Pakistani society suffers immensely as a result of sectarianism and India-bashing. The blame has squarely been laid at indoctrination by the state, with successive governments doing nothing to break the status quo. The present government appears to be aiming at some change there. They've begun by reforming the school curricula.

"The changes have appeared in the form of new draft curricula, and a draft education policy. From the first look, it appears that the curricula no longer urge and insist in defining a particular enemy and making a hateful caricature of this enemy, as the preceding curricula used to do abundantly," says Dr A.H. Nayyar, a leading educationist associated with the Sustainable Development Policy Institute(SDPI), an independent think-tank based in Islamabad.

"They also now want textbooks to be truthful about Pakistan's history. Unlike the preceding curricula, they do not insist that religious studies become a substantial part of the textbooks of Urdu, English, social studies, civics, etc. These are all positive developments and must be welcomed," he says.

But Dr Nayyar, who has also been associated with the Quaid-e-Azam University previously, refers to some discrepancies in the draft curricula that could make the endeavour to bring about a change in mindset an exercise in futility.

"There are some negative inclusions. For example, the minister has announced that subjects like mathematics and science will be taught in English from class I. It is beyond me how this can be enforced because a vast majority of the 150,000 or so teachers in the public school system are simply incapable of teaching in English," he points out.

Asked what role hate literature has played in brutalising an otherwise peaceful Pakistani society, he says what it did psychologically was to lift the barrier to hate. "The hate material in textbooks was directed against a particular 'other', but once the barrier was crossed, anyone could be hated. Now the 'other' could be defined on the basis of religion, sect, language, ethnicity, etc. These 'others' were so closely compared to the ones aimed at in the texts that the hate could also easily accompany a violent action against the imagined enemies. Pakistani society thus faced violent internal feuds and fissures."

The hate literature taught so zealously in our schools especially after General Zia ul Haq usurped power in 1977 has destroyed the very social fabric of Pakistan society. And has contributed to many present day challenges including Talibanisation.

"I can hardly imagine anyone being a beneficiary of hate literature in the long run. It actually amounts to a net loss. Even those who may have liked to see wars, war fighting machines, religious identity, etc., sanctified politically, know now that they have also lost, in the sense that they gain nothing when they have nothing to fight for. A deeply fissured and violent society which is also bereft of any positive creative values is useless -- even for the maddest of zealots," says Dr Nayyar.

He believes that it's time to define Pakistani identity on the basis of rationalism.

Sectarian strife, he says, has increased in Pakistan as a consequence of trying to define Pakistani identity in religious terms. 'The Subtle Subversion: The State of Curricula and Textbooks in Pakistan,' a research publication of SDPI compiled by A.H. Nayyar and Ahmed Salim a couple of years ago states that madrasahs in Pakistan have recently been a focus of world attention for creating this kind of exclusionary and sectarian worldview. But the educational material in the government run schools does more harm than madrasahs. "The textbooks tell lies, create hate, incite for jihad and shahadat, and much more," it states.

Responding to a question about the link between hate literature in text books and sectarian strife, Dr S.K. Hasanain, a leading educationist and a professor at the department of Physics Quaid-e-Azam University Islamabad, tells The News on Sunday: "I think the connection between the two is indirect and more complex than a straightforward direction to be intolerant. The textbooks create a certain mental attitude and mental outlook, or reinforce certain stereotypes, and certain fears. This leads to the development of a mind which firstly thinks in terms of absolutes -- pictures of absolute good and caricatures of absolute evils. It then goes on to develop a mind that cannot understand differences between people, cultures and religions as natural and historical but often as conspiracies of one against the other."

The books, he says, further present local history as a clash between religions. Thus one finds that many of the history books target Hindus rather than the English colonialists in the relevant period. "This intolerant mindset is then fertile ground for breeding all kinds of hatred. It no longer remains Muslims vs. Hindu but can easily become Sunni vs. Shia; Muslim vs. Christians etc. There is an implicit sometimes very clear message: Muslims are the chosen people and Islam the right way. Hence, in every conflict we must have been in the right and others wrong. You will find that class perspective, economic factors, political demands based on universal human rights and concepts, find no place in our books."

If our books were the only window to the world, he says, the Renaissance never occurred, the Reformation never took place, the French and Russian revolutions, the colonial era, etc., are insignificant events all overshadowed by the eternal fight between Islam and its enemies. "It is this mindset that is then exploited by those who seek recruits to their violent agendas," says Hasanain.

Asked how the hate psyche can be altered, Prof. Hasanain who is also a scientist says: "I have found that even at the university level students carry this baggage of hatred and bigotry to a very large extent. Increasing contacts between Indians and Pakistanis is one way of overcoming the hate psyche because this is what we have found from our experience. It took very little time for the layers of propaganda to melt and the students became very friendly and even close. They meet the 'enemy' and often find that they are looking into a mirror."

"Within our own society, the methods are more demanding. One, a de-emphasis on religion as the sole basis of identity; to ensure that political groups are not allowed to organise on the basis of hatred against one or the other sect; to allow discussion of different religions or even sectarian differences in the class rooms, as a part of history and culture," he says.

Asked about the role of print and electronic media in tackling with this Prof. Hasanain remarks: "My feeling is that the media, mainly the electronic one, is busy conjuring images and fantasies that are completely at variance with people's lived reality. There are several types of reactions to this; some that you may regard as the reaction of tradition to modernity, some you may see as the reaction of the dispossessed and disempowered to scenes of openness, empowerment and a liberal ethos in general. There is a strong movement towards religiosity and rituals in the younger generation, who are both turned off and fascinated, in turn, by the rampant consumerism that the media propagate. They find refuge in tradition and religion, in a very fundamental form."

He finds this class of the youth harbouring very absolutist, obscurantist views that can go in different unhealthy directions. "The same is probably true of other sections of society, but I withhold my verdict for lack of data."

It strikes me that I haven't written about poetry for a long time. It also strikes me that I haven't talked to anyone about it for a long time too, or heard anyone else talk about it. Until day before when a group of us were together and talk turned round to... how come no one talks about poetry any more!

At least partly it is understandable. Munir Niazi and Ahmed Nadeem Qasmi have left us in quick succession, and that leaves Amjad Islam Amjad almost alone holding the baby. And with so few known names left the institution of the Mushaira has become rare. And the fact is that although we have written and published poetry for upwards of a thousand years, we have thought of it mainly as a vehicle for recitation. Reading poetry may have been common, but the real point was listening to it being read by the poet himself; or remembering it and trotting it out at the appropriate moment.

It is a matter of some concern because it is unquestioned that we have always laid a great store by poetry. Not only have we lionized poets for centuries, but even the most sceptical will agree that one major factor in the creation of this nation was the poetry of Iqbal. Poets, and poetry have been movers and shakers in hundreds of episodes in our lore from Rudaki who turned his king back from his endless quest of conquest, to, 'Warna bakhsham mulk-e-tu ba deegeray'!

That is, of course, the upper end of the spectrum, and poetry permeates all the way to the bottom. There is that unique art form which is our film music. It has been the vehicle for hundreds, maybe thousands of poets to find their audience, including some of the best; and then at the hands of the lesser ones it has served to wreck the public taste in poetry to the level of Pankhaj Udhas. There is also a gentleman somewhere in the deserts of Karachi or someplace who writes most of the couplets that adorn the 'backsides' of rickshaws and trucks all over the country.

The point is that in one form or another we have always been involved with poetry, which means if there are indications that we are no longer concerned and have taken to pop music and fashion instead, it is a matter of some concern. Also if there are any indications, however slight, that our involvement is intact, it is a matter of rejoicing. Which finally brings me to what I want to tell you about.

* There was a Mushaira held recently in a kids school in Lahore , where the kids recited their own verse, and reports are it was a great success with the audience held captive for hours.

* A press in Karachi has issued a new calendar for 2007, and each of the 365 pages carries the day and date, and a small space for notes, and most of it is taken up by a Nazm or a Ghazal by one of the old masters, or by a lesser known contemporary versifier favoured by the editor.

The first reaction was a silent, but heartfelt prayer for whoever thought that one up. The second reaction was where the heck is he going to find three hundred fifty poets worth putting on a calendar. He got out of that one neatly. There are about a dozen Ghazals of Ghalib and I presume he has dug deep into others. And I predict once the calendar gets round, it will provide endless fighting over the selection; and it doesn't matter because the thing is that poetry is alive, and there are editors sitting at their desks keeping it alive.

* Without being aware of it, I found three different new editions of Ghalib, and one of Faiz, all in a neat little pocket size of four inches by five. Apart from the cuteness factor, they are a wonderful job. The calligraphy and printing is first rate, the size is convenient and eminently readable and one can see how a wait in a dentist's clinic would not have to be wasted reading ancient magazines.

Stop Press: Since we are on the subject, when we first persuaded Faiz to write in Punjabi, one piece he wrote was, 'Meri Doli Shoh Darya'. Some time back we got Arshad Mahmood to set it to music and Nayyara Noor to sing it. It was a wonderful piece, but somehow the recording got lost. Now, inspired by a visit to Mukhtar Mai, he has found and re-mixed it. Find it and listen to it, I guarantee a treat!

"Opposition to the proposed Kalabagh Dam has always been strong and nobody can dare support it in future," says Suleman Abro, CEO Sindh Agricultural and Forestry Workers Coordinating Organisation (SAFWCO). There are valid reasons, he says, for this opposition in Sindh. "Because the livelihood of common people has been severely affected due to water shortage in the province which heavily depends on agriculture, still the backbone of rural economy."

As opposed to Sindh, there is a strong support for Kalabagh Dam in Punjab. President Musharraf has been supporting the construction of the dam which he considers vital for water and energy requirements of the country. Despite the failure of his various campaigns, Musharraf is still pursuing the project.

The latest promise he made was during a public meeting in Okara last week where he assured the people that the dam would be built at any cost. Obviously, he could not have made such a declaration at any other place but Punjab where there is support for the project.

Many view his comments as part of an election campaign because this is going to be an election year; many consider that by insisting on building Kalabagh Dam, the president is actually trying to muster support in Punjab.

"He wanted to exploit the support for dam in Punjab," says Kamran Khushk, a Karachi-based lawyer. "But whether or not he would succeed in materialising the project is a question that remains to be answered."

In Sindh and other smaller provinces people think that going ahead with the dam by using force could prove dangerous for the territorial integrity of the country, as there are extreme views particularly in Sindh and NWFP. "Sindh will never allow building of the dam," says Rasool Bakhsh Palejo, veteran politician and head of Awami Tahreek. "It's a matter of life and death; it can only be built on the dead bodies of Sindhis."

He says those rulers who insist on the construction of a dam which has been rejected by the people and their representatives through assemblies are actually anti-Pakistan. "They should be made accountable for this act of damaging the country."

And it's not only Sindhis who see themselves in an obviously disadvantaged position after the construction of the dam. Other ethnic groups in the province like MQM also cannot afford to support the dam due to very strong opposition sentiments. Settlers in Sindh are also against the dam and one of the strong opponent of the dam who is also a member of anti-Kalabagh Dam Committee is a settler Punjabi.

What makes people more scary of the dam is their experience of the past. Majority of people in Sindh believe that the dam will result in further decreasing their share of water ultimately costing them their agro-based incomes, which are already on the decline.

Technicalities apart, there is a trust deficit between the provinces whereby people are simply unwilling to listen to any argument in favour of the dam. They do not believe in the guarantees offered by one province saying they have been "cheated before".

People and governments may be politically motivated but there is a substantial number of water experts in Sindh who reject the Kalabagh Dam on technical grounds. A majority of their arguments are not very easy to ignore. They say Sindh has been worst victim of water shortage due to what they call big brother's rude behaviour in water sharing. "Sindh is being continuously deprived of its due share in water," says Idrees Rajput, a one time bureaucrat and now a water expert. "There has not even been an implementation of the water accord 1991 reached with consensus."

He says at many forums Sindh's point of view has been acknowledged and accepted, yet he doesn't understand why the federal government is insisting on building of a dam which is not only a politically fractious issue but is also technically flawed.

Qazi Abdul Majeed, a former senator, has huge documents to prove how the dam will harm Sindh and also challenge the feasibility of the dam for a country like Pakistan. "There is no water available for the dam as claimed by the government," he says while showing the data of water availability for the last so many years.

Common people may not have documents to prove how the dam can damage Sindh like Qazi, they are angry because they consider the reservoir dangerous for them. "It's not a dam but a snake which will eat us up," says Ali Dahri, a farmer from Matyari. "We are already dying and now they want to deprive us of whatever little water we are getting."

"When middle districts of Sindh like his are facing shortage of water, what would happen to lower districts like Thatta and Badin after dam is built? People would die of hunger," says Dahri.

Another farmer accompanying him says situation in agriculture is so bad that he has not been able to save a single penny from the last two crops. "There was no saving; it's like I worked for nothing." He attributes it largely to water shortage but also refers to other issues like cost of fertilizers and other input costs.

In the prevalence of such fury against the dam at public level and among technical experts, nationalist parties are not far behind in their opposition of the dam. Anti-Kalabagh Dam slogans and banners are a permanent feature of their demonstrations and many parties and leaders now survive politically by issuing statements against the dam.

Ironically, this severe opposition has resulted in a situation where people are not willing to participate in a healthy debate on water issues. Water has become such a touchy issue in Sindh that people think that any dam upstream would result in death for them. Nothing less.

Obviously, no political party can take a risk of supporting the dam in a situation where an overwhelming majority of population is against the dam. Since no political party has openly supported the dam so nobody knows what would happen to those who support the dam. But the general impression is that supporters would face a tough time politically.

"People are so angry that they don't like those who support the dam," says Nooruddin Jamali, a political activist. "It's not that people will come and kill you if you support the dam. But they will hate you."

Jamali has a long list of grievances on behalf of the people of Sindh which include: not keeping the promise in water related commitments, NFC award and share in other resources. All of these, he thinks, contribute to strong opposition of the dam.

Activists like him say there are strong opponents of the dam who can go to any extent if the government decides to go ahead with the construction.

It seems that in the prevalence of such sentiments, any forced solution would be dangerous for the integrity of the country.

According to various studies, Pakistan is going to face a shortage of about 6,000 megawatts of electricity in the next three years which is going to affect Pakistan's growth rate adversely.

Though President Musharraf has in recent speeches announced to build five additional dams till 2016 to address the issue. But this looks like a far cry. Apparently some work on Bhasha-Diamer Dam has also started but on ground the identification of site -- the basic requirement for construction of any project -- is yet to be done, leave alone the feasibility report and detailed engineering.

Technical team of the Planning Commission is of the view that there is no chance that construction work on Bhasha-Diamer Dam could start before 2010. A member of this team on condition of anonymity told this correspondent that despite the instruction of President General Pervez Musharraf there is no chance that work on the dams could start any time in the near future.

International Financial Institutions (IFIs), including the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank, have reportedly shown reluctance regarding provision of funds for the construction of five water reservoirs in Pakistan. These institutions have doubts about the government of Pakistan's decision to go for these mega projects and have placed certain preconditions for the provision of credit facility such as feasibility studies, detailed engineering designs, consensus and identification of the exact sites.

Sources in Finance Ministry confiding in The News on Sunday said these donors have expressed their inability to provide credit to GOP without first analysing the feasibility studies and economic viability of these projects. After approving the concept clearance papers, the Central Development Working Party (CDWP) -- the highest planning and policy forum at the cabinet level which then sends approved projects to the Executive Committee of the National Economic Council (ECNEC) for budget approval -- had asked the Economic Affairs Division (EAD) to line up and negotiate the loans with the donors for these five dams, including Diamer-Bhasha, Kalabagh, Akhori, Munda and Kurum Tangi.

But IFIs are of the view that concept approval means nothing. To them what matters is detailed engineering and feasibility report and Pakistan is still a long way from these requirements. Kalabagh Dam is the only project for which a feasibility report has been prepared but none of the provincial or federal ministries is willing to take a decision in this regard.

Sources at the Ministry of Water and Power confess that for Diamer-Bhasha the government has so far banned the sale and purchase of land in order to avoid escalation in its land price. "But this is not going to work as local influentials are buying and selling land on stamp paper agreements."

Planning Commission officials are of the view that the Ministry of Water and Power has failed to provide even a consensus report on the implementation plan of the said five dams which will be taken up in the next meeting of Ecnec.

A committee headed by Ashfaq Mahmud, Federal Secretary Water and Power, and constituted to evolve a consensus for the construction of Kala Bagh Dam came up with the news that consensus has been evolved. But this is not correct. The committee report said all the provinces have agreed that the big dams are imperative for the country, but the truth is that there are still many outstanding differences yet to be resolved.

Apparently Sindh has rejected President Pervez Musharraf's announcement about kick-starting the construction of Kalabagh Dam and its completion before 2016. It has sought a consensus by addressing the reservations submitted by Sindh and such a consensus is mandatory.

According to the committee's report, Wapda and NWFP have developed differences on the issue of the height of Kurum Tangi Dam, as NWFP has demanded that its height be increased by 10 feet further from the proposed height of 420 metres. It fears the adjacent localities would be badly affected in case of any untoward incident or a flood-like situation. Wapda is not in favour of increasing the height of the dam saying it would make the dam uneconomical. According to the same report, NWFP and Sindh have also opposed the Akhori Dam implementation plan until its feasibility study was complete.

Whereas Sindh's view on the construction of dam has been recorded correctly in the committee report, saying provincial reservations should be removed through a properly planned campaign before starting work on Kalabagh and Akhori dams. Sindh has also reiterated that enough surplus water was not available to meet requirements of Kalabagh and Akhori dams and hence time and resources should not be wasted on them.

An official in the federal government said that NWFP remains rigid in its stance against construction of Kalabagh and Akhori Dams.

The committee led by Ashfaq Mahmood and represented by provincial authorities was constituted by the CDWP in October last to present an action plan on implementation of five major dams by 2016.

A high-level task force had separately been assigned the task to manage funds for these dams but so far there is no success due to lack of feasibility report and detailed engineering. Other decision to launch an awareness campaign about the benefits and need of the dams has yet to be realised.

According to ministry of Water and Power, the total cost of three dams was expected to be about Rs 1.027 trillion ($17.1 billion), including a foreign exchange component of Rs 433 billion ($7.22 billion). The cost of the Diamer-Bhasha, Kalabagh and Akhori Dams was estimated at $6.51 billion, $6.2 billion and $4.44 billion respectively. The government plans to seek foreign financing of $2.964 billion for Diamer-Bhasha Dam, $2.84 billion for Kalabagh Dam and $1.42 billion for Akhori Dam. But managing funds would of course come after completion of feasibility reports and detailed engineering.

Man-made rigours

"We paid a lot more to our tour operators than the regular Hajj fee on the assurance that the 18 days Hajj package would include a four star accommodation in Mecca and seven star accommodation in Madina. But found nothing close to that once we got there," says Sajjad Haider who has recently returned after performing Hajj with his wife and daughter through a private tour operator in Lahore. He and his wife fell ill in Mecca and did not know there were Pakistani doctors and medical staff not too far from where they were.

"We just kept pushing ourselves through the very tough Hajj routine by sheer will power. I wish the tour operator had shown us the real picture before we left so that we could have planned better," he says.

The tour operators, on their part, claim they are providing far better facilities than the ones provided by the government. "The plight of the regular scheme hajjis and their buildings is deplorable," says Nadeem a private tour operator for Ibadat International, Lahore. "We do charge more but provide services like better hotels and buildings. Hajj is not a pleasure trip and it is a rigorous routine. People fall ill all the time, what can we do." When asked if he could provide the breakup of the charges he said: "It's our business and we do not disclose our profits."

The fact of the matter is that there are no rules to regulate the activities of private tour operators in Pakistan. There are executive Hajj packages with five star accommodations and short duration cost anything between Rs 200,000 to 250,000. "People are willing to pay more for better Hajj facilities and we are there to provide them," says Nadeem.

When asked about the number of complaints people were making against the private tour operators the Minister of Religious Affairs Ijaz ul Haq says emphatically: "We have received complaints against private tour operators and are aware of the situation. We would deal with it severely. Each tour operator had deposited Rs 16 lakh as guarantee money and we had carefully scrutinised them at the time of the issuance of the Hajj license. And we are monitoring them now."

The minister speaks about a questionairre the ministry plans to circulate among the Hajjis, both who went through regular scheme and those who went through private tour operators. Questionnaires would also be sent to all the tour operators to judge their performance, he says.

He also tells about some committee to scrutinise the complaints. "If any of the operators is found incompetent or deceitful his quotas would be reduced, his license cancelled and he could also be blacklisted."

While the minister is full of praise for the arrangements made by the government, the hajjis of the regular scheme have a completely different story to tell. They complain that the buildings hired by the ministry of religious affairs were of poor standard and they lacked even running water in the bathrooms. Despite charging Rs 100,000 from the regular scheme Hajjis, the government is unable to provide any decent accommodation.

Nighat Nisar who works in Packages Ltd Pakistan and her husband went for hajj through the regular scheme this year. She has had an unpleasant experience. "There was no water in the building 81/16 and Maktab number 79 allotted to us in Mecca. There was one small bathroom on our floor to be used by forty people and it wasn't cleaned even once in the thirty days that we stayed there. The building superintendent refused to listen to us. The people in our building were mostly illiterate. I don't know why the authorities ask for our educational qualifications in the forms if no regard is made for it while forming Hajj groups," says Nighat. "I was so miserable all the time that I could not concentrate on hajj rituals at all."

But the government officials insist that the people do not want them to either charge more or hire buildings that are at some distance from the Haram. "People want residences right next to Haram or at a walking distance. They don't want the government to increase the charges either. So what can we do in this situation, you tell us," says Joint Secretary Hajj.

A colossal gathering of 3.5 million Muslims, Hajj requires great effort, physical endurance and emotional turmoil on the part of Hajjis. For a few weeks they are all in a foreign country where there is a language barrier and the social and cultural norms are different too. In Pakistan, there is restriction on people going to hajj for a second time in order to control the number of Hujjaj but there is no restrictions on doing Hajj-e-Badal (hajj in someone's stead) so many people go for Hajj repeatedly using that facility. This year alone 85,000 applicants were turned down by the ministry.

It is time for the Saudi authorities to realise that it is not enough to keep expanding the Haram and constructing new buildings. The number of Hujjaj must be curtailed in the coming years in order to improve the quality of Hajj.