The writer is a well-known journalist and freelance columnist

mbnaqvi@cyber.net.pk

The fifty-fifth anniversary of Pakistan becoming independent is an occasion for both joy and stocktaking. The state of the nation, its economy and its place in the emerging world order needs to be assessed in the perspective of past events -- so that the problems confronting the people should be correctly identified. In view of so many negative developments we have met, we as a people need to also reassess our priorities and purposes that should inform our approach to the current array of problems, though one does not propose to go that far here.

To state the obvious, the highest purpose and priority is of course freedom, dignity and welfare of the 140 million Pakistani men, women and children, for which independence from foreign rulers was desired. How have we fared in this respect? There are more failures than successes on this score. Preservation and respect for the democratic rights of common Pakistanis, including concern for their dignity and welfare, demanded a genuinely democratic dispensation that required a democratic constitution and the wholly undiluted rule of law -- making governments subordinated to law and constitution and freely expressed will of the people.

How did we govern ourselves? Barring the first half a dozen years or so, we have had governments subordinated to the will of powerful bureaucrats supported by key generals who later became maestro of all. The latter made and unmade governments as they found expedient, while the popular will was never consulted about which kind of government they would wish to live under. This went on for 23 long years during which the Army, at one stage, openly took over the running of the state -- actually from a civilian autocrat who spread the canard that the people are not fit to rule themselves and that they need the guidance of dictators. The results did not take long in coming. Ayub Khan brought the East Pakistan Crisis to the boil and Yahya Khan's takeover, his clever by half games and his rejection of the 1970 election results culminated in the soul searing tragedy of a civil war, military defeat and dismemberment of the Pakistan that became independent in 1947.

After an interlude of less than six years the Army again overthrew a nominally democratic government, hanging its Prime Minister who certainly had become controversial by his authoritarian ways and needless manipulations. General Ziaul Haq ruled with an iron hand for almost a decade, though in his initial years he had allowed free expression of many views -- just as Yahya Khan's first two years were marked by free expression. The legacies of Zia -- Kalashnikov and heroin cultures, divisive tendencies of all kinds, an abiding entanglement in Afghanistan and a sham democracy behind which loomed the figure of COAS of the day. The latter manipulated governments just as Col Iskandar Mirza had done in 1950s. Who can deny that all dismissals of "elected" Prime Ministers since 1986 took place when the COAS, US envoy and IMF bosses became united in the view that 'enough was enough'.

No Pakistan Prime Minister went out of office on completing his term of office; all repeat all were overthrown or killed. All dictators were similarly overthrown by other military officers -- so far. Zia's departure raised questions. All Presidents, except Chaudhry Fazle Elahi, were forced to resign except the Quaid and Kh Nazimuddin. This nation has made a spectacle of itself. It supposedly could not make a constitution for seven long years. Then it quickly made one in less than a year. But it was abrogated by the man who had signed it into being. Then we had a one general's constitution that was abrogated by another general. Later we had a supposedly Permanent Constitution (1973) that lasted, eclipsed by the State of Emergency, for less than four year. After which it has spent 11 years in a state of debatable existence while for 13 years it was acted upon in a prostituted form, imposed by General Zia.

People of Pakistan have lived with enforceable fundamental rights only since 1986 to 1998. Even now there is the State of Emergency in force; thus only a few of our rights are being factually enjoyed. How far the other rights are enforceable against the military strongman's wishes is a subject to be debated by constitutional lawyers.

Our society remains dominated by feudal values and the conduct of our rulers strongly reeks of feudal mentality of treating the 'lower orders' as dust. Disparities of incomes in Pakistan are as great as anywhere that is famous for it. Social disabilities of the poor and those at the bottom rung of social heap are legion. Bonded labour, child workers, beggary and economic slavery, often with physical confinement, are not rare, certainly in Sindh and parts of Baluchistan. Human rights and human dignity mostly to be aspired for the majority of Pakistanis, all talk of Islamic equality and brotherhood notwithstanding. The mere fact that one is able to talk about it is a circumstance to be thankful to General Pervez Musharraf who can by simple edict reimpose all the prohibitions for which Ayub Khan was known.

Doubtless some economic progress has been recorded over this half century, though its benefits have not percolated down -- to the grassroots. Per capita consumption of foodgrains, cloth and other simple consumer goods is not more than what it was in 1947 -- may be it is less than that. Quite a few things are being made in Pakistan's over 10 thousand factories, the vast majority of them being fairly small scale. Except for a dozen or so producer goods facilities, most are consumer (light) goods industries. Other signs of progress are confined to major cities' posh bungalows and five star hotels where, on the whole, consumption by about 10-12 million approaches international middle class standards. For the rest of the 130 million, there is poverty, ill health, illiteracy, overpopulation and other marks of social backwardness, especially growing unemployment. No wonder the number of suicides are growing.

And the cost of this progress has been prohibitive. One gives top position to growing disparities in incomes, growing poverty and unemployment and backwardness while totting up the costs. Pakistan has developed with the help of foreign aid. Thus 46 percent of its GDP represents its obligations to foreign creditors. All Pakistanis will have to pay $7 to 9 billion every year to stay solvent from now on so that we may be able to borrow more while the benefits of these loans are confined to that 10-12 million affluent Pakistanis. Pakistan economy today is actually bankrupt; it must go on borrowing with the help of IMF and the US. These two have kept us on a drip -- so that the economy remains technically solvent but does not become healthy enough to go its own way. We have thus to hear taunts of being a failed state.

Insofar as Pakistan's place in the world is concerned, for most of our existence we used to be dubbed stooges of America. Since 1990s, the US has left us to stew in our own juice -- or shine in the glow of being a nuclear power and an impecunious imperial power enjoying a sway over chaotic Afghanistan and encouraging an Islamic Jihad in Kashmir that might yield it the Vale of Kashmir. We are, despite the economic straits, just one or two escalations away form war with India because of Kashmir Jihad which might quickly become a nuclear exchange. If so, the whole of Pakistan can go back to the stone age.

The fact of the matter is that because of our support to Taliban and encouragement of Jihad in Kashmir, we have become isolated in the comity of nations, aggravated by a new general's yet another takeover. The highest level visit from the West was the US Assistant Secretary of State after President Bill Clinton made sure not to shake hands with Pakistan's CE in front of a camera and accepted no hospitality except to speak to Pakistan's people over the heads of the government. We should remember his treatment on March 25 last year. That epitomised our status in the world, whatever the current warmth by US and WB might signify.

And yet one thinks we deserve better. But we have not figured out how can we change our situation.