"Global warming is not because of underdevelopment but overdevelopment"
By Minahil Zafar
The News on Sunday: Are the floods, tsunami, Russian fire, changing weather patterns a manifestation of global warming disasters around the world?
Ejaz Akram: Yes, they can be attributed to global warming. The ongoing debate today is whether there is global warming or not. This debate is artificial. Global warming exists as a daunting threat to our environment today. Corporations and nation states with their patterns of hyper production, hyper consumption and waste are the biggest contributors to it. They often are close to the media or own it, hence have artificially started the debate that it doesn't exist.

harmony
No ground for
 
tolerance
The example of building a mosque near 9/11 site is something we can follow to recreate Pakistan which Muhammad Ali Jinnah dreamt of
By Aiyan Bhutta
In a landmark vote on August 3, 2010, New York City's Landmark Preservation committee voted 9-0 to allow the building of a mosque just two blocks from the site of the 9/11 attacks. The mosque will be inaugurated next year on the 10th anniversary of the attacks in a symbol of religious tolerance. Michael Bloomberg, the Jewish-American mayor of New York City, rightly pointed out that Muslims were also among those murdered on 9/11 and added: "Muslims are as much part of our city and our country as the people of any faith and they are as welcome to worship in Lower Manhattan as any other group."

Uncomplicated analysis
Simply blaming Zardari for all that is evil will only help prolong the paralysis
By Ammar Ali Jan
One of the biggest hindrances for positive structural change in Pakistan has been the unnecessary focus on individuals rather on policies and ideological positions. This phenomena, often referred to as "personality politics", is pervasive in much of the Third World where individuals become the focal point for condemnation during a time of crisis.

 

 

Some lessons to learn

On a positive note, this summer's heavy rainfall indicates the end of the dry years and a transition to wet years. But the damage caused is unprecedented

By Adnan Adil

Unprecedented heavy rains between 300mm to 500mm for two days lashed the upper regions of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and adjacent areas in Afghanistan at the end of July causing super floods that devastated one-thirds of the Pakistan total area and uprooted nearly 20 million people. "In the recorded Met history of this region there is no precedent of such heavy rains. We only hear that such heavy downpour had fallen in 1929, but no authentic data is available," Amjad Shad, Director Flood Warning Centre and Met Department, Lahore, told TNS.

Just a few days before the flooding rivers started drowning the vast regions, Punjab and Sindh provinces were slugging it out at a small quantity of 10,000 cusecs of water flown into the Chashma-Jhelum Link Canal for the irrigation purposes. Suddenly, the two provinces were caught with 1.1 million cusecs of water in their watercourses.

According to the Met Department, the country faced acute water shortage during the last two years owing to less than normal rainfall in the monsoon period, that is: June 15 – October 15. Thus, this summer's heavy rainfall indicates the end of the dry years and a transition to wet years.

What caused super floods in 2010?

The floods-2010 was mainly triggered by the Indus and its tributaries unlike recent past. In 1992, more than a million cusecs of water in Jhelum River along with high floods in Chenab had deluged Punjab and Sindh. In the early 1950s, swollen rivers of Ravi and Chenab had caused devastation in the central Punjab.

The floods-2010 were of unprecedented magnitude because, according to the Met Department, within a short period of two to three days, concentrated heavy rains fell in the catchment areas of four rivers, namely Indus and its three tributary rivers of Kabul, Swat and Kurram. An average 300mm of rains in a day ends up in the accumulation of one-foot deep water. These rains over a large area made the rivers surge and overflow.

According to the Flood Warning Centre, the Kabul River carried more than four million cusecs of water during the floods, which never happened in the past. The overflowing Swat merged into already swollen Kabul River. This caused massive devastation in Nowshera and its adjoining areas. Hill torrents and overflowing Swat had already pulled down the infrastructure in Swat Valley where no bridge is intact.

Another less-known river is Kurram, which flows from Afghanistan into Pakistan near Lakki Marwat. The flooded Kurram also merged into the Indus thus the scene was set for the calamitous floods in the northwestern region of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. "More than 600,000 cusecs of water flowed down Tarbela from the Indus and more than four million from Kabul, Swat and Kurram rivers joined it to form the wave of 1.5 million cusecs of water that travelled through Punjab and Sindh." Amjad Shad said.

According to Mehmoodul Hasan Siddiqui, advisor to the Punjab government, the Warsak hydel project at the Kabul River does not have storage capacity; it is meant for electricity generation. Thus there was no mechanism available to tame the furious Kabul River. He said there was high flood in Jhelum, but most water was stored in Mangla Dam. That is why, overflowing Jhelum caused flooding on a relatively smaller scale, such as in the areas of Shahpur and Sahiwal (Sargodha).

Why floods-2010 brought massive destruction?

According to the Federal Flood Commission (FFC), the floodwater flowed over more than 1500 km from Chitral in the north to Thatta and Badin in the south, drowning 10,942 villages, destroying 4,070,384 acres of cropped area and demolishing 557,226 houses while as many as 1,540 people lost their lives and 2,088 were wounded.

Pakistani water experts say that the country's rivers are huge and volatile as compared to those in Europe, where flooding does not cause such mayhem. "The rivers in Europe are equal to our big canals in size and flow of water," Amjad Shad said.

Mehmoodul Hasan Siddiqui said the water flow in the Indus River plummets to a maximum of 20,000 cusecs in winter while at the time of high flooding it touches to 1.5 million cusecs. This variation in the water flows in our rivers at different times of a year makes them different from those in Europe where floods cause less harm.

What could have saved us from devastation?

a) Emabankments: There are 1600 miles (nearly 2400 km) of embankments (or levees or dykes), mostly made of earth or a mix of stones and earth, along the rivers in Punjab alone. They have been built to save cities and human settlements from the overflowing rivers. When the water rises in rivers and builds a pressure, it cuts into these embankments and deluge the surrounding areas. In the present case, the embankment near the Taunsa Barrage (south Punjab) breached or was breached by the authorities to save the Barrage because it could pass up to 1.1 million cusecs of water while the water level in the Indus had already touched 1.05-mark. Had the embankment not been cut to drain out water, the entire canal system from the Taunsa Barrage would have destroyed. The breach in Taunsa embankment deluged Kot Addu, Muzaffargarh and the adjoining areas.

Another cut was made into the embankment near Jacobabad in the west towards Balochistan that drowned Naseerabad and Dera Murad Jamali and adjoining areas in Balochistan. The embankment was not cut in the east to protect the Shehbaz Airbase in Jacobabad district which has been leased to the US for 50 million dollars. The US embassy, however, says that the airbase is in the use of Pakistan Air Force.

Anyhow, the role of embankments is quite crucial in saving the cities and villages. In Sindh, from Guddu barrage near the border of the Punjab up to Kotri, there is a wall of embankments along the Indus. But due to silt over the years and wear and tear of the levees, this protective wall weakened. The massive corruption in the provincial irrigation departments and the pilferage of the money meant for strengthening these embankments is another cause that they breach at the time of flooding. "Strengthening these protective walls along the rivers and building new dykes is one solution available to save the population from the floods' destruction," Iftikhar-ul-Haq, a senior civil engineer told TNS.

b)Remodelling the barrages and headworks: The barrages and headworks are built at the flow of river to divert water to irrigation canals, but during the high floods, such as in 1992 and 2010, water flow increases beyond the capacity of these stations and threaten their existence. Thus, in order to save the structures of these headworks, water is diverted to the countryside. "We can increase the capacity of our barrages such as the Taunsa and Trimmu so that super floods could pass through them," Engineer Iftikhar-ul-Haq said. In recent past, the Taunsa Barrage was remodeled to strengthen its weakening structure but its capacity was not enhanced.

c) Water storage systems or dams: Water experts believe that storage dams are the best solution to avoid destruction from the flooding rivers. The floods-2010 was spontaneous and intensive. It could have been boon for the drought-stricken Pakistan. Dr Mubashir Hasan, a veteran civil engineer and former finance minister, calculates that during the one month between July 26, when the rains started in the country's northwestern parts and the end of August when the high flood tide in the Indus will dissipate into the Arabian Sea, nearly 40 million acre feet of floodwater was available in our river systems that could fill at least five water dams equal to the size of Tarbela and could have irrigated millions of acres and generated thousands of megawatts of electricity. In the absence of water-storage systems, the country not only lost the useful water worth billions of dollar but also sustained colossal losses.

Mehmoodul Hasan Siddiqui said the people in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa fear that Kalabagh dam would cause flooding in Nowshera, but this time the city was drowned in water despite the fact that Kalabagh dam was not there. He said Nowshera's flooding was caused by the Kabul River because a little above the Attock Bridge, the Kabul River flows into the Indus River in the narrow mountainous area that caused flooding in Nowshera. He said the city could be saved from flooding by building Munda Dam at the Swat River that finally merges into the Kabul River. By storing the water of Swat River, flows into Kabul River could be reduced. On the other hand, Kalabagh dam would have stored excessive water in the Indus and tamed its intensity thus saving the massive deluge in southern Punjab and Sindh provinces.

However, the critics of the Kalabagh dam in Sindh say that high flooding in the Indus and other rivers, Chenab and Jhelum, which merge into the Indus in southern Punjab, takes place after long intervals of decades. For example, this high flood came in the Indus 18 years after the 1992 floods. It implies that we should not build expensive dams for the floods that occur once in a decade or two.

"Global warming is not because of underdevelopment but overdevelopment"

By Minahil Zafar

The News on Sunday: Are the floods, tsunami, Russian fire, changing weather patterns a manifestation of global warming disasters around the world?

Ejaz Akram: Yes, they can be attributed to global warming. The ongoing debate today is whether there is global warming or not. This debate is artificial. Global warming exists as a daunting threat to our environment today. Corporations and nation states with their patterns of hyper production, hyper consumption and waste are the biggest contributors to it. They often are close to the media or own it, hence have artificially started the debate that it doesn't exist.

TNS: What causes global warming?

EA: We overproduce, over consume and waste. Waste includes solid, liquid and air emissions which are a result of development activity such as production and manufacturing. All three generate thermal energy, thereby triggering the warming up process. We can, therefore, confidently say that global warming is not because of underdevelopment but overdevelopment. Twenty-five percent of it is caused by the USA alone. Hence, from a global warming point of view, the ideal nation state is Afghanistan, which produces nothing and is hardly developed.

TNS: Are you suggesting that we go back to living like the Afghans do to ameliorate the environmental condition?

EA: No, I am in no way suggesting that. Afghanistan today is not like it is because of war. Afghanis have been like this before the 1970s all the way up to the 1870s. They are living an older lifestyle because modernisation has not touched them. They are living like that by default, not by choice. There are some countries that live like that by choice such as Switzerland which shifts the deleterious effect of global warming overseas while keeping the country safe. But the total effect on the world environment stays the same. It is a cumulative problem created by a bunch of countries that want to go on the so called path of progress, development and economic growth. This results in rising global temperature. Even if we in Pakistan, hypothetically speaking, started living like Afghanistan and say no to all development, even then, India would continue to produce and the weather pattern which is regional due to Indian global warming will continue to affect us. For example, the Soviet Union in the 1960s and 70s dumped their waste in the North Pole and when global warming happened that waste started trickling into Canadian rivers, across the North Pole. Hence the problem is not national.

TNS: What can individual nation states then do to solve the problem of global warming?

EA: A nation state cannot solve the problem itself, but can take initiatives in becoming vocal about it and adhering to global warming regimes starting from the Rio Summit 1992, Kyoto Protocol and Copenhagen Summit 2009. These regimes are not very successful. They curb emissions per capita by only a certain level and are hardest for those states producing the most for example Canada, USA, China, Europe, Japan etc. It's interesting to note that these countries which are ostensibly very beautiful are disastrous from environmental point of view and those countries that have visible litter and rubbish like Pakistan are actually quite friendly from a global environmental point of view. The former industrial economies have a lot more to lose, since these global warming regimes try to roll back their development process not affecting the younger economies as much.

TNS: Does that mean younger economies like Pakistan are in a better position environmentally?

EA: Younger economies are in a position to take the lead. The lead of conscience that humanity is cutting the branch it is sitting on. All of us are trying to go on the beaten path of development and growth that is leading to the collective problem of environment. For a possibility of a tomorrow, less developed countries should take the lead. But these are militarily very poor. They cannot slap other countries with sanctions. The biggest offenders of environment are the militarily strong and rich countries and the defenders of the environment are the poor and the weak. Problem cannot be solved alone by nation states.

TNS: What can we, as a poor economy, then do to solve this environmental challenge?

EA: We in Pakistan can make sensible relief policies; provide a system of transportation and timely evacuation, but that doesn't 'solve' the problem per se. What the states do should depend on the amount of money they have. First and foremost, the world needs to realise that there is a problem, be clear about what causes it, and then refrain from doing what causes it. This means we must stay off the beaten path but retain some elements of it. We can have hydroelectric power from the days of the previous path, perhaps energy based on nuclear fuel also. This will be a new era, hardly post-modernity. And if this era has to have a future, if modernity has to have a future, it must bring back tradition, otherwise it will die.

TNS: How can tradition be brought back?

EA: Take the example of the United States. The small farm must be rekindled. The big food corporation must give up land to small farmers so they can do environmental friendly farming, cater to local markets and do away with the big cities. Plain logic tells us that the entire New York State cannot live in the New York City. To reverse this curse of hyper urbanism which is the cause of environmental degradation, we have to shift back to the agricultural land. This is Gandhism.

Gandhi preached against modernism, and urged people to go back to the village. He was right. Because of development, there is more relative poverty in India now. Resuscitating communities is the solution to the problem of environment. Some production will have to be through the state, but individual liberties must be curtailed. Nobody should consume, produce and waste according to their freedom. Today's spoilt population must be disciplined. Giving complete liberties to people is the reason for environment degradation. Fixing this would mean that capitalism which legitimises greed, needs to be thrown out of the window. Technology will have to be controlled. Elite, which raise the expectations of the lower class by providing them the 'standard', need to understand that relative poverty must be cherished. This will only happen if centres of power come into exemplary collective action. The top people, corporations, nation states and military, who normally come and bomb Afghanistan and Iraq in the lust of oil to continue living according to the old model, will have to overnight become Mother Teresa and Abdul Sattar Edhi. Qualitative change at the centre of power structure needs to take place. An environmentally harmonious world will have to be a world of communities and not mega cities.

 

 

harmony

No ground for

tolerance

The example of building a mosque near 9/11 site is something we can follow to recreate Pakistan which Muhammad Ali Jinnah dreamt of

By Aiyan Bhutta

In a landmark vote on August 3, 2010, New York City's Landmark Preservation committee voted 9-0 to allow the building of a mosque just two blocks from the site of the 9/11 attacks. The mosque will be inaugurated next year on the 10th anniversary of the attacks in a symbol of religious tolerance. Michael Bloomberg, the Jewish-American mayor of New York City, rightly pointed out that Muslims were also among those murdered on 9/11 and added: "Muslims are as much part of our city and our country as the people of any faith and they are as welcome to worship in Lower Manhattan as any other group."

Bloomberg's speech articulates the pride Americans feel about their country as a land of opportunity where people are able to live and practice their religion freely. Waves of immigrants have arrived and integrated in the US since the first Protestant pilgrims of the 17th century. However, it is also a fact that this integration has not been smooth: America's history is checkered with violence and discrimination against immigrants based on their religious, national and racial backgrounds. In the 19th Century, hundreds of thousands of Catholic Irish Immigrants arrived in America to seek a better life, particularly during the potato famine between 1845 and 1852. Life initially did not prove to be much better in America, as they were discriminated against and condemned to a life of poverty and misery. Over time, as with all other immigrant groups, attitudes slowly evolved and changed towards Catholics as symbolised by the election of John F. Kennedy as the 35th President of the United States in 1961.

Similar discrimination was faced by other immigrants, including Jews, who among other things, were discriminated against in employment, access to residential areas, and quotas in college admissions. It can be argued that modern day religious discrimination in the US is practiced in the form of racial profiling of Muslims at airports along with hateful propaganda against them by the American right wing. However, these arguments are far too simplistic and reveal only what, for us, are convenient truths.

Despite a history of bigotry in America, it has remained the destination of choice for immigrants from all around the world. Millions of immigrants, including Pakistanis, have made their way to the US where an overwhelming majority of them are able to lead dignified lives and practice their religion freely. The US constitution, despite being a document penned primarily by Protestants in 1787, guaranteed all its citizens the right to practice their religion and prohibited discrimination on the basis of faith. No religion was granted the status of the official religion of the land. Thomas Jefferson once said that the US constitution erected a 'wall of separation' between the state and religion whereby the US government has not enacted laws nor subscribed punishments for members of a particular religion based on their identity or beliefs. (America's history of racial discrimination is a significant yet separate matter).

Similar to the United States, Pakistan was founded by a leadership belonging to the majority religion, and it was envisioned as a country where people of all sects and religions would be able to practice their religion freely and enjoy equality before the eyes of the state. In a now frequently quoted speech, Muhammad Ali Jinnah stated before the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan on August 11, 1947 that: "You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other place of worship. We are starting in the days when there is no discrimination, no distinction between one community and another, no discrimination between one caste or creed and another. We are starting with this fundamental principle that we are all citizens and equal citizens of one state."

At the time of its inception, Pakistan was a state with a sizeable non-Muslim population of 15 percent. Non-Muslims were promised equal status as citizens with complete freedom to practice their religions. However, it is evident that Pakistan lost its way soon after the death of Jinnah as a leadership vacuum was created in the country. This allowed the religious parties led by the Jamaat-e-Islami, who had opposed the creation of Pakistan, to embark on an ambitious agenda to Islamise the country's laws and institutions and convert the State into a theocracy.

Under pressure from the religious right, the political leadership led by Prime Minister Liaqat Ali Khan introduced the Objectives Resolution in 1949. The most important clause of the resolution stated that, "Sovereignty belongs to Allah alone but He has delegated it to the state of Pakistan through its people for being exercised within the limits prescribed by Him as a sacred trust". In effect, the resolution declared Islam to be the state religion of Pakistan, thus breaking down the barrier between state and religion. The Objectives Resolution, though seemingly affording a guarantee of freedom of religion to the non-Muslim population, condemned them to a status of inferiority. They were declared minorities on the basis of their religious beliefs. This was a smack in the face of the vision of Quaid-e-Azam who wanted all citizens to be equal before the state regardless of their religion.

This political success emboldened the religious right further which eventually led to the Ahmedi riots of 1953 and the deaths of 2,000 people. Further on, in the Constitution of 1956, Pakistan was officially declared an Islamic Republic and only a Muslim could be President of the country. President Ayub Khan tried to reverse the course and curb the power of the religious right. He declared the name of the state to be 'The Federal Republic of Pakistan', a decision which was eventually reversed as a result of pressure from various political parties and the religious right. Ayub, apparently secular but a megalomaniac like all military dictators, courted the Pirs throughout the country and hence ensured that the religious right received state patronage. It was clear during this time that the religious parties, despite enjoying little electoral support, were extremely organised and had the ability to mobilise a large number of people to further their own cause.

After the war of 1971, Pakistan began to suffer from an identity crisis when it was clear that the two-nation theory had failed with the creation of Bangladesh. The religious parties attributed the breakup of Pakistan to a lack of compliance with Islamic principles as calls for the implementation of Shariah Law grew louder. It was alleged that the East Pakistanis were not Islamic enough. Hence, the door was opened for a more 'authentic' version of Islam. The government, led by the charismatic Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, introduced the 1973 constitution which encroached further upon matters of religion and struck a severe blow to the rights of minorities, particularly the Ahmedis. The 1973 Constitution, which still exists in an amended form today, clearly defined a "Muslim", relegating Ahmedis to the status of apostates and striking a severe blow to the rights of millions of citizens.

State-sponsored discrimination against non-Muslims took a turn for the worst under the dictatorship of General Zia. The Wahhabi school of thought, with its petro-dollar Islam, stood ready to oblige Zia and their collective vision. Blasphemy laws were introduced as part of Zia's Islamisation agenda. These laws still exist and are abused by the state machinery and ordinary citizens to subjugate non-Muslims in the country. Legalised discrimination and violence have become the cornerstones of these laws as thousands of people have died as a result of their abuse. Criminal cases are registered against non-Muslims based on frivolous evidence, which often leads to the death penalty or life imprisonment. In some cases the onus of proof lies with the accused to disprove his guilt in such matters, which gives a huge advantage to anyone wanting to settle scores while manipulating the law.

Since the war of 1971, Sunni militant organisations have been patronised by the state to further its own geopolitical goals. This has enabled these organisations to grow and prosper under the watchful eyes of the state. Since the 1980s, violence has been employed by these organisations to target not only the minority communities but also the Shia community of Pakistan. The existence of blasphemy laws has emboldened these militant organisations in their persecution of minorities as they are aware that the minority groups will have little or no recourse to justice. The lack of freedom and security available to these groups have relegated them all to a status of second-class citizens whereas the identity of a true Pakistani has slowly and gradually receded to that of a Sunni Muslim. People belonging to other sects and religions live under a cloud of fear as their right to liberty and security has been eroded in a systematic manner over the last 61 years.

The irony is that a country we love to hate, the United States, has allowed a mosque to be built right next to the site of the single biggest attack carried out on its soil, an attack carried out by 19 Muslims. At the same time, Pakistan's draconian laws inhibit the construction of places of worship by their minorities for fear of violent reprisals and criminal prosecution. The State even determines the names of the places of worship. To make matters worse, various incidents of violence targeting minorities at their places of worship have taken place over the last few decades including, most recently, the killings of 96 Ahmedis in Lahore.

It can be argued that the United States has had more than 300 years to reach the point where it is today so a comparison between Pakistan and the US is unfair. However, it is apparent that Americans were always very clear on the separation of religion and state in their society even with a largely religious Protestant population and leadership. Despite the fact that there has been religious discrimination in the private sphere, an unfortunate fact of life present in every society, the US Constitution's guarantee of religious freedom and equality of all religions was never tampered with. As a result, religious extremists have not used the ambit of the law to further their own agendas and create a state based on their own religious ideologies.

Moreover, judges and legislators have used these constitutional guarantees over time to create a society where millions of people belonging to various religions and sects are able to worship freely without fear of persecution. This has also helped shape social attitudes in the US, where a vast majority of the population supports religious freedom for all its citizens including Muslims.

In contrast, despite the Pakistani constitution guaranteeing freedom of religion for all its citizens, the laws of the country have contradicted this fundamental right. As Muslims, we all agree that Islam provides us with a code of life. However, should the state be in a position to define and shape that code? Should the state have the right to decide whether you are a pure enough Muslim or not? Should the state be in a position to define a Muslim and what does and does not qualify as blasphemy? Also, did Jinnah envision a state where a non-Muslim cannot aspire to the highest offices in the land?

Considering where we stand as a society today, maybe it is time to reconsider the extent of the role the state should have in matters of religion. The rapid breeding of Pakistan's climate of religious intolerance is owed, in no small degree, to legislation enacted by our lawmakers. Legalisation of discrimination and turning away from acts of violence against minorities has contributed to a worsening of social attitudes against minorities. If Pakistan is to become a more tolerant and open society, sane voices need to be raised as soon as possible to do away with laws that have caused a constant degeneration in the lives of minorities in our country. We need to strive to recreate the Pakistan which Muhammad Ali Jinnah dreamt of. He too was a minority in British India. We don't need to emulate the West in every manner of our lives but the building of this mosque is something we can all learn a lesson from.

The writer is a Barrister practicing Criminal Law in Lahore. He can be reached at aiyan.bhutta@gmail.com

 

 

 

Uncomplicated analysis

Simply blaming Zardari for all that is evil will only help prolong the paralysis

By Ammar Ali Jan

One of the biggest hindrances for positive structural change in Pakistan has been the unnecessary focus on individuals rather on policies and ideological positions. This phenomena, often referred to as "personality politics", is pervasive in much of the Third World where individuals become the focal point for condemnation during a time of crisis.

We have witnessed a crude version of a personality-centric analysis in the aftermath of the worst floods in the country's history when the focus of the "expert" discussions have often revolved around the dismal performance by President Asif Ali Zardari during this national tragedy.

There is no doubt that the activities of President Zardari during this crisis make little sense to anyone except probably his closest advisors who seem to have managed to convince him that public sentiment is not to be taken too seriously. A cancellation of the European trip, or at least a less extravagant display of his wealth, would probably have prevented such a furore on his alleged arrogance. But this is not the first time he has botched an opportunity to appear as a statesman.

While one must accept the validity of this narrative, what are often missing are policy and structural issues that reproduce this status quo. For example, there has been very little debate on why natural disasters affect Third World countries that way they do. In the case of the earthquake in Haiti, the catastrophe was linked to years of wasteful spending by the Haitian government and the lack of priority given to better housing facilities. This debate further extended to the role of Western colonialism and recently, US interference that created a permanent cycle of poverty and dependence for the Haitian state.

In Pakistan, however, the analysis is so uncomplicated that it seems like President Zardari was even responsible for these floods.

One of the reasons why we are constantly stuck in the paralysis of this degenerative system is the inability of our intellectuals, journalists and civil society activists to propose an alternative vision to the existing state of affairs. This lack of intellectual rigour is then reflected in mass movements that often end up spending too much focus on personalities rather than on challenging the structures of power.

For over three decades, all the mass movements witnessed in Pakistan have revolved around individuals. The most classic example is of the Pakistan National Alliance's (PNA) movement against Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. Pakistani politics was clearly divided into two camps: pro-Bhutto and anti-Bhutto. The PNA was a bizarre alliance that included right-wing Mullahs, communists from the National Awami Party (NAP) and liberals such as Asghar Khan. The only issue that united them was their hatred for Bhutto, and since there was little emphasis on a positive alternative, they only managed to pave way for the military takeover by General Zia. And we know how well that turned out to be!

The movement against General Zia, though extremely inspirational for the sacrifices given by pro-democracy activists (mostly belonging to the PPP), it nonetheless failed to discuss such of the most ugly policies formulated by the Zia regime such as attempts at "Islamisizing" the law or curtailing womens' rights.

Removing Zia was in itself the main goal while other issues could wait. The result was that when Benazir Bhutto became the prime minister in 1988, she was unable to move against the discriminatory laws she inherited from the previous government, nor could she move against the neo-liberal onslaught that was unleashed by the Zia regime with the privatisation of major state corporations and a complete halt to land reforms. She even had to accept the draconian powers acquired by the intelligence apparatus and had to play a junior partner with the establishment when it came to crucial foreign policy issues.

The most recent example of our inability to articulate a progressive agenda in the course of a social upheaval came during the Lawyers' Movement. Again, the focus of the Movement and the media was entirely on General Pervez Musharraf while ignoring the powerful structures that allowed him to stay in power. For example, there was little critique of the role of the military as an institution in the politics and economy of Pakistan. There were exceptions in this regard, such as Dr Ayesha Siddiqui, who demonstrated the huge influence of the Armed forces in the country's economy which she argued was one of the biggest threats to the sustainability of democracy in Pakistan. Unfortunately, her point of view remain marginalised as the leadership of the movement remained interested only in removing General Musharraf.

Similarly, there was less emphasis on the unlimited powers enjoyed by the intelligence apparatus in the country, or on the ethnic question that had placed in doubt the sustainability of the Pakistani project. More disturbingly, the movement was even unable to propose a reform of the decadent judicial system in the country, focusing instead solely on the restoration of the Chief Justice as the cure for all our ills.

The result of course was that most of the policies of the Musharraf era remain intact today with no attempt to bring the powerful intelligence apparatus under civilian control, to introduce accountability of the armed forces, to bring back the agenda of land reforms or other such pro-people policy initiatives or to consider revising the country's foreign policy.

Instead, we are now back to square one, focusing all our anger on President Zardari, trying to convince ourselves that only if he wasn't at the helm of affairs, our fate would have been different.

This is precisely the danger with the Zardari-bashing that is slowly becoming the favourite pastime of our chattering classes. It gives him too much credit for things that he has very little control over. As I said earlier, it is too uncomplicated an analysis of an extremely complex state and society that has many layers and contradictions and to simply focus on one man as the concrete representation of all such processes is a flawed approach to begin with.

It is important that we start asking tougher questions than what President did or did not do in France. How can we actually improve our disaster management facilities? Is there a serious case to be made for the non-payment of debts? Do we need to question our military expenditure when we know that we are completely incapable of helping our own countrymen in times of a natural calamity? And perhaps most importantly, if we assume that the current political class has failed to meet our expectations, what would a viable alternative look like? It might help us to re-examine the Bhutto-led movement against the Ayub regime that was not only targeting Ayub Khan, but was also attempting to answer such difficult questions.

The need of the hour is refocus our attention on policy issues and structural problems that our country faces and generate public opinion on possible solutions if we are serious about constructing an alternative politics. Simply blaming Zardari for all that is evil will only help prolong the paralysis, since no Bolshevik is currently in a position to storm the palace to replace him.

If we continue to substitute individuals for structural change, we will continue to curse successive governments, while getting frustrated on why no one is listening.


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