Unfortunately, such paradigm shifts never occur without a reaction. A mysterious fire breaks out at a secretariat building in Islamabad, housing among others, the Ministry of Interior. One newspaper reports that the entire record of radical elements in Pakistan has been burnt. Then, terrorists strike security personal at the Lahore Airport, injuring five. This catches everyone by surprise (why?) and they get away without a response. These are the first shots in the battle to transform this country into a modern, liberal, Islamic state. They will not be the last. This engagement has only just begun.

Meanwhile, the war clouds though less threatening are still over the horizon. The Indians seem to have convinced themselves that unless they keep up the pressure, nothing will really move in Pakistan. This is a misreading of the situation. Yes, the threat of war did speed things up but many of the steps announced by President Musharraf were already in the works. There has been, for sometime, a groundswell in Pakistan against the emerging power and influence of the Jihadi elements. The pressure on the government to do something about it had been growing and it was getting ready to respond. The only consideration was the appropriate timing for such a move. The crisis generated by India's sabre rattling provided the right moment.

The Indians need to understand this. It may come as a surprise to them but the action against radical elements in Pakistan is the one issue on which there was a convergence of informed opinion in both countries. This does not mean that the people here have given up any interest in a just solution to the Kashmir dispute. They have not and I have little doubt that Pakistan will continue to provide moral, diplomatic and political support to the freedom struggle in Kashmir. What has changed is that Pakistan will not allow its territory to be used for the armed struggle.

While the Indians may consider this a success of their war mongering, most people in Pakistan consider this policy change in their national interest. The essential point is that these are not reluctant steps taken under pressure and ready to be scuttled if the pressure goes down. They are also not just a pandering to Western public opinion. They have emerged out of a debate in our polity and are seen to be necessary if Pakistan is to emerge as a prosperous modern state. The Indians have actually done us a favour by creating the right environment and prodding the recalcitrant. If we are the enemy in Indian minds, then their actions are going to strengthen this enemy and make it an economically viable and socially stable state.

The difficulty for General Musharraf was how to package these amazingly bold decisions without appearing to cave in to the Indians. He did it by focusing on domestic repercussions of sectarian terrorism, appeared to stand up to India on the issue of extradition and somewhere in between made the concessions that India was looking for. The domestic part took the longest time, warnings to India were bold and direct, and the fundamental policy change on the Kashmir Jihad was barely mentioned. He cleverly negotiated the minefield of expectations associated with this speech and yet emerged as a strong Pakistani nationalist. This was a masterly performance. The General will probably hate this comparison but he reminded me of the best of Mr Bhutto. In my book this is high praise indeed.

Beyond the packaging and the performance, there was enough meat in it to surprise domestic and foreign observers alike. Some of us never thought that he would go so far as to make mandatory registration a requirement for mosques and madrassas, forbid new construction of these without permission, and make far reaching changes in the syllabi of religious education. He did all of this and more. In one bold move he brought within state regulation a sector that had proliferated without any check or hindrance. He went further by banning more radical parties than expected and gave teeth to the deweaponisation campaign by invoking jurisdiction of anti terrorist courts.

In Pakistani political context these are not ordinary policy changes. This is also not just a U-turn as some people pejoratively dismiss it. Yes, there have been policy turnarounds on Afghanistan and on the armed struggle in Kashmir but this was in our national interest and should have been done. There is no merit in being proudly inflexible and cause harm to the nation. But, this speech was much more than that. It was the exercise of a fundamental choice regarding the direction of our country. It was the unfolding of a brighter vision for our future. It was a decision to take the high road to a destination of better Pakistan.

The vision itself is not new. Politicians have been articulating it for some time. The difference is that the Army has the power to sustain a paradigm shift that a political party cannot. Ziaul Haq did it to our great misfortune in the late '70s and plunged the country on a path of destruction. It is only poetic justice that another army General is now doing it to secure the future of our children. It would have been nice if a politician, with the help of the people, had been engaged in it. But, we are stuck in a particular historical epoch where only the Army has the strength to make fundamental shifts in our country. This being the reality we should not grudge giving credit to General Musharraf for taking this bold leap forward.

The announcement by General Naqvi regarding the reintroduction of joint electorates is also a major event. Ever since Zia emasculated the 1973 constitution by introducing separate electorates, we have condemned the minorities to a second-class status. Attempts were made to undo this but the issue got embroiled in power politics. The minorities were considered to be natural supporters of the Pakistan Peoples Party. This was of course an anathema for the Muslim League, of whatever hue, and the religious parties.

Led by the Muslim Leagues, many a political charlatan tried to take refuge in Quaid-i-Azam's pronouncements on separate electorates. They were not willing to listen that the Quaid's stand was in the context of a United India where Muslims were in a minority. Now that Muslims are in an overwhelming majority in the state of Pakistan, the case for a separate electorate has no relevance to them. The minorities actually felt discriminated against since 1985 because of the separate electorates. A great historical injustice has been undone with this decision. All credit to General Musharraf and his team.

It is seldom that Pakistan in the recent past has been considered a model for anything by the Western or the Islamic world. General Musharraf's bold moves against extremism are now being seen by many as the template to be followed by other Muslim countries. He has emerged firmly in global consciousness as a leader of exceptional merit. India should take note of this. If it still persists in imposing a war on Pakistan, it would have little sympathy or little justification in the eyes of the world. Time has come to make peace, an enduring peace in the subcontinent. The ball is firmly in India's court.