned, they are vying to acquire a degree from the university and go abroad or try their luck in a very competitive local market. Unlike 1960s and 1970s, when the youth was exposed to issue-oriented politics at the campuses due to erstwhile student unions, and student organisations and had a dream, it is now forced to go for tuitions and part time jobs to meet its expenses since inflation is high," he says. "There is also a rural and urban divide in the youth. No wonder in rural areas where feudalism exists with all its ugliness, a considerable chunk of youth has no option but to register themselves in madrasas where they get food and ultimately become fodder for extremist politics. "Brain drain is taking place at an alarming level and the youth has become totally alienated. This is more vivid in upper class youth but even middle class graduates do their best to migrate," he says. In sharp contrast to the situation existing today, Pakistani youth played a historical role after the creation of Pakistan. For instance, under the umbrella of Democratic Students Federation (DSF), students in Karachi brought out a procession on January 8, 1953, from D J Science College and were fired at by police. Seven students and one passer-by were killed. The situation deteriorated to the extent that the then government of Khawaja Nazimuddin had to impose curfew for a few days, but it was forced to accept the demands of the students, including the establishment of the University of Karachi. In 1964, students of Karachi under the leadership of National Students Federation (NSF) and elsewhere in Pakistan campaigned for Mohtarama Fatima Jinnah in national elections. In 1968-69, it was the youth that spearheaded a movement against military dictator General Ayub Khan forcing him to announce he would not participate in next elections. But it seems as a result of circumstances or out of choice that the youth has cut itself from mainstream politics. No wonder, the recent lawyers' movement could not attract youth despite the fact that it had a tremendous impact on the body politic of Pakistan.
Young men are spearheading the fight against Pakistan's armed forces in two different theatres of war in distant corners of the country By Rahimullah Yusufzai If one were to believe the
government investigators, almost all the suicide bombers in As in every battle, young men are spearheading the fight against Pakistan's armed forces in two different theatres of war in distant corners of Pakistan. Baloch tribesmen, mostly young and some older in age, are fighting for survival in their thinly-populated villages and towns in semi-desert terrain. In another corner of Pakistan in Waziristan, young tribesmen proudly referring to themselves as Taliban and mujahideen make the bulk of the fighting force that seems to specialise in guerilla warfare. However, the motivation for sacrificing one's life for a cause may not always be religion. The Baloch fighters, who occasionally ambush military convoys, indulge in rocketing of government installations and also resort to acts of sabotage, are motivated primarily by nationalistic causes. These Baloch youngsters are secular and liberal, and their aim is to become masters of their destiny in the Baloch-populated areas of the province. They have a strong belief that the Pakistan Army is implementing Punjab's agenda to control the natural resources of Balochistan and turn the Baloch into a minority in their own province. There have been no suicide bombings by Baloch fighters and the recent one in Hub against Chinese workers was apparently carried out by an Islamic militant. Perhaps, it could be concluded from the absence of Baloch suicide bombers that one needs religious motivation and sanction to undertake suicide bombing. Tribal Islamic militants
have an abundance of this kind of motivation. It is, thus, not The fact that most Afghan and Pakistani Taliban leaders and commanders were young also motivated the youth to join their ranks. Mullah Mohammad Omar, founder of the Taliban Islamic Movement, was about 35 years old when he launched his group in Kandahar province in the autumn of 1994. At the age of 37, he was Afghanistan's ruler when his men captured Kabul in September 1996. By the time the Taliban regime collapsed in December 2001 following the US invasion of Afghanistan, Mullah Omar was 42 years old only. Now he is 48, and reportedly fit enough to lead his Taliban guerillas resisting US-led coalition forces in his homeland. A big majority of Taliban commanders and central shura members, the highest decision-making body in Afghanistan during the six-year Taliban rule, were young and less in age than Mullah Omar. It was not uncommon to see young Taliban in their 20s and 30s serving as governors, ministers, judges and military commanders. Mullah Borjan, Hafiz Abdul Majeed, Mullah Dadullah, Mullah Abdul Kabir, Amir Khan Mutaqqi, etc were all young when they were appointed to important positions in the Taliban regime. There were a few older men among them such as Mullah Mohammad Rabbani and Mullah Ehsanullah, both now dead, and Mullah Mohammad Hasan, Mullah Mohammad Abbas and Mullah Hasan Rahmani who served in high positions. As the younger men had a majority in the shuras, they often influenced the Taliban decision-making. No wonder then that this young blood sometimes prevailed upon the older men in Taliban shuras to take far-reaching decisions. Though there is no evidence to back this claim, it is possible that the Taliban decision not to deliver Osama bin Laden to the US and to destroy the Bamiyan Buddhas carved out in the mountainside were taken because the younger Taliban leaders were in no mood for a compromise and were in a majority to impose their will. However, it must be added that Mullah Omar, too, was an uncompromising man and his sympathies were always with his young Taliban followers. Close to home, Pakistani Taliban commanders Nek Mohammad and Abdullah Mahsud, both dead now, were very young when they were entrusted with the responsibility to command their even younger fighters. Nek Mohammad, from Wana in South Waziristan, was 27 when he became the Taliban commander. His good looks and long hair locks made him an instantly recognisable face. He soon became addicted to publicity and started contacting media men in Peshawar and elsewhere to grant interviews. It was during one of his long conversation with a reporter that the US military tracked down his satellite phone in a village near Wana in May 2004 and sent the pilotless Predator plane to fire two Hellfire missiles that obliterated the 'hujra' where he was staying and killed him and five other men. The comparatively older commanders of Pakistani Taliban such as Haji Omar, Haji Sharif, Noor Islam, Maulvi Nazeer and Baitullah Mahsud have survived probably because they are careful in their talk and movements. It would also be useful to draw a comparison between Abdullah Mahsud, who died recently at the age of 32 in controversial circumstances in Zhob in Balochistan, and Baitullah Mahsud, now in his late 30s. Both were from the Mahsud tribe in South Waziristan and one-time allies. But Abdullah Mahsud being the younger of the two was very emotional and enigmatic. He did things which Baitullah Mahsud avoided and thus landed himself in trouble. His decision to order kidnapping of two Chinese engineers, one of whom died along with five kidnappers in a rescue mission mounted by Pakistan Army commandos, led to his undoing. Had he not organised the kidnapping of the Chinese engineer, it is possible that he would have continued to overshadow Baitullah Mahsud and even replace him as the 'Ameer' of Taliban in Mahsud tribal territory of South Waziristan. Due to their impressionable age, the young men accept influence from their peers and try to model themselves after them. Possession of guns and sometimes more lethal weapons gives them a sense of power and superiority. They soon realise how they and their colleagues get things done simply because they possess sophisticated arms and operate in groups. Madrasa students in particular agree to fight for the Islamic cause after having read and studied the military exploits of famous Muslim generals and on account of their belief that Muslims in general and Islamic countries in particular are being oppressed and brutalised by the militarily-strong and technologically advanced Western powers. Such young men are said to be good recruits as suicide bombers. There is a story of how the suicide bomber who tried to kill interior minister Aftab Sherpao was seen crying while reciting verses from the Holy Quran at a nearby mosque minutes before he blew himself at the public meeting addressed by the minister. If true, it shows that he was convinced that his suicide mission was for a holy cause even though he didn't want to die and was thus crying. Despite allegations, there is no evidence that suicide bombers are paid to do the job. This writer met the families of three suicide bombers in Shabqadr area of Charsadda district and was told by their fathers that they didn't receive any money after their young sons sacrificed their lives in Indian Kashmir and Afghanistan. Visits to their poverty-stricken homes and, in one case, the small shop of the bereaved families and interviews with neighbours were convincing enough to show that the sponsors of the suicide bombings and those supportive of their cause didn't pay them any money. The three young men killed themselves and many others while committing suicide bombings due to their belief that they were dying for a worthy and holy cause.
Experts are of the view that our young parliamentarians have made little or no difference to the existing government machinery, even with regard to highlighting youth's own issues By Aoun Sahi The ratio of young
legislators in the present assemblies --both national and provincial -- is However, experts are of the view that these young parliamentarians have made little or no difference to the existing government machinery, especially with regard to highlighting youth's very own issues. Overall, their performance in the House is nothing to write home about. "I honestly believe that no improvement has been witnessed in the performance of the present assemblies that boast the largest number of young people ever," says Ahmed Bilal Mehboob, Executive Director Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency (PILDAT). According to Ahmed, in 2003, PILDAT initiated the Young Parliamentarians Forum (YPF). "At present, some 110 members of the National Assembly and the Senate are part of the Forum. "The main objectives of the YPF are to develop leadership acumen among the young parliamentarians and to equip them with the skills and capabilities with which they can perform their representative, legislative, and over-sight functions better," he adds. So far, most of our young legislators have failed to 'deliver' in the real sense of the word. One reason being the fact that they only toe the line of their parties in the assemblies regarding all issues. "Many of them (at least 30 out of 90) are not in politics because of their aptitude but they were forced to be politicians when graduation degree became a pre-requisite for all candidates in the 2002 elections that, obviously, barred their fathers or uncles from contesting," Ahmed Bilal continues. He laments the fact that the present assembly has failed to even initiate a debate on the first ever Youth Policy. The government, he adds, is "trying to form the Policy without involving the assemblies, and the young parliamentarians as well as the cabinet members seem to have no problem with it.". In Ahmed Bilal's view, the performance of young parliamentarians in the Punjab Assembly is very disappointing, while the young legislators of the Sindh Assembly -- people like Sassui Palijo, Shazia Atta Muhammad Marri, Marvi Mazhar, Ifran Ullah Shah, and Murad Shah (all belonging to PPP) -- have played a vital role on the floor of the house. The present government, for its part, has afforded at least 15 of the young parliamentarians (in the ruling party) different portfolios as ministers of state. However, this step further affects their role in the assemblies. Ministers have some unwritten laws to follow in the assembly sessions. They are supposed to not move privilege motions or ask questions on point of order that marginalise their role, while queries are being asked to federal ministers. Therefore, the young state ministers have little to deliver in the parliament. But, State Minister for Railways Ali Asjad Malhi, 32, does not agree with the notion. He contends that the present government has, for the first time in Pakistan history, empowered the youth in the real sense, both in the parliament and outside of it. "All young parliamentarians and ministers are performing well and it is due to their collective effort that the government will soon be introducing its first Youth Policy in the country," he says, "At present, the cabinet is reviewing its final draft." According to Malhi, the present government has done a lot to create new job opportunities and in spreading education that is completely for the youth of the nation. "The present government has reduced the voting age to 18 years in order to engage more and more young people in the making of the governments." The young members of the Punjab Assembly, a majority of who has been elected for the first time, do not care about their performance on the floor because for them performance means how much funds for development work one has succeeded in getting for his constituency. "I have done a lot of work for the people of my constituency that includes establishing new schools, hospitals and roads," says Chaudhry Ansir Iqbal Baryar, a 34 years old, ruling-party MPA from Sialkot district. He thinks that these schemes have benefited the youth of his constituency. The situation in Sindh Assembly is completely different, and many young parliamentarians have acted as a catalyst in introducing new bills in the House. Shazia Marri, a young PPP MPA, elected on seats reserved for women tells TNS that it is commonly understood that the young people, because they have greater energy levels, will perform better. "But performance in assemblies is also related to an understanding of the issues." She says that in the House one cannot become a representative of a specific group of people, "In fact, one has to represent all people. And, if one questions that what I have done for the youth as a parliamentarian, I may have no answer but my performance as a legislator is for all to see. "The opposition introduced bill on violence against women in May 2004 on my initiative," she continues, "We also introduced a bill for the protection of the homeless child beggars. Besides, Sindh is the first assembly that passed a bill on Aids control that was, again, initiated by the young members in the assembly." A spokesperson for the Finance Ministry of the shadow cabinet of Sindh, Shazia says that she -- after consulting with all stakeholders -- would send the ministry a detailed report of the situation in the province every year in March-April, and she also held post- and pre-budget press conferences. "In the beginning, no one even in the opposition was ready to give me space in the House. But, when people felt that I had a command over certain issues, they started picking my brains. I had to do a lot of work in order to win the confidence of the Assembly." The rural youth ends up becoming an easy prey to drugs and even human trafficking According to the Population Census of 1998, 34 millions out of the 132.4 million of the total population of Pakistan consisted of the people below 35 years of age. There were 13.2 million young men and women between ages 15 to 19, an 11.5 million was between age 20-24, 9.6 million between 25-29, and another 8.1 million between 30-34 years old. About 52 per cent of these people were male and 48 per cent females, while 38 per cent of the males and 63 per cent of females were illiterate. According to the Census figures, 64 per cent of the total population of youth lives in rural areas. It is estimated that in 2007 the population of youth in Pakistan has crossed the 50 million mark which means that more than 30 million young people are living in rural areas. Though, many of the issues being faced by the rural youth -- unemployment, illiteracy, non-availability of basic necessities, and drug addiction -- are the same as those faced by the urban-based youth, the magnitude of issues is more severe in rural areas. Agriculture still is the only means of earning bread and butter in most of the rural Pakistan. But, because of an ever increasing population, the sector is unable to accommodate new people which is obviously creating a lot of problems for the youth, majority of which is illiterate and without any skills. They have very few options available to them and that is why the rural youth is an easy victim of human trafficking or most likely to have begun working in childhood. Dr Muhammad Hafeez, professor of department of Sociology University of Punjab, Lahore, thinks that non-availability of education, especially quality education, is the prime issue of rural youth in Pakistan, as most of the educational institutions have been established in urban centres. "The rate of unemployment in rural areas is scary." he tells TNS. In most rural areas, the youth has not got any platform where they could express their problems, and utilise their energies constructively. Their hobbies include cock-fighting, pigeon flying, etc. "These activities make them an easy pray for criminal groups and drug addicts," he says. It is estimated that at present, in Pakistan, more than 1.5 million people are drug addicts, and more than 50 per cent of them are below 35 years of age. Besides, most of them hail from rural areas. -- Aoun Sahi From entering parliament to schools in the conservative rural areas, young women are coming into their own By Saadia Salahuddin The young people want to fully participate in the society. Given appropriate opportunities to express themselves they can do wonders. So the world is conscious of the need for their development. Unfortunately, in Pakistan, plans for youth exist only on paper as the national youth policy is waiting for approval since 1987. Once again the government is thinking of doing conceptual thinking. So far it did not get the attention it deserved. Youth Affairs Wing was transferred to the Department of Information in 1994 which is now the Department of Information, Culture and Youth Affairs. Before this it was under Forestry and Fisheries department. The change was made after affecting rules of business. In Punjab, the Youth Wing has only one person -- a section officer -- in the Secretariat staff. A Directorate of Youth Affairs was planned two to three years back. The Punjab government asked the federal government to provide 55 lakh for this project but have not received the money as yet. How can a plan be carried out without an adequate staff but the financial scene has certainly improved for the past two years. While 1997-98 saw great financial problems in the whole federal government, in 2003, departments were being reduced by giving golden handshakes. There never came a time to appoint a Directorate of Youth Affairs. This year, the development budget of Punjab government is Rs 150 billion while ten years back it was Rs 16 billion. So, the budget has gone up by 100 per cent. The financial problems of the federal and the provincial governments are over. Now, as the government has surplus funds, we have high hopes that plans will actually be carried out. The good thing that has been seen recently, is the youth exchange programme of the government. This is providing exposure to young people and must be appreciated. The United Nations identifies youth between 15 and 24 years. While youth is marked at 15 years by all countries, the maximum years vary. In Pakistan, youth means people between 15 and 29 years, while in India they are upto 40 years. The Pakistan government's youth policy that was formulated 20 years back, envisioned a 'Youth Foundation' to provide soft loans to youth. In many countries of Europe, courses in business administration, management, problem solving and economics were introduced into the school curriculum to promote a culture of enterprise and the idea of self-employment as a career option. We can probably look into including such courses in our public schools so that the youth have the skill to make use of loans wisely. While there are many disparities and a longing for a just society, more and more people are sending their children to school. Though dropout rate in schools is still a big question. The attendance of girls has increased in schools but who has heard of a girl child getting stipend, milk or ghee under 'Tawana Pakistan' scheme in cities. There are more girl students in the Punjab University (PU) than there are boys, which makes one think where do the boys go if not to university. Mind you, the PU is the largest university of the country. It is a guess that the boys go for disciplines which can fetch money. At the university students of pure sciences are a fraction of the student force in the university. In our country, a huge number of people have had non-productive education. There are women in parliament. "This government gave for the first time in Pakistan a national action plan for women development," says Federal Parliamentary Secretary for Women Development Onaza Ehsan. The government is supposed to induct 33 per cent women in the government sector by year 2015. First, the government marked 5 per cent quota of women in the civil service, last year the quota reached 10 per cent and this year 15 per cent. If the government keeps increasing the quota of women in public service it will soon reach 33 per cent. Well, keeping the fact before us that more girls are going to university than boys, we can hope that they will very well meet the requirement. More girls and boys are joining music, art and dance classes in arts councils throughout the country. In Rawalpindi Arts Council, there are more girls than boys in different classes. Many young boys and girls in private theatre groups have come forward and theatre is becoming popular with young people. Niaz Hossain Lakhwera, personal staff officer to minister of Culture and Youth Affairs informs, "A great number of girls is learning different crafts which is close to the values in our society. For example, in Gojera Sadar in Okara district, an NGO from Europe trained girls to make toys and named it Katcha Kedona. Every girl there is earning something." In Multan, there is a crafts market known as craft centre. Empowerment means many things but primarily to enable people to do their thing, to enable them to earn and that is possible by equipping them with different skills. Government offers few employment schemes. One example is Rozgar Scheme where even to get a rickshaw one needs to submit Rs 20,000 first.
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become the movers and shakers of tomorrow. It is often the case that youth
play the role of a society's conscience, while adulthood necessarily means
moving away from ideals to the realm of pragmatism. As the saying goes, if
one is not a socialist at the age of 20, one has no heart; but if one is
still a socialist at the age of 30, one has no brain. While the second half
of this adage should be disputed, the first half is unequivocally true.
Pakistan is no different. At least until the horrendous dictatorship of Zia
ul Haq, young people -- and particularly students -- were the vanguard of all
progressive cultural and political movements in this country.
prominently as an anchor on city pages. When I reached home late in the
night, my son Taha Ali, 20, who is fond of going through several newspapers
every day and is an engineering student asked me innocently: "Papa, Left
kia hota hai?"
Pakistan have been young men in their teens or 20s. This is corroborated by
sources within the ranks of the Islamic militants who proudly say that
youngsters have responded most enthusiastically to the call to fight against
the enemies of Islam.
surprising that an overwhelming majority of suicide bombers is young Islamic
militants. And most of them apparently belong to the Federally Administered
Tribal Areas (FATA), in particular South Waziristan and North Waziristan with
their glorious history of resisting invaders. The Pashtun tribes from Khyber,
Orakzai, Kurram, Mohmand, and Bajaur agencies also fought outsiders and
retained their independence. But, unlike the two Waziristans, their tribal
regions except Bajaur have not become the hub of foreign and local militants
due to a host of reasons. One reason is that South and North Waziristan and
Bajaur were the staging-posts of Afghan mujahideen battling Soviet occupying
troops in neighbouring Afghanistan, and the presence of training camps there
enabled Arab, Afghan and other foreign fighters to establish links with the
local tribes and build alliances. It was, therefore, natural for the foreign,
or 'guest' fighters as they are sometimes called, to seek refuge in the two
Waziristans and Bajaur once they were uprooted from Afghanistan after the
fall of Taliban regime in late 2001.
more than what it was in any of our past assemblies. In the National
Assembly, 90 members out of 342 are below 40 years of age while the number of
members belonging to this age group is 199 out of 371 in the Punjab Assembly.
The situation in NWFP is also much the same. However, in Sindh and
Balochistan, you don't find many young parliamentarians. The cabinets in the
Centre as well as in Punjab and NWFP also have significant number of young
ministers. No wonder it has been expected of the present assemblies that they
would participate more actively than ever in legislative business and would
do something particularly good for the youth of the country.