There's NO operation in Northern Areas
The local business community of Gilgit and Baltistan is wondering how to revive the tourism industry
By Ghulam Nabi Wani
Domestic and foreign visitors, mountain climbers and trekkers, consider Gilgit and Baltistan as heaven on earth. More than 120 peaks with an average height of 6,550 meters are located in this region. Agriculture is the main occupation of the people of Gilgit and Baltistan but owing to rocky and mountainous lands, per acre production is less than the plains of the country. Only one crop is cultivated due to cold climatic conditions. In regions like Gultari, Mashabrum, Chorbaat, Askolli, Braldu cultivation starts in mid May.

Pervez Musharraf is back in the spotlight. He would, of course, have preferred not to have ever vacated it. But in a display of rare collective action, the people of Pakistan united to force him out of his beloved uniform, various positions of power, and eventually, Army House. As we approach a year since his demise, and with his nemesis Chief Justice calling legal attention to Musharraf's actions of November 3 2007, it is worth asking whether there is any substance to the rhetoric being bandied around about the impossibility of future military coups.

It is important to bear in mind that while generals and judges have been the force behind the many coups in this country, ordinary people have often acquiesced to them. In other words a culture has been created whereby coups are considered a regular feature of our political life and, more often than not, are even depicted as necessary because of the failings of politicians. In recent months, more than one (mischievous) commentator has hinted at the fact that Musharraf did not preside over as many problems in 9 years as Zardari & co. have managed to create in a few short months. This culture of tolerating and even encouraging military coups is based on convenient half-truths: many of the problems that the elected government is dealing with are gifts bequeathed by Musharraf and his coterie of sycophants.

In any case, the point is that military coups will be confined to the dustbin of history only if a critical mass of the public decides once and for all that the idea of a sitting general invoking a mythical mandate to depose an elected government is simply unacceptable. I suspect that events over the past 30 months or so have taken us much closer to developing this critical mass and thereby countering the many rats sitting in our media, academia and other opinion-making institutions who maintain a commitment to the tradition of bureaucratic paternalism that was left behind by the British.

That having been said, the role of judges and generals needs to be kept front and centre. To a significant extent the movement that erupted in March 2007 has made it difficult for superior court judges to support military takeovers, but as was proven in November of that same year, judges in Pakistan are not blessed with either great memories or democratic sensibilities. The one major problem with the lawyer-led movement that culminated in the Chief Justice's restoration in March this year was its elevation of the judiciary to a ridiculously exalted position, whereas in fact the judiciary cannot be the guarantor of public peace in society. That is the role of people acting through their representatives. And throughout Pakistan's history, with the obvious exception, judges and generals have conspired to undermine the sovereignty of parliament.

Of course things get complicated when dummy parliaments -- such as the one Pervez Musharraf sat atop between 2002 and 2007 -- give legal cover to the actions of dictators. The fact that PML-Q type parties are conjured into existence to give self-absorbed generals a formal mandate to rule also relates back to the earlier point made about the culture of tolerance for military takeovers due to the sheer cynicism and opportunism of some politicians.

However if one is to assume that the majority of politicians in this country prefer democracy -- and not of Musharraf's 'guided' variety -- to dictatorship, then the best way that judges can consolidate the process of democratisation is by not interfering in matters that should be the purview of the legislative branch of the state. If instead the Chief Justice takes the meaning of suo moto to its logical extreme so as to confirm his 'populist' leanings, the already limited patience of the general public with democracy (read: elected representatives) will be further eroded.

Here again there is a complication: as I mentioned last week (and as much more prominent writers such as Arundhati Roy and Samir Amin assert ever so eloquently), the ability of elected leaders of third world countries to actually articulate meaningful autonomy in the policymaking realm is compromised more and more with each passing day. This is because, following the end of the Cold War, democracy and the so-called 'free market' have become almost synonymous. As such, democracy means the right to elect your representative so that s/he can implement economic and social policies that are already set in stone.

So let us take the example of increasing prices of basic utilities. The elected government -- not a revolutionary one, remember – has no option but to increase prices if it wants to be considered a member of the comity of democratic (read: committed to the 'free market') nations. The Chief Justice then takes suo moto action because this is a patently unpopular decision. The subsequent presidential ordinance underlines that if elected representatives and the superior judiciary continue to tread their respective trajectories, a quick and rather gory conclusion to this latest experiment with (free market) 'democracy' is quite likely.

Ideally, the dissatisfaction amongst the general public with the economic and social policies of the present regime would be manifest in an electoral rejection in 2013. It is another debate entirely that the alternative winners of elections are just as unwilling to make a meaningful break with 'free market' orthodoxy. In any case, for the time being what should concern us is the possibility that 'populist' judges confront the sitting regime with greater aplomb and thereby provide generals with a brand new opportunity to 'save' the country from impending collapse.

I am not suggesting that this doomsday scenario will unfold. I am simply pointing out that the events that took place between March 2007 and March 2009 do not guarantee that our judges have turned over a new leaf. Over the next few days and weeks it will be interesting to observe whether or not the Supreme Court genuinely takes on the military establishment vis-à-vis the hearings on Musharraf's actions. Musharraf may well be retired but there is no question that General Headquarters would not appreciate even an ex-Chief of Army Staff being convicted in a court of law. It sets a very bad precedent and damages the image of the army as an institution. If the Supreme Court does not back down and takes the ongoing hearings to their logical conclusion, and then follows up by not encroaching into the political realm, we may actually have seen the back of coup-making in this country.

Civil servants' performance reflects the performance of government. Your role must be that of enablers and facilitators rather than just regulators

-- Prime Minister, Yousaf Raza Gilani, addressing 90th National Management Course and 5th Senior Management Course at National Management College Lahore on July 25, 2009.

Since independence, all efforts to reform civil service have failed. Numerous committees and commissions were constituted to suggest ways and means -- including rationalising pays and perquisites of employees -- to bring fundamental reform in this important institution, but their recommendations remained on paper. There has always been strong resistance from bureaucracy for change -- essentially it is pro status quo and mediocrity. Change and innovation threatens rule of mediocrity and sycophancy, which our bureaucrats are famous for.

The other day, a powerful officer in Federal Board of Revenue (FBR) was complaining about the "rude behavior of politicians". He was unhappy about the financial deal (double salary) given to him vis-à-vis "large sums of money" spent on elected members of the parliament. According to him, the total expense of salary, allowances, perquisite and benefits for an MNA is around Rs32 million and for the entire house about Rs85.44 billion per year. He was of the view that corrupt, incompetent and inefficient politicians are responsible for the present state of affairs in the country.

The politicians on the other hand think that bureaucracy is the root cause of all ills. They claim that a secretary of government costs at least Rs500,000 per month to the national exchequer with lots of other facilities and perquisites in kind. If rent-free accommodation given to him in Islamabad alone is evaluated on market basis, the benefit is not less than worth Rs150,000 per month. In addition, he exercises unfettered powers and defies the orders of elected members of parliament and sometimes even those of ministers.

It is a sad fact that expenses on monstrous establishments -- federal and provincial -- are astronomically rising. The following details may be an eye-opener for many -- certainly painful for the honest taxpayers which now include poorest of the poor paying 16% sales tax on almost everything -- who are fleeced for the luxuries of the mighty government servants, politicians and the rich:

Out of total consolidated current expenditure of Rs2066 billion for fiscal year 2008-2009 of federal and provincial governments, the amount spent on perquisites and benefits of government servants was enormous; Federal government spent Rs140 billion, Punjab Rs55 billion, Sindh Rs40 billion, NWFP Rs17 billion and Balochistan Rs12 billion.

100 high ranking officers in federal and provincial governments inhabit 12,644 kanals of land for their palatial residential buildings. Sitting in these palaces, they behave like Gora sahibs deciding the fate of the hapless Pakistani people on the streets.

Majority of government functionaries lives beyond means spending far more than salaries it receives.

There is an urgent need for right sizing -- closing down of all the unnecessary departments, divisions, sub-divisions and allied paraphernalia of government apparatus (see detailed list of such offices in article by Dr. Farrukh Saleem in The News). The list is long and astonishing. At Constitution Avenue, Islamabad, one can count 30-50 useless government establishments that are doing nothing but have imposing buildings and huge staff. The same is true everywhere -- in all parts of the country one finds government offices, overstaffed, wasting money and time and making the lives of the citizens difficult. This is in a nutshell the story of our civil service -- the worst remnant of colonial legacy not ready to surrender its power, perquisites and benefits.

Living in sprawling bungalows with an army of servants, the top bureaucrats are least pushed to know how the common man is living -- even totally indifferent towards fellow low-paid employees. They make policies while sitting in their air-conditioned rooms for poverty alleviation! The other day, FBR issued rules making mandatory e-filing of statements and returns for small business houses without realising the non-existence of internet facility at remote places and even in cities for want of electricity supply.

Such measures indicate that the democratic form of governance is an alien concept in our peculiar milieu. State is run and controlled by a civil-military bureaucracy that has evolved for the worst -- crueler than the colonial masters -- since independence and political elite least concerned for democratisation of governance. Our bureaucratic structure is worst than many developing countries where decentralised governance has brought tremendous benefits for the people at grass root level. In many Latin American countries e.g. government officials get their emoluments in cash, share accommodation with fellow citizens, use public transport and their children attend public schools. Our elitist system has made civil servants masters. On the one hand, low-paid government employees hardly meet both ends and on the other, their bosses live like kings.

Democratisation of governance is the solution if we have to progress. The first and foremost step should be doing away with huge government machinery [see the detailed recommendations by Dr. Ishrat Hussain, Shahid Kardar, Nadeem Ul Haque and many others]. Complete overhauling of civil service is a prerequisite for democratic governance. The reforms should be all pervasive, but as a necessary step all perquisites and benefits of government employees should be monetised. The State must withdraw all facilities like houses, cars, servants and telephones etc. The perquisites in kind should be monetised. Let the government servants -- especially the senior bureaucrats -- live amongst the ordinary citizens of Pakistan and not in privileged enclaves like the GORs. This will give them real insight for formulating pro-people policies. They will comprehend the real problems of the ordinary folk.

By living in separate colonies and bungalows they are alienated from the common people. This culture has to be changed. The purpose is not only saving billions of rupees on the maintenance of colonial-styled huge bungalows, but also utilisation of these lucrative and expensive properties for some productive purposes. There is no need to maintain huge transport pools and army of drivers. Civil servants must use public transport, and if it is not worthy of them why should the masses be condemned and compelled to use the same?

Government servants should take residences on rent just as other citizens do after their entire pay structure is revised accordingly and fringe benefits/perquisites are monetised. They should get cars on lease or go to offices by public transport if they cannot afford lease rentals. This will be the starting point of change in society -- dawn of democratisation of governance, making all the citizens at par having access to equal opportunities or equal sense of deprivation. Those who manage and perform State functions -- civil servants -- must be made part of the masses. Once this is done, the politicians will also have no excuse or justification to fund their luxurious living from taxpayers' money. One hopes that the Pay and Pension Commission, constituted on April 6, 2009, under the chairmanship of former Governor of State Bank, Dr. Ishrat Hussain, will consider these recommendations while finalising its report, expected by the end of September 2009.

At last, the cat is out of the bag. Echoing the sentiments of provincial governments and his own party, the prime minister finally sealed the fate of local governments.

With the installation of bureaucratic administrators, the administrative scene shall revert to pre-Musharraf days. Statements and body language of the decision-makers show that they are not firm on the future course of action in this respect. Friction between provincial and local governments has been most visible since the present regime ascended to power. The distribution of powers, authority, jurisdiction and allocation of resources has made an extremely contentious agenda which even coalition parties were not willing to openly deliberate.

It is ironic to observe that in many cases, disputes have become prominent between local administrations and provincial governments belonging to the same political camp. Punjab, NWFP and Balochistan have already restored the old district and divisional administrative structure after some modifications. Control of law and order as well as revenue collection functions has passed on to the offices of commissioners.

In May, the Balochistan cabinet decided to repeal BLGO 2001. A new statute namely Balochistan Local Government Act of 2009 has been approved by the cabinet for presentation to Balochistan assembly in the near future. The act stipulates the abolishing of present local government institutions and revival of erstwhile corporations and municipal committees. In Sindh, the balance is more than stable. A weak provincial government cannot augment the relatively organised city and district governments where they exist. Sindh cannot afford a political discord to jeopardise the feeble coalition arrangement at the province and centre.

The political leadership considers local bodies as a competing rival, not a collaborating arm. This feeling is especially widespread amongst the henchmen who control provincial tiers of respective parties. It is correct that the local government systems have been bolstered by military dictators for their own vested interests but this fact does not undermine the merits and opportunities inbuilt in it. Foremost in this respect is the creation of a legitimate avenue for leadership development. In an arena where dynastic and aristocratic claims to leadership overtake merit at every point, the only option which can enable future political leadership to emerge is local government.

There are hundreds of case studies pertinent to ordinary councillors, women/labour councillors, union council nazims, town/tehsil/taluka level leaders and district level representatives who were able to win their offices purely on merit and later proved their popularity through re-election. Even in the most dangerous labyrinths of NWFP and Balochistan, these dedicated public representatives made tireless efforts to address pressing problems related to education, health, social welfare and area management. Some of them were even devoid of any political affiliation and had to face the wrath of both right and left wing parties.

The two elections during 2001 and 2005 were reasonable tests for their performance evaluation, mal-functioning of electoral process notwithstanding. Real political culture cannot be nurtured without frequent practice of voting process along the party cadres, local, provincial and national assemblies. It is disappointing to note that the parties that demand promotion of democracy are probably the closest to dictatorship. Cataclysm in the recent PML-Q elections is a case in point.

People need an efficient service delivery mechanism and complaint redressal system for routines such as attestation, verification and certification of various kinds. Local institutions and their elected members are normally forthcoming in such tasks. Small scale development schemes, maintenance and repair projects are also important works that require immediate attention. If the decision making apparatus is centralised in the provincial headquarters and in the person of chief minister, very little progress can be expected. Expectation from bureaucrats alone to be sympathetic to the local issues may not be very realistic. A well functioning local government system in urban and rural domains has to be strengthened after removing the various handicaps that it has faced. Problems identified during the past eight years include poor quality of human resource, paucity of operational budgets, weak mechanism of monitoring, absence of effective audit and accounts procedures, financial dependence on the provincial/federal government, lack of control over police force, tutelage exercised by federal/provincial institutions and inability to generate development finance for local scale works. One finds more developed cities like Karachi struggling with shortage of funds to strengthen vital services such as fire fighting. Many other contexts are even worse in service delivery outreaches.

Politicians may evolve a fresh strategy by using elected local government to serve their manifestoes. Capacity building in the local service delivery; notification and inaction of bodies such as public safety commissions, citizen community boards or finance commissions; development of municipal services as specialised cadres; launch of appropriate taxes to generate local revenue and the acceleration of mass contact to stretch the outreach of this tier are some basic steps.

The nearly dead National Reconstruction Bureau (NRB) may be tasked to manage this discourse and establish its own capacity by leading to creation of acceptable institutional options. Millions of rupees were spent to train a bevy of councillors and other cadres in different tasks of managing local affairs during the heydays of local government. Much of this investment can be salvaged if the government evince a proper terms of reference for NRB to chalk out a future strategy. In rationality, future of local government can become a populist moot point to generate discussion and draw conclusions thereafter.

The upcoming presidential and provincial councils' elections in Afghanistan, scheduled for August 20, could be a watershed for the war-torn country. The Karzai government, established after the first democratic election in 2004, has successfully completed its tenure and election is scheduled to elect a new government for the next five years. While the government is trying to create a conducive environment for election with international community's support, the Taliban are trying their best to discourage the potential voters.

The election campaign -- which started on June 16 -- is gaining momentum but the enthusiasm witnessed during the previous elections seems to be missing. Though the security situation is far from satisfactory, the elections could be historic in the country's struggle towards democracy. Ordinary people are, however, oblivious from the whole scene. Disillusioned and uninterested, they are critical of the government's policies which, they believe, have given impetus to unemployment, price-hike, corruption and deteriorated the law and order situation.

Security remains the country's biggest problem and a cause for most of those problems. This has further minimised the chance of a peaceful election. Violence is also increasing in some areas with the elections drawing nearer. The recent multiple attacks by the Taliban on key government buildings resulted in hours-long fighting in Gardez, Jalalabad, Khost. Even the otherwise-peaceful areas of Kunduz, Mazar-e-Sharif and Heart have not been spared. Voting turn out is expected to be very low in south-east and eastern part of the country, also the worst hit by violence.

The situation is feared to deteriorate in the coming days, also emphasised by European Union's policy chief: "The elections are going to be held in a difficult situation." Political observers are urging the government to ensure free and fair elections for smooth running of the democratic process and minimising the chances of post elections conflicts.

According to election rules the winner must get more than 50 percent of the votes otherwise a runoff is allowed. In the runoff two candidates with highest votes contest and the one with majority votes wins. If there is no decisive victory in the first phase, the runoff might further polarise the Afghan society creating a lot of complications.

Those leading the election race up until now are Hamid Karzai, Dr Abdullah Abdullah and Dr Ashraf Ghani. Dr Abdullah served as a Minister of Foreign Affairs while Ashraf Ghani as Finance Minister under President Karzai. The number of candidates, which was 18 in 2001, is now 41. Also this time the candidates have more time for election campaigning of 60 days unlike 40 days of previous elections.

Other prominent names among the candidates are Shanawaz Thanai, Abdul Jabbar Sabit, Mohammad Sarwar Ahmadzai, Motasim Billah Mazhabi, Dr Ferozan Fanah, Shehla Atta, Dr Abdullah Abdullah, Syed Jalal Karim, Mullah Abdussalam Rocketi, Ramazan Bashardost, Dr Habib Mangal, Bashir Bejan, Ashraf Ghani Ahmadzai, Mirwais Yasini, Abdul Latif Padram and Hidayatullah Amin Arsala.

Majority of the Jihadi leaders and parliamentarians support Karzai. Prominent Afghan Jihadi leaders such as Sabghatullah Mujjadidi, Abdul Rub Rasool Sayyaf, Pir Sayyed Ahmad Gillani, Ustad Muhaqiq, Ustad Mohisini, Qazi Amin Waqad and Abdul Hadi Arghandiwal are also supporting Karzai. Mustafa Zahir, Grandson of former Afghan Monarch Mohammad Zahir Shah; Abdul Rashid Dostum, Uzbek Warlord; and some former communist factions, including Syed Mohammad Gulabzai are also backing Karzai.

The supporters of Dr Abdullah and Dr Ashraf Ghani are confident of winning the presidential race. Dr Abdullah and Dr Ashraf Ghani are supposed to give Hamid Karzai tough time but most of the observers and opinion surveys are predicting otherwise.

An opinion poll conducted in May this year by a US organisation, International Republican Institute, found that 31 percent of respondents said they would vote for Karzai while only 7 percent favoured Abdullah Abdullah while 2 percent supported Ghani. Interestingly 69 percent of respondents had a favourable opinion of Karzai and 43 percent of likely voters said he deserves a second term.

The candidates are spending huge amount of money on buying the 'favour' of influential tribal chiefs and small groups. The strong presence of international community, militarily as well as political, is here to ensure the transparency of elections. After all, the credibility of west is also at stake in case Afghanistan plunges into chaos during the election process.

Currently 90,000 foreign troops are deployed in Afghanistan on a mission to stabilise the country and ensure security ahead of the elections. But the level and intensity of violence is sending shockwaves in US and major European capital whose troops are deployed in Afghanistan. July has been a significant month in this regard seeing a high increase in the number of Afghan casualties.

The upcoming election is a test for the Afghan nation -- their patience and ability to responds to and overcome the turmoil before and after the polls.

To Make the Earth Whole: The Art of Citizen Diplomacy in an Age of

Religious Militancy

By Marc Gopin

Publisher: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers Inc. June 2009

Pages: 240

Price: US$ 26.96

"Positive change is more often pioneered by individuals of courage," writes Marc Gopin, a rabbi, peacemaker, and scholar. His new book To Make the Earth Whole: The Art of Citizen Diplomacy in an Age of Religious Militancy offers invaluable insights for those who want to make the world a more peaceful place. The narrative evolves in the backdrop of the post 9/11 clash of civilizations, whereby fissures between the West and Islam appear to be growing. Gopin observes that relations between the United States and Syria in particular are mired in distrust and hostility. Former President of the United States George Bush dubs Syria part of the axis of evil, as he prepares a case for possible preemptive military intervention.

The sentiment in Syria is extremely tense, resentful of the US invasion of Iraq, with whom it shares a border. Syria hosts well over a million Iraqi refugees. Sympathy for its neighbours pervades among the general population. Nonetheless Gopin is able to mobilise a process of rapprochement, generosity and self-criticism, thus carving out a conflict resolution trajectory. He shares his experiences, in a very personal and moving account of his travels to Syria, in his new book titled To Make the Earth Whole: The Art of Citizen Diplomacy in an Age of Religious Militancy.

Gopin acknowledges that citizen diplomacy is still in its experimental stages but, he argues, it carries with it the element of hope and a message of peace. It is a strategy for relationship building and networking outside the political milieu, and is often recommended as a point of intervention for states at loggerheads. It entails relationship building and promotes conciliatory human encounters between ordinary citizens, hoping to mobilise pubic opinion in favour of peace. Hundreds, perhaps thousands, of such exchanges over the years, argues Gopin, could build the critical mass needed to build bridges between the divided global community. Critics therefore question whether such exchanges can be sustainable without the blessings of governments who are prone to estranged relationships. It is clear that such exchanges are vulnerable to policymakers who may authorise them and subsequently suspend them at whim. The outbreak of war and violence can most certainly halt any attempted reconciliation between societies.

Challenges to citizen diplomacy also include manipulation of such exchanges through bad press. Pressure groups exist at every level in society and those who have the courage to understand the "other" are often treated with suspicion. Apparently the odds are against citizen diplomacy. However Gopin tells us otherwise. He highlights the importance of faith-based citizen diplomacy in particular. A religious constituency he argues, is greater in number than a political one. Ergo, the potential outreach of a faith-based initiative is more significant. Unfortunately however, when religious demagogues incite hatred against the "other", such acts undermine the role religious peacemaking can play in transforming damaged relationships.

Gopin dares to venture in territory which he reminds the reader, happens to be "the land of the enemies of my people". Despite the risks, he explores a religious recreation of a global social contract; an exercise he believes could make the West and Islam coexist in harmony. He reflects on the success of his partnership with a Syrian Canadian woman named Hind Kabawat. Hind, remarks Gopin, is a symbol of peace and feminism in Syria and has the capacity and the skills to build the cross-cultural bridges they envision together as friends.

Gopin insightfully remarks that women have been the essential change agents in history and reposes his full confidence in Hind, once a stranger he met at a conference. Their collaboration is instrumental in helping Gopin penetrate public and private spaces in an enemy system and in breaking down biases and assumptions.

Gopin also brings to light the impact of his bond with a Syrian Mufti. The friendship one day calls upon Gopin to face over 3,000 hostile congregants at the great mosque in Aleppo, Syria. Gopin finds himself apologising to the congregation as they seek explanations for the torture cells in Abu Ghraib. Gopin is magnanimous and denounces torture. He seeks reconciliation and in his encounters, observes a subtle shift in Arab-Jewish relations. He finds that he is capable of building bridges between divided civilisations in his role as a religious peacemaker. Perhaps Gopins's perseverance is just a tip of the iceberg. It shows great promise however, despite the constraints that religious personalities face in engaging with the "other".

The News on Sunday: The security situation looks bleaker in the near future. How can we promote tourism in such situation?

Arif Aslam Khan: I do not agree that the security situation will prolong for many years. I foresee a great potential in the tourism industry in the next two to three years. All countries around us -- Sri Lanka, India, Nepal, Bhutan, Malaysia, Brunei even Thailand -- have had problems but they did not let these problems to curtail their tourist activities.

Pakistan's tourism industry has great potential. But ever since the earthquake in Azad Jammu and Kashmir and NWFP, the areas from Gilgit/Baltistan to South Wazirstan are all being called or projected as Northern Areas. The government does not realise what a great setback this is for the tourism sector. Not only has the number of foreign tourists decreased, many of our domestic tourists have stopped coming to Gilgit and Baltistan, thinking they are a part of Northern Areas, very close to Swat and Wazirstan and hence insecure. I had written a letter to the prime minister and the concerned ministries to do something about this but to no avail.

TNS: What other factors, besides the war on terror and Pakistan's image in the outside world, hinder tourism here?

AAK: Even the basic infrastructure for tourism is not in place in Pakistan. All the provinces should work together on this. When we look at our tourist attractions, our product is second to none. Pakistan can boast of an unparalleled combination of culture and adventure. As a nation we may be young, as a land we are ancient. From the legacies of the Indus valley civilization and Gandhara to the treasures of the early Muslims and Mughal rule, our sites and cities are strewn with historical and cultural monuments. For the adventure-minded, our mountain wonderland offers four of the most exciting ranges in the world, namely the Karakoram, the Himalayas, the Hindukush and the Pamirs. Of the fourteen peaks in the world that rise above 8000 meters, five nestle in Pakistan. But we have not been receiving sufficient tourists because we lack so many things for promotion of tourism.

TNS: How important is the basic infrastructure to promote tourism?

AAK: In the first government of late Benazir Bhutto, a notification was issued to declare tourism as industry; till today it has not been extended to the Northern Areas.

In all developing countries of the world, tourism is a tripartite activity. It involves the government for policy and facilitation measures, and the public and private sector for the development and exploitation of the tourist products. A sensible and sustained national tourism policy with sufficient priority accorded by the government and pursued over a period of 5-10 years can easily change the entire economic scenario provided there is a degree of internal and external stability. The PTDC, TDCP and all other provincial corporations should remain, and what is more, the major cities should also set up municipal tourism cells to further monitor and promote tourism.

To attract more and more private sector investment in this sector we need to make Pakistan Tourism Development Authority (PTDA) instead of PTDC under a technocrat chairman with enhanced powers.

There are no proper transport facilities available to tourists. If our present government focuses on Baltistan only, we can generate foreign exchange more than half our annual budget. For example in 1999 when I was Chairman Pakistan Tourism I had given a presentation to the Prime Minister Mian Nawaz Sharif and General Musharraf, a vision for ten year as I would see it. I suggested them to make Skardu Airport International. Allow chartered flights into Skardu only. The Italian and Japanese government were very keen to assist on the infrastructure development, establishing new airport, hotels hospitals and hill safaris in Gilgit and Baltistan. We were only required to give them opportunity. There were other suggestions too.

TNS: Pakistan has been ranked 103rd out of 124 countries around the world in 2008 underlining a weak travel and tourism regulatory framework. Any comments?

AAK: It is very sad. We need consistent policy framework on tourism. If the government is serious a lot can be done. In 1999 I had invited an international team from Ireland and Spain to work out a ten-year plan for the development. The project was completed as it had to be presented to make a tourism authority but was shelved by the ministry for un-known reasons.

TNS: Will we need to build safe havens for tourists in Pakistan?

AAK: Yes, certainly we will have to. When I was chairman PTDC, I had visited the coastline from Karachi to Pasni and had come up with a plan to start a cruise ship having all facilities for tourists once a week in the Arabian Sea, which should start from Karachi to Ormara, Gawadar, Pasni and back to Karachi in three days. Other option was to give free land to investors and hoteliers to make hotels and make private airstrips so that you could fly in from Karachi for a vacation. These areas should be declared as tourist zones and government agencies should be responsible for the security.

TNS: What about domestic tourism?

AAK: Domestic tourism is certainly very weak in our country as there is no will and determination. Many of the people in Pakistan do not know how beautiful our country is. I had suggested earlier that there should be news bulletins every morning on the state of roads in tourist areas, the traffic blockades due to rain slides etc. Television should be in the forefront to have special programmes starting from April so that before the summer holidays people can plan their tours.

TNS: Is there enough coordination between different government departments working to promote tourism in Pakistan?

AAK: No such co-ordination is present in different departments in Pakistan. The National Tourism Council which was established in mid-1960s with the purpose of formation and implementation of tourism policy at the national level has never met since 1975.

The worst form of co-ordination is evident in the relationship between PIA and the Ministry of Tourism. Gilgit and Skardu are the safest tourist areas in Pakistan these days but they are not connected through air traffic. So, most of the tourists only opt to go one destination out of these two.

PIA should have two ATR flights from Islamabad to Gilgit and Gilgit to Skardu and back to Islamabad daily. The road between Skardu and Gilgit has deteriorated and is an eight-hour journey. This will help a lot to promote tourism in this region.

At present we have only one flight available for Skardu from Islamabad. I think during peak months from June to August there should be at least three daily flights to Skardu. 90 percent of tourist travel to Skardu through air traffic and every year thousands of people, many of them foreigners, cannot travel to Skardu just because of unavailability of flights.

TNS: Are you satisfied with the marketing strategies of the tourism department?

AAK: We have no marketing strategies. Even our embassies are not playing any role on this front. It is a shame. If we could only focus on mountaineers and religion tourism, it can change the fate of our country. We have a lot of sacred places that may attract Hindus, Sikhs and Buddhists. We just need to provide the basic facilities and hundreds of thousands of them would be ready to come to Pakistan.

PTDC has a separate department that is meant to market Pakistan but its performance is pathetic. While those who are at the helm of affairs do not want that PTDC should be privatised.

Domestic and foreign visitors, mountain climbers and trekkers, consider Gilgit and Baltistan as heaven on earth. More than 120 peaks with an average height of 6,550 meters are located in this region. Agriculture is the main occupation of the people of Gilgit and Baltistan but owing to rocky and mountainous lands, per acre production is less than the plains of the country. Only one crop is cultivated due to cold climatic conditions. In regions like Gultari, Mashabrum, Chorbaat, Askolli, Braldu cultivation starts in mid May.

Summers here are too short and the winter starts at the end of September. During the winters there is not much activity in the area. Consequently, the people move towards urban centres like Rawalpindi, Lahore and Karachi in search of jobs.

Spring brings economic reimbursement for the tourism industry. Thousands of people are directly or indirectly involved with the tourism industry. Thus, hotels, expeditions companies and transport businesses flourish during the season. During the last five years, loans worth millions of rupees have been approved by the financial institutions to develop the tourism industry. To promote tourism industry, government has started some mega projects like the Sadpara Dam, reconstruction of the Karakoram Highway and telecommunications. The government in this mountainous region has introduced cellular phone technology. No doubt all these government efforts are praiseworthy and as a result the tourism industry will grow rapidly.

Due to the military operation in the northern region, foreign tourists are turning towards the Indian and Chinese mountainous regions like Ladakh, Kargil, and Tibet. For this reason, tourism and hotel industry has been badly affected. Expedition companies, hotel owners, festival organisations, transport companies, climbers' organisations, local and international NGOs, Community Based Organisation (CBOs), cultural associations and handicrafts industries have also been affected.

The local business community is wondering how their business will survive. Expedition and hotel owners are worried about their bank debts, local handicrafts industry, particularly Hunza handicrafts that are well-known all around the world are diminishing. Low paid tourist workers like porters and guides etc are looking and waiting for trekkers and climbers.

The mountains of northern areas are full of minerals and precious stones. Due to their prime quality and high value, they are liked in Europe. Recently more than Rs1 billion was invested by a Hong Kong-based company. It is hoped if the law and order situation improves, heavy investments may be possible in the gem sector.

It would have been beneficial if the government had brought before the national and international media the geography of the region in which the military operation is going on. Gilgit and Baltistan are known as Northern Areas. Swat and its adjoining areas, where military operation is going on, are also known as northern part of Pakistan. Due to similar names of these areas, foreigners even our own local visitors are confused. In 2008 the legislative assembly of the Gilgit and Baltistan agreed upon changing the name to 'Gilgit and Baltistan' and passed a resolution but the ministry of the Kashmir Affairs and Northern Areas did not issue a notification in this regard.