On national cohesion
April 13, 2001
In the backdrop of a wave of protest in Sindh against water shortages, comes the Supreme Court decision on Benazir and Asif's appeal. The link between these two separate happenings may not be obvious but its impact on inter-provincial relations may be critical. Combined with a resolution of sorts to the immediate water problem, this decision will help in lowering the temperature in rural Sindh.
The discomfort level in Sindh has been on the rise for sometime. Lack of democracy means lack of representation for everyone but for a rural Sindhi its effect is more immediate. With few of their kin in the army, their ability to influence decision making becomes virtually non existent. This is particularly true in day to day dealings with the bureaucracy. Where the Punjabi elite can use army connections to its advantage, the rural Sindhi has no such privilege. They end up feeling cut off, almost alienated.
To this unhappiness has been added the ravages of draught. Water shortage is a reality and everyone has to share the pain. However, some Sindhi nationalist leaders have decided to take advantage of this to build up their non existent popularity. Rasul Bakhsh Paleejo and others like him have never amounted to much in Sindh politics. The PPP road roller has ground them into the dust of rural Sindh, again and again. Now they are on a campaign to resurrect themselves and on the water issue they think they are on to a good thing.
The recent decision to give more water to Sindh will steal some of their thunder. Yet, the false perception they have been able to create, that Punjab is stealing water from Sindh, will not be easily neutralised. It would take careful handling of the water issue and acute political insight to effect a turn around.
The government may understand the dynamics of the water issue but I am not so sure it can make deft political moves. It has already taken some decisions that have added to the emotional distance in Sindh. Allowing Nawaz Sharif to go into a luxurious exile has been justified on many grounds and some of them may be true. Yet it has been seen very differently in Sindh. The people remember the treatment meted out to their leaders in the past and feel that different standards are applied by the establishment to Punjabi politicians.
Clearly, Mr Bhutto's hanging has forever seared the psyche of the people in Sindh, but that is not the end of the story. The judicial system on the whole is seen as hostile and prone to double standards. Twice when Benazir Bhutto's government was dismissed, the action was upheld by the Supreme Court. On the other hand, the one dismissal of Nawaz government was reversed by the same court. This by itself may not be earth shattering but for a people suspicious of the happenings in Islamabad it may be a great deal.
Suspicion of Islamabad has not been eased by the great devolution plan presented by the NRB. The concept of a strong city government, virtually independent of the province, may have conceptual merit. It also may create only minor problems in Punjab, NWFP and Balochistan. But in rural Sindh it is a strongly emotive issue. In essence it is seen as an attempt to blunt the political power enjoyed by native Sindhis.
Even the accountability drive adds to these misgivings. Asif Zardari is not the only person accused of wrong doing in the country and Benazir not the only leader accused of corruption. Yet Asif has now spent over four and a half years in jail and Benazir is threatened with incarceration if she returns. This, when a number of retired generals and their progeny, accused of even greater deeds of plunder, go about untouched. The Sharif family, if they are to be equated with the Bhutto's, are out and none among them has paid a similar price for accusations of corruption.
This brings me to a touchy subject. I have been no fan of Asif Zardari. In fact throughout my stay in the PPP, our relationship was a difficult one. However the man has now spent almost four and a half years in jail. Had he been convicted, he probably would have been out now given remissions and all that. Isn't it time that he should be bailed out? The bail amount can be heavy but he should be treated no differently than others have been.
It is in the context of an atmosphere of suspicion and mistrust in Sindh that the Supreme Court decision must be seen. It does not matter to the common man that this is not an acquittal but a remand. What matters to them is that Benazir and her husband are seen to have had a fair deal from the highest court in the land. Since the expectations in this regard have always been low, it is a step forward.
Some people may argue that equating Sindhi sentiments with the fortunes of Benazir is a bit presumptuous. After her last performance in office, they will say, her popularity must surely have gone down. This objection may have seemed valid before the current round of local body elections in Sindh. It no longer is. The PPP has swept the polls in all the rural districts. This surely anoints Benazir as the unquestioned leader of rural Sindh at least.
If the people at the top are not entirely myopic they would realise that everyone is a winner as a result of this decision. The Supreme Court looks good with its independence established. The government looks good because it is not seen to be heavy handed and bearing down on the courts. The system itself looks good because it belies the international opinion that this is a classic military dictatorship. Above all, the sentiments of the people in Sindh are mollified who had begun to loose faith in the institutions of the state.
The biggest winner is, of course, Benazir and her husband. She now has every reason to claim that the previous decision against her had been arranged. This was always her line and the emergence of the famous tapes had given credence to her accusations. Now, the apex court decision has put a seal of approval on these charges. This is not what the court would probably say in the detailed judgement. But that does not matter. This round has been won by Benazir.
It is the political impact of this judgement that helps Benazir the most. Most importantly, she can now solidify her own constituency. Many among her supporters had become disillusioned. In the 1997 election the PPP voter stayed away from the polls en masse. This was the main reason why PML(N) won so big. This is likely to change. In fact it has already begun to change. PPP has done very well in the Punjab local body elections. Surprisingly, it even beat the famous Chaudries of Gujrat in their home constituency.
The prospect of a national political party having support in all the provinces of the country is a good omen for the future of the country. Instead of scaring people in the establishment it should give them reason for optimism. As we know, one reason why Pakistan split up in 1971 was the absence of a national party which could act as a unifying force. If the PPP or PML(N) or any other party can fulfil this role it can only be good for the country.
The author is former Senator, former federal and provincial minister