issue
Another crisis in the making
Is there another bad news in store for the nation already under a lot of duress?
By Hamid Waleed
With the advent of energy and flour crises in the aftermath of Benazir Bhutto's assassination, media reports are now suggesting that Pakistan is heading towards another crisis -- that of shortage of rice. The farmers, however, dispel this impression; and term it rumour mongering on the part of hoarders, traders and exporters to exploit the prevailing public sentiment in the country.

A language is not only a vehicle for the expression of thoughts, perceptions and sentiments, and reflects characteristics of a community; it also represents a fundamental expression of social identity. A language is a system of visual, auditory or tactile symbols of communication, and the rules used to manipulate them. Different languages are spoken, written and understood in different parts of the world. The are not only used as a means of communication among people, but also are vehicles of value systems and of cultural expressions, and constitute a determining factor in the identity of groups and individuals. Through language, people build, understand and express their emotions, intentions, values, notions and practices. Languages are a vital component of the living heritage of humanity; and are essential for the identification of different groups, tribes and individuals.

Despite the importance of languages, according to some reports, more then 50 per cent of the 7,000 languages spoken in the world may disappear within the space of a few generations. Thousands of languages are absent from education systems, media and publications. The experts estimate that 96 per cent of the world's languages are spoken by only four percent of the world's population, and one language disappears on an average every two weeks. Such alarming situation calls for a broad-based response to preserve cultural and linguistic diversity.

The United Nations has taken a step forward by declaring the year 2008 as 'The International Year of Languages'. The initiative is aimed at addressing issues of linguistic diversity, respect for all languages and multilingualism. The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural organisation (UNESCO) has been given responsibility for coordinating observance of the year. It has invited governments, UN organisations, educational institutions, civil society organisations and other actors to take appropriate steps to enhance the efforts for the promotion of and for fostering respect for all languages, particularly the endangered ones.

In addition to preserving cultural diversity, promotion of indigenous languages can contribute substantially towards many universal goals, as also highlighted by Kochiro Matsuura, director-general of UNESCO, who emphasised that languages are of utmost importance in achieving the six goals of Education For All (EFA) and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), to which all member countries of the United Nations agreed in 2000.

For instance, languages effectively play a strategic role in social integration and indirectly play a significant role in the eradication of extreme poverty and hunger, which is the first MDG. Similarly, languages are essential for achieving universal primary education, which is the second MDG. The fight against HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases, which is the sixth MDG, must be waged in the languages of the populations concerned if they are to be successful. Similarly, the safeguarding of local and indigenous knowledge and know-how with a view to ensuring environmental sustainability is intrinsically linked with local and indigenous languages.

Besides this, linguistic diversity is closely related with cultural diversity, as indicated in UNESCO's Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity (2001) and Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions (2005). The international bodies like UNESCO cannot fulfill this task of maintaining and preserving cultural and linguistic diversity alone, they require support from the respective governments and the civil society in this regard.

If the linguistic diversity of any region is not properly acknowledged, the end result would be in the form of ethnic and class conflicts. The world has seen a number of class and ethic conflicts in Europe and Asia in the nineteenth and the twentieth century. For instance, Pakistan, which being heir to some of the most ancient civilisations of the world enjoys vast linguistic diversity, has witnessed significant challenge to its integrity on this account -- as its linguistic diversity has been a source of conflict within the state.

According to the 2001 census, Pakistan is a multilingual country with six major (Punjabi: 44.15 per cent speakers; Pushto: 15.42 per cent; Sindhi: 14.10 per cent; Seraiki: 10.53 per cent; Urdu: 7.57 per cent; and Balochi: 3.57 per cent) and about 60 minor languages (4.66 per cent speakers). Dr Tariq Rahman writes in his book entitled Language and Politics in Pakistan that the languages of the domains of power -- the government, the corporate sector, the media, etc -- are English and Urdu. These languages are at the centre of the power structure of Pakistan and serve as a tool in the service of power politics.

According to Dr Rahman, the state's policies have favoured English and Urdu at the expense of other languages. This has resulted in the expression of ethnic identity through languages other than Urdu. This has also resulted in English becoming a symbol of the upper class, sophistication and power. The less powerful indigenous languages of Pakistan are becoming markers of lower status and 'culture shame'.

In his research work entitled Language Policy, Multilingualism and Language Vitality in Pakistan, Dr Rahman points out that excluding the six major languages, over 50 minor languages -- mostly spoken in the country's northern areas -- are under tremendous pressure. The languages that are about to become extinct include: Badeshi, Chilliso, Domaaki, Gowro, Ushojo, Yidgha, Ormuri, Kundal Shahi, Phalura and Gawar-bati. Even in the cosmopolitan city of Karachi, the use of Gujarati is being abandoned, at least in the written form, as young people seek to be literate in Urdu and English, the languages used in the domains of power.

Consequently, the suppression of regional languages in Pakistan has not only increased both ethnic and class conflicts in the country, but is also threatening the cultural and linguistic diversity; and creating much resentment against the oppression and injustice of the system. While suggesting the solution, Dr Rahman says that we should promote the concept of 'additive' bilingualism rather than 'subtractive' bilingualism. This means that we should add to our repertoire of languages to gain power, while retaining skills and pride in our own languages. In order to do this, the state and our educational system have to promote the concept of linguistic rights.

The decision-making elites in our part of the world, while they grappled with language reforms, paid little heed to the experience of Central European countries in the nineteenth century. When the language is linked with power, changes in the language policy are sure to provoke those who feel that their interests have been threatened. Hence, the language rights of all ethnic minorities should be protected in related policies and legislation for the sake of peaceful co-existence.

Research reports on the movements for the preservation of minor languages in Europe tell us that if children are told that their language is inferior, the message being conveyed is that they are inferior. In short, one is sending across to the children a negative message by telling them that the 'cultural capital' they possess is not capital at all; on the contrary, it is a stigma and a handicap. This makes the children reject an aspect -- and an essential one at that -- of their legacy, history, culture and identity. What is created instead is 'culture shame' -- being ashamed of one's own true identity.

Languages are indeed essential for the identity of groups, as well as for the expression and transmission of intangible cultural heritage. In fact, all intangible cultural heritage domains -- from knowledge about the universe to rituals and handicrafts -- depend on language for their day-to-day practice and inter-generational transmission. Because of these factors, there are cultural and psychological costs of linguistic abandonment -- this leads to rejection of one's own history, legacy, culture and identity.

Daniel Nettle and Suzanne Romaine in their book entitled Vanishing Voices have made linguists conscious that, with the standardisation created by the modern state and the corporate sector, the minor languages of the world are dying. Either the speakers die or they voluntarily shift to a powerful language, which helps them survive -- but as members of another human group rather than their own.

There is need to encourage and develop policies that enable each linguistic community to use its native language and also learn one or two international languages. Moreover, the people of a dominant language should also be encouraged to master another national or regional language besides one or two international languages. If multilingualism is fully accepted, all languages would find their place in our globalised world. Language, of course, is knowledge; and in our world today, knowledge is one of the key factors in competitiveness. In an advanced industrial society with an increasingly interdependent world, the knowledge of other languages becomes indispensable.

Languages should be promoted as a tool for social integration; as well as for peace, progress and prosperity of the world. Linguistic diversity is the key to cultural diversity. Like multilingualism, it contributes to sustainable development, the strengthening of dialogue, social cohesion and peace. Our common goal should be to ensure that the importance of linguistic diversity and multilingualism is recognised in all spheres of life at national, regional and international levels. In this context, 'The International Year of Languages' provides a unique opportunity not only to preserve the endangered languages, but also to promote multilingualism in the world.

If US Vice-President Dick Cheney has long-standing and highly lucrative connections with the Houston-based, oil services giant Halliburton Corporation, to whom the Bush administration has awarded more than $ 18 billion worth of contracts in Iraq through a manifestly non-transparent no-bid process? President George W Bush and his father, former President George H W Bush, have long-standing connections with the Carlyle Group -- a multi-billion-dollar private investment firm.

Only days after the 9/11 attacks, President Bush appointed Dallas attorney Robert Jordan US ambassador to Saudi Arabia despite the fact that Jordan had no diplomatic experience. So why did Bush give him such an important diplomatic assignment, and that, too, at a time when Saudi Arabia was coming under increasing scrutiny in the international media due to the fact that 15 of the 19 hijackers in the September 11 attacks were Saudi nationals?

According to a report published in Eyes on America on October 9, 2001, Jordan defended George W Bush in a probe of insider trading allegations in 1990. The allegations involved the sale by Bush of 60 per cent of his Harken Energy Corporation stocks two months before a 25 per cent drop in the stock's price. Under American law, insider trading is illegal. The Harken transaction caused a furore in Washington earlier this year, and though White House officials insisted that Bush had been cleared of any wrongdoing in the deal, troubling questions remained.

As an Associated Press news agency report noted, "At the time of the investigation, Bush's father was president of the United States and the Securities and Exchange Commission (the US federal agency that regulates the stock market) was run by one of his biggest supporters, Richard Breeden. The SEC's then general counsel, James R Doty, was another staunch presidential supporter who, as a private attorney, was George W Bush's lawyer when he purchased his share of the Texas Rangers baseball team."

According to the Eyes on America report, this is not Jordan's only connection with the Bush family. The report pointed out that Jordan is a corporate lawyer in the Dallas office of the Houston-based law firm Baker Botts. The client list at Baker Botts includes "more than half of the Fortune 100 companies." The client list also includes the Carlyle Group. On the board of directors for Carlyle is former President George Herbert Walker Bush.

The Carlyle Group, a $ 16 billion private equity firm based in Washington, has parlayed a roster of former top-level government officials, largely from the Reagan and Bush Senior administrations, into a money making machine.

James A Baker III is the current Baker in Baker Botts. He was Secretary of State under the first President Bush. Baker, who headed George W Bush's crisis management team during the scandalous Florida vote-recount episode in the 2000 presidential election, is currently senior counsel to the Carlyle Group. Baker was a classmate of Secretary of Defence Donald H Rumsfeld at Yale University.

Rumsfeld was the roommate of Frank C Carlucci at Yale. Carlucci, who was Secretary of Defence under President Ronald Reagan, is currently chairman of the Carlyle Group. The current President Bush was a director of a firm called Caterair during the years 1990-1994. According to the Eyes on America report, Caterair is owned by the Carlyle Group.

The board of directors of the Carlyle Group also includes: former Philippines President Fidel V Ramos, former Director of the US Office of Management & Budget Richard Darman, former Assistant to the US President (Bush Senior) Robert Grady, former South Korean Prime Minister Park Tae Joon, former US SEC Chairman Arthur Levitt, former British Prime Minister John Major, retired US Army General J H Binford Peay, former President of Deutsche Bundesbank Karl Otto Pohl and former US Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman General John Shalikashvilli.

Two-thirds of the Carlyle Group's holdings are reported to be in defence and telecommunications industries. According to the Eyes on America report, "At least $ 2 million of Carlyle funding has come from the bin Laden family of Saudi Arabia." The bin Laden family controls Saudi Arabia's biggest construction group. Among other projects, the group is currently constructing the world's tallest building in Dubai.

Bin Laden family spokesmen have often been quoted as saying that the family severed all connections with Osama bin Laden some years ago, after the Saudi Arabian government stripped him of his Saudi citizenship.

According to a report in the New York Times on March 5, 2001, during the 2000 presidential campaign, former President George Bush took time off from his son's race to call on then-Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia at a luxurious desert compound outside Riyadh to talk about American-Saudi business affairs. "Mr Bush," said the New York Times, "went as an ambassador of sorts, but not for his government. In the same way, Mr Bush's secretary of state, James A Baker III, recently met with a group of wealthy people at the elegant Lanesborough Hotel in London to explain the Florida vote count."

The New York Times report said: "Travelling with the fanfare of dignitaries, Mr Bush and Mr Baker were using their extensive government contacts to further their business interests as representatives of the Carlyle Group. In a new spin on Washington's revolving door between business and government, where lobbying by former officials is restricted but soliciting investment is not, Carlyle has upped the ante and taken the practice global. Mr Bush and Mr Baker were accompanied on their trips by former Prime Minister John Major of Britain, another of Carlyle's political stars."

With door-openers of this calibre, along with shrewd investment skills, Carlyle has gone from an unknown in the world of private equity to one of its biggest players. Private equity, which involves buying up companies in private deals and reselling them, is a high-end business open only to the very rich.

Over the last decade the Carlyle empire has grown to span three continents and includes investments in most corners of the world. The group owns so many companies that it is now in effect one of the US's biggest defence contractors and a force in global communications. Its blue-chip investors include major banks and insurance companies, billion-dollar pension funds and wealthy investors from Abu Dhabi to Singapore.

Kamran Asdar Ali is associate professor of anthropology at the University of Texas, Austin. He did his PhD in anthropology from Johns Hopkins University. He has worked on health and gender issues in Egypt, and is the author of Planning the Family in Egypt: New Bodies, New Selves (UT Press, 2002).

In recent years, Asdar Ali has been working on comparing the social history of various cities in South Asia, the Middle East and Africa. Besides this, he co-ordinates the Shehr Network on Comparative Urban Landscapes (www.shehr.org). Asdar Ali has co-edited a book, entitled Gendering Urban Space (Palgrave, 2008). Another one, entitled Comparing Cities: The Middle East and South Asia, to be published by Oxford University Press (OUP), is due soon.

Asdar Ali regularly contributes to the op-ed pages of various American newspapers. He is also on the editorial board of a collective that brings out The Middle East Report (http://www.merip.org/). Asdar Ali is also working on a book on the social history of the labour movement in Pakistan. The News on Sunday interviewed him during his recent visit to Karachi. Excerpts follow:

The News on Sunday: A lot of your work raises the issue of collective amnesia. How have you chosen to define it in Pakistan's context?

Kamran Asdar Ali: There are certain kinds of historical moments remembered in national history and national psyche, while certain histories are never talked about. These forgotten histories perhaps are a part of individual memories but as a part of collective memories, we neither celebrate nor do we discuss them. For instance, in Pakistan's context, there is a collective amnesia about Bangladesh. Certain generations do not even know what happened there and who played what role. If some people know anything, they only know that the country was broken. Even our literature has not given the issue its due coverage. While the military and political elite may be partially responsible for this amnesia, we ourselves first dehumanised them and then rationalised them -- adopting a 'good riddance' attitude towards them. Today, it is not a part of our memory any longer.

I am currently involved in a project aimed at recuperation of this memory. This is a kind of an archival project; and we have Pakistanis, Bangladeshis, Europeans and Americans participating in it. For Bangladeshis, the 1971 war was their war of liberation. They have all relevant documentation pertaining to it. At the same time, they are also critical of certain kind of tendencies, but have matured enough to look at them critically; while we in Pakistan cannot even discuss it with journalists and literary figures. This shows the level of contrast between the two countries on the issue. The issue of amnesia may also include other histories -- for example, the situation in Balochistan over the decades.

TNS: What do you think is the reason behind the demise of politics as an entity in Pakistan? Other than corruption and repeated military interventions, why has it not been able to prove itself as an effective solution to people's problems?

KAA: There are both easy and difficult answers to this question. An easy answer could be that a number of socio-economic problems, coupled with the low level of literacy, keep a large part of the population outside the political process. However, there have been moments in our history when -- despite illiteracy, poverty and marginalisation -- people's consciousness about politics and their rights was very high. For instance, the mobilisation and the sentiments one saw in the late 1960s -- a period that I have studied thoroughly -- against the military rule and the breaking up of the One Unit were very high. Similarly, there have been particular moments in the 1970s too when the level of political participation around certain issues was very high.

However, there certainly has been a systematic depoliticisation of our culture, beginning in the Bhutto period and later carried out very actively in the Zia era. The political parties have been portrayed as those that may have benefitted a certain class only. This may be partly true, but has been exaggerated too. As a result, there is a certain level of cynicism about the political parties and political processes.

If one studies the periods of Ayub Khan, Ziaul Haq and Pervez Musharraf, one sees that all of these dictators held local bodies' elections at the first available opportunity after assuming power. Since the powers-to-be are unpopular and do not have a natural constituency, they always tend to create a constituency for themselves so that there can be a relationship of patronage. This way, the centralising state and these peripheral municipalities develop a relationship of patronage. This relationship of client-patronage sets the new parameters and definitions of politics, such as who can deliver and who can get people jobs. Corruption is institutionalised in a manner that people want to come into power, so that they can benefit from this patron-client relationship.

Based in the urban areas, we do not realise that most of our politics takes place in the rural areas, where all political parties vie for the same strong families and kinship-based biradari leadership. In such a system, those who are elected are well aware that their hold on their constituency is dependent on their relationship to the centralised power structure of resource distribution. This equation has been systematically instituted in the last 40 years. So when the common people do not have any stakes in this power relation, there is nothing for them to rise up, demand and struggle for. This breeds cynicism amongst the most literate as well as the illiterate. The transparency of a political process is harmed when there is a dependence on back channels as a way of getting things done. It may not be conspiratorial, but it is done very systematically nevertheless.

TNS: To what extent has the post-March 9 scenario changed the political landscape of the country?

KAA: I think one explanation of the massive public uprising post-March 9 could be that the CJP's dismissal issue touched on something, especially in Punjab. The way Punjab responded, it appears that this issue tapped into a range of grievances where people were having difficult experiences because of the military's presence in their lives. People were having troubles, whether it was the issue of urban and rural land distribution or that of the civil and military administration in terms of resource distribution or jobs. If one studies the reaction in the province carefully, it was central Punjab -- the belt between Lahore and Kharian, including Gujranwala, Lalamusa and Gujrat -- that reacted the most aggressively. These have been agri-based economies turning into large towns. It could be that the small traders, industrialists and large land holders felt discriminated and demanded change. However, what is interesting is that the military-led government managed to contain it and the issue subsided after the CJP was reinstated.

Historically, our state has successfully gone from crisis to crisis and managed them all. Post-March 9, the regime has been in the management mode and the reinstatement of the judges was a way in which some wind was taken out of the popular movement. And then, of course the sword of emergency has always been hanging. At the same time, there were reports of strong negotiations going on with the late Benazir Bhutto. Pakistan's military regimes have been the most sophisticated political party and media manipulator. There is constantly a give-and-take equation at work. When emergency was imposed in the country, they allowed Nawaz Sharif back. Post-emergency, they resumed all TV channels after blacking them out, but continued to hold Geo TV back. After Benazir's assassination, they announced the postponement of general elections and at the same time invited the Scotland Yard to investigate her death. It has all worked as a way of creating and managing news and sentiments.

TNS: The current regime has been credited with allowing a free media in the country. To what extent does this freedom mean independence?

KAA: Today's media seems far more open in criticising the state functionaries than in the past. I remember there used to be a time when the monthly Herald was published with four to five blank pages. Similarly, the evolution of the whole phenomenon of the Star newspaper revolved around this censorship. It was the tongue-and-cheek language, the insider jokes, the innuendos and the subtle hints that made Star a newspaper to look forward to. But such kind of approach is adopted only when there is strict censorship.

Though the media seems to very open today, there are certainly taboo areas too -- for instance, Balochistan. It is one area where I think Pakistani journalists, barring a few, have failed us. In Swat, one hears about the demolition of houses, but this has been going on in Balochistan for a long time, both in settled and unsettled areas. Similarly, media reporting in jihadi areas does not reflect critical thinking. There is certainly a kind of inherent liberal element in reporting of terrorist incidents. The kind of impression that this reporting gives is that the 'extremists' are uncivilised and worthy of condemnation. The characterisation is done in a very subtle manner. One never finds the coverage of 'their' side of the story. Even if the vernacular press does that, it takes a very romanticised and emotional view of things, which again is beyond the principles of neutrality.

TNS: So where does that leave the open media argument?

KAA: This reflects the strength of the sophistication of this regime. At some level, it can be selectively coercive. Today, in Pakistan, we may not find the kind of coercion or persecution as displayed by military leaderships in Argentina and Brazil, or during certain regimes in Peru. Perhaps barring the first two to three years of Zia's rule, we never have had that intensity in persecution here. However persecution has been here, but there is sophistication to it. And this regime has successfully managed this sophistication in the society, the intelligentsia and the media. A certain section of the population feels very involved, cared for and represented; and issues of personal liberty and freedom have been addressed to their satisfaction at least.

TNS: The open media issue has also been raised for the notion of creativity. Some of the best creative television productions came about at the time of the heightened censorship, while creativity seems to be under constant threat in today's 'open media' environment. What are your views on this?

KAA: If one looks at the Iranian cinema during the last 15-20 years, it has become the most sought-after serious cinema. They deal with issues of censorship in a very subtle way. There is a creative impulse and every frame is loaded with meaning. Likewise, there was some creativity at least in terms of satire and humour during Zia's era. In dictatorship-driven censorship, the conventional form of redress is not open to us. So things have to be said in a camouflage. This creates a certain genre of reproach, of addressing your addresser, which can be fascinating. But this comes at a cost of personal freedom. However, the equations change in an environment when things are seemingly open and one is allowed to say just about everything. This raises the question of the real meaning of these freedoms and the limits of freedom.

Liberalism's general claim is that it is politically exclusionary and every one has rights. A critical reading of liberal thought makes it evident that only those who adhere to certain kinds of subject positions are worthy of these inclusions. One has to be rational, mature and responsible. Hence others who are not like us need to be either pedagogically worked upon or excluded from this process. It is not bad faith in liberal thought that creates this inclusion; rather, it is constitutive of its very premise. I think there is an onus on the Pakistani media as well to not be complacent. The intellectuals and journalists need to see how the seemingly open spaces are also obscuring or excluding other agendas, ideas, impulses, processes, experiences and practices. Those things that are being obscured and excluded in this celebration of openness need to be brought in.

TNS: Your interest in trashy fiction, as it is called, has led to some academic work. How does trashy fiction (women's reading digests) reflect the general thinking in the section of the society that consumes it?

KAA: There are glimpses of our society in these stories and that is what I am trying to suggest in my work. In the last two decades, many women have left homes and started working in urban spaces. Where such processes have given them certain liberties, the urban environment has also been hostile to their movements with public harassment, etc. In the fiction that I discuss in my work, there is an element of fantasy where women can imagine men who are non-men in terms of the dominant heterosexual ethos. Hence these fantasies may allow women to think of less hostile worlds that they can share with each other.

Similarly, in this context, the choice of Umra-o-Jan Ada as Geo TV's first play is an interesting one. By depicting a courtesan in the play, an argument for sexual freedom can be made through this fantasy figure. People see her having multiple relationships yet empathise with her, as she originally comes from a sharif (noble) family. Yet, why do we need this figure to put forward this argument. If we look at the lives of poor women in urban and rural areas, they may be taking such risks all the time in their private lives.

Those who follow the American press will not have been surprised that the immediate response of CNN, Fox and the like to Benazir Bhutto's death was highly sensational. While the Pakistani media and ordinary citizens alike squarely blamed the establishment for taking the life of yet another Bhutto, America was convinced that the al-Qaeda terror machine had struck again, and that the spectre of Pakistan's nuclear warheads falling into 'extremist' hands had now become even more real.

Pakistan's nukes have remained a hot topic for much of the post-9/11 period. In particular, the startling revelations about Abdul Qadeer Khan being the point man in a global nuclear black market necessarily raised questions about the Bush administration's support of the Musharraf regime. But Pakistan's nuclear programme has been the subject of concern in the United States for some time. Initiated by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in the mid-1970s, it was the cause of not inconsiderable tension between the two countries. However, after the start of the Aghan 'jihad', the programme was overlooked by the Americans because their geo-strategic interests meant that friendly relations with the ruling Zia junta were imperative.

In the 1990s the nuclear programme once again became a problem, most obviously after the second Nawaz Sharif government's decision to respond to India's nuclear tests in May 1998. The tests only confirmed what the world already knew -- that Pakistan had the capacity to launch nuclear warheads -- but got Islamabad into trouble in Washington all the same. But 9/11 changed the complexion of the US-Pakistan relationship again and censure on account of the nuclear programme quickly gave way to back-slapping and aid-giving.

Having said this, US media networks and parts of the American establishment have kept the issue alive in the aftermath of the A Q Khan debacle. It has simmered right beneath the surface, an insurance policy to be used if and when the situation demands it. And it would appear that a situation is now being crafted wherein the nuclear programme is a major bone of contention.

It is worth recalling that Iraq was invaded almost five years ago after American public opinion had been whipped up into a frenzy over Saddam Hussein's regime possessing 'weapons of mass destruction' ('WMD') that could be used against the US. Subsequently, to the utter embarrassment of the Bush administration, the 'WMD' claim was exposed as a complete fabrication. But when it mattered, the ploy worked. In Pakistan's case, the existence of a nuclear programme is not in doubt. Everyone knows it is there and that if it is not immediately operational, then it can be in a matter of weeks.

But the incipient case that is being carefully constructed in certain American circles is not calling attention to Pakistan's nukes; rather, it is calling attention to the possibility that Pakistan's nukes are taken over by al-Qaeda (or anyone wanting to destroy the 'American way of life'). For many years now, international media networks have done their best to depict Pakistan as a society in which fanaticism and hatred of America are widespread. The 'nukes to al-Qaeda' addition marks an intensification of this rhetoric.

The narrative has suited the Musharraf junta as well. Throughout his tenure, but particularly over the past 10 months or so, Musharraf has played the 'terrorist' card predictably. The general argument is that without a strong military government in place, Pakistan is likely to be overrun by 'extremists'. At the same time, Musharraf has also responded to the fears expressed in the US about the extent of the 'extremist' threat by pointing out that the 'extremists' would never be able to rule Pakistan. This clearly is a tenuous double-argument and recent events seem to indicate that its appeal may be wearing off.

For its part the Pakistani public seems to be quite clear about all actors in this rather sordid story. Everyone knows that violence is being perpetrated in the name of Islam but it is also clear that there is not enough of a social base for 'extremists' to take power, notwithstanding the machinations of the state and imperialism. Then there is America, whose policies Pakistanis abhor. But this is not the same as hating Americans, a fact that the American media tends conveniently to ignore. And then there is the Pakistani military that is trying to take both the 'extremists' and Washington along in an increasingly incoherent and destructive manner.

Over the past few days Musharraf and state television have changed their tone towards the US considerably, playing to the gallery somewhat by asserting that any violation of Pakistan's sovereignty will not be tolerated at any cost. Musharraf has even gone as far as to claim that Pakistan can do without American aid. But this rather timely change in rhetoric is not winning many Pakistanis over. In the complex game involving the 'extremists', America and the army, it is the army that most Pakistanis increasingly see as bearing primary responsibility for the rapidly deteriorating state of affairs.

It is possible that the spectre of 'extremists' taking over nukes is raised to such an extent that the US creates a mandate for itself to make direct forays into Pakistan. But before one gets riled up over the prospect, it is important to bear in mind that the Americans are already here. They may not be a force of invasion as they are in Iraq or Afghanistan, but they have access to secret bases, they consistently launch attacks from Pakistani airspace and their intelligence operatives are going about their business inside Pakistan with almost no restriction.

Thus even if the American presence in Pakistan was to be expanded, it would mark only the logical culmination of a policy that has proceeded relatively unhindered since 9/11. Much of the attention that Pakistan is garnering within the US these days has to do with the presidential election campaigns of both the Democratic and Republican parties, and the desire of the media and the current administration to distract public attention from the unfolding disaster in Iraq. Pakistan is a very important foreign policy question for the US right now, but much of the talk of direct intervention is hyperbolic.

The prospect of a genuine 'invasion' of Pakistan by American ground troops is remote also because the US is currently suffering from imperial overstretch. It should not be forgotten that until very recently if there was a country that the US was thinking of invading, it was Iran. But even before the frenzy over Iran's nuclear programme subsided somewhat, analysts had already pointed out that an attack on Iran was unviable if only because the US had extended its military resources too far already.

None of this should take away from the very real fact that Pakistani society remains subject to the whims of a mercenary military and an empire, both willing and able to visit death and destruction to protect their interests. And then there is the mysterious 'extremist' factor, which is a bogey and a genuine problem at the same time. America does not need to invade Pakistan to provoke a civil war. One is, arguably, already under way.

The Federal Board of Revenue (FBR), even after completing six years of so-called tax reforms (which started in 2002 and will end in 2009), symbolises an institution wrought with sleaze, wastefulness, inefficiency and corruption. The recent episodes of tax scams (fake income tax refunds, flying sales tax invoices, excessive payments of export rebates, etc) have once again confirmed the existence of an unholy alliance between corrupt tax officials and unscrupulous businesspeople, which is not only depriving the nation of billion of rupees but is also criminally shifting the incidence of taxes to the poor.

In recent years, the FBR has been making tall claims about its automation efforts. Its chairperson informed the public time and again that after the introduction of automated procedures in all departments, the possibilities of tax fraud were eliminated effectively. On the contrary, the data show that since 2005, when computerised procedures were introduced, the incidence of tax frauds has increased manifold, in comparison with the days when manual procedures were in vogue.

This shows that before going for automation, system analyses were not conducted properly and human resource development was completely ignored. The recent tax scams testify to the fact that there is a complete failure on the part of so-called 'line members' (drawing excellent salaries and fringe benefits) to adopt preemptive measures against possible tax frauds. This also confirms that functional members (old timers representing the departmental bureaucracy) are not ready for change; for one obvious reason that their salaries, as well as that of their subordinate staff, are much lower than those officers hired from the market and the 'donor-imposed' foreign consultants.

The tax frauds that surfaced recently were detected mainly by the Directorate-General of Intelligence, the FBR. These frauds, however, represent only a tip of the iceberg. The actual number of tax frauds committed during the last five years and the quantum of tax involved are yet to be determined. The government, therefore, must immediately form a commission comprising anti-corruption officials, judges, and audit and tax experts to thoroughly probe the record of the last five years of all the tax departments, in order to unearth all the cases of tax frauds. The retrieval of public money through this commission will also help increase the collection of taxes in the current fiscal year.

The following summary of major tax frauds reported in the media recently and its analysis establishes beyond any doubt the criminal culpability of the high-ups of the FBR:

On January 5, 2008, a report was published in a leading newspapers disclosing that the FBR has unearthed a scam in Lahore involving a senior income tax official of BPS-20, who allegedly issued bogus refunds of over Rs 103 million in 39 cases on forged documents from 2003 to 2007. Earlier, a similar scam was reported in Karachi.

On October 22, 2007, Directorate-General of Intelligence, Customs and Excise, instituted criminal proceedings against 14 industrial units of Punjab for claiming illegal sales tax refunds by filing bogus invoices. The fraud took place two years ago when many commercial exporters had claimed illegal refunds on the basis of fake documents (interestingly, it took the FBR two years to take notice of the crime!).

The inquiry of illegal refund to pay phone companies is till pending. These companies, according to the FBR's own admission, were not entitled to the refund because they were exempt from excise duty on the services provided by them for the period up to July 1, 2005. Why no action was taken at the time of payment of refund and an inquiry was initiated only much later?

On May 14, 2006, the Supreme Court of Pakistan rejected the bail application of Raja Zaraat, "who has been wielding far larger financial clout than originally estimated" in getting billions of rupees as tax refund on forged documents, says an FBR press release. The FBR admitted that though the first compliant against Raja Zaraat was received by it in December 2005, no action was taken against him till May 4, 2006, when he was arrested in Islamabad.

The FBR has itself admitted that in numerous cases refunds were made to commercial exporters without obtaining prior approval of additional collectors. This is a clear violation of the FBR's Sales Tax Wing's directive that the approval of additional collector was required for sanctioning refund claim exceeding one million rupees to commercial exporters. The sanctioning authorities also ignored the FBR's instructions on the procedure for overruling system objections for issuance of sales tax refunds. Investigation showed that sales tax officials did not carry out profile analysis of the suppliers in cases of refund claims, sanctioned to commercial exporters under Refund Rules, 2006.

Glaring system errors were also detected in STARR refund automation programme, whereby goods exported were recorded in the system only till the filing of shipping bills. This resulted in inaccurate as well as incomplete data of export consignments. It was noticed that certain unscrupulous exporters filed claims without making actual exports. There was need for capturing the data of shipping lines to ensure authenticity of export documents used for claiming rebate, which was never done. Though the FBR was aware that some unscrupulous exporters were claiming sales tax refunds against fake and tampered shipping bills, no concrete efforts were adopted to counter them.

Also, in many cases, unscrupulous exporters -- with the connivance of corrupt tax staff -- successfully obtained refund by circumventing the STARR system, because it had not put enough checks to verify the shipping bills. During scrutiny of STARR programme in 2006, it was found that refunds were made even in cases where the computer programme had detected discrepancies in the documents submitted by exporters.

The increased number of refund scams and unfettered tax evasion confirm that nothing has changed, which is a sad reflection on FBR's top management. The corrupt and resourceful are still holding key posts, and are issuing refunds on forged documents. They are still encouraging the profit-hungry traders and businesspeople not to pay taxes, but just give them their due 'share'.

It is beyond any doubt that the prevalent mass-scale evasion of taxes is not possible without the connivance of tax administrators (read 'administraitors'). The tax-evaders and tax administrators together constitute a mafia that has made Pakistan a haven for tax-dodgers and plunderers of national wealth. The tax officials holding key posts are directly connected with these people. They design and get implemented policies for 'mutually-beneficial' relations between them, while the whole nation is a silent spectator. The outcome is a total destruction of our socio-economic system (ever-increasing rich-poor divide, chaos, lawlessness, etc).

(The writers are tax advisers who also teach at LUMS.)

Heavy snowfall in winter blocks Lowari Top, some 30 kilometres northwest of the town of Dir, for all kinds of traffic, cutting off the Chitral district from the rest of the country for at least four months. The locals, then, are left with no choice but to cross Lowari Top on foot to reach Chitral. At times avalanches bury the hikers, but there is no proper arrangement or professional rescue team to save their lives. So the personnel of Chitral Scouts as well as local volunteers have to undertake the job of rescuers, at times putting their own lives at risk.

Avalanches bury and blizzards freeze groups of trekkers at Lowari Top, situated at 10,500 feet above the sea level. However, even this obvious threat does not hold back the people of Chitral to undertake the walk, because they do not have a choice -- there is no alternative ground route to the Chitral district. The Chitral-Kunr-Peshawar road is not safe due to the ongoing unrest in Afghanistan. Also, non-Chitralis and soldiers are not allowed to travel on the road; and only those bearing Chitrali identity cards can use it.

It also merits a mention there hat Lowari Top can be crossed on foot only at the beginning of the winter and spring seasons. It remains closed for trekkers from December to March, as no one could dare cross it on foot. To add to the problems of the Chitralis, PIA flights are also subject to weather conditions. Even if the weather gets cleared after snowfall, the snow-covered runway of the airport cannot be used. Moreover, most of the people of Chitral are unable to afford the exorbitant PIA fares -- Rs 2,200 for Chitral-Peshawar and Rs 2,500 for Peshawar-Chitral.

As a result, the people of Chitral have to pay a very heavy price -- according to an estimate, over 5,000 people have so far died in a bid to cross Lowari Top on foot. However, Maulana Abdul Akbar Chitrali, a former MNA from Chitral, puts the figure at 3,357 since 1947. In 1958, more than 150 people were killed in a single incident, in addition to hundreds of others who went missing. Professor Abdul Sami of the Degree College, Chitral, tells that 160 people were killed in 1960 alone.

In 2005, 10 passengers were buried under the snow and all of them died. Last year, a driver was pulled out alive from his avalanche-hit vehicle after being buried under the snow for more than 24 hours. An avalanche also buried the workers of a foreign construction company that is executing the Lowari tunnel project in the second week of January, but luckily all of them were rescued unscathed. However, the excessive snowfall has temporarily brought the construction work on the tunnel to a halt.

Countless heart-rending incidents have been witnessed at Lowari Top over the years. Mumtaz Zarin, who also contested the 2002 general elections, was the victim in one of these incidents. His family members still remember when they received a bolt from the blue. A female member of the family told The News on Sunday that Mumtaz set out for Peshawar to appear for an interview in connection with a job. "We were expecting him to get the job, but only his dead body came back," she painfully recalls. Mumtaz died in 2003 after being buried under snow in a bid to cross Lowari Top on foot.

Muhammad Yar, a businessman of Dir who regularly crosses Lowari Top on foot, tells TNS: "Most of the people are killed when they start climbing down Lowari Top. Khoni Khaur is the most dangerous point for walkers, as there is no chance of escaping a falling avalanche. Hundreds of people have lost their lives here." He says there are times when clear weather turns cloudy and murky in an instant, and the trekkers stray away from the right path due to low visibility and are killed by the unbearable cold.

Muhammad Yar adds that a sudden wind with high velocity also causes many of the deaths. However, he maintains, the falling of avalanches is the major cause of deaths on Lowari Top. One has to cover a distance of almost 15 kilometres, he informs, on a snow-clad mountain with the risk of storms, blizzards, avalanches and glaciers. People trek from Gujar Kallay to Ziarat to cross Lowari Top. In between, Chidala, Dara Khaur, Khoni Khaur (killer stream) and Daro Khaur are the most dangerous points as avalanches mostly fall here.

G H Farooqi, a resident of Chitral, crossed Lowari Top on foot along with his wife and children on December 28, 2007. "I froze and was about to collapse, but was fortunate enough to reach my home safe and sound. It was a terrible experience," he recalls. Farooqi says that he and his family were ill-equipped to undertake such a risky journey. One needs to wear warm clothes, and a waterproof coat and shoes, to take on the mountain, the people having experience in crossing Lowari Top advise. According to them, one should not stop during the walk to avoid freezing in -14 to -20 Celsius, and must keep going slowly but constantly.

The closure of Lowari Top unleashes unending problems for the beleaguered Chitralis, as prices of daily use items sky-rocket. "The shopkeepers stock storable items like rice, wheat / flour, pulses, sugar, tea, etc and when they hear about the closure of Lowari Top, they double the prices," a local complains. The locals also complain that they have been experiencing shortage of fresh vegetables. Importantly, the people of Chitral could not shift their critical patients to the up-graded hospitals and are compelled to rely on the local hospitals.

The solution to the problems of the people of Chitral lies in the construction of Daro Khaur-Ziarat tunnel to avoid Lowari Top. The landlocked Chitralis have been demanding for the same to provide round-the-year access to the remotest district of the country. The Pakistani government decided to construct a tunnel at Lowari back in the 1960s. A Swedish company, in collaboration with the Japanese government, prepared a feasibility report for the project and estimated its construction cost to be Rs 430 million, but it was never executed.

Years later, the then Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto decided to build the tunnel. In 1975-76, the Frontier Works Organisation (FWO) prepared a feasibility report for the project and estimated its construction cost to be Rs 730 million. Work on the tunnel was started from the southern side and about a kilometre of it was constructed, but unfortunately it was stopped midway due to unknown reasons. After Bhutto was ousted from power in 1977, the project was completely abandoned despite strong protests by the Chitralis.

It was after 25 years that President Pervez Musharraf announced during his referendum campaign in 2002 the construction of the Lowari tunnel. Subsequently, the work on the tunnel was re-started on September 26, 2005 -- after a hiatus of 28 years. The contract of the Rs 10 billion project has been awarded to a Korean construction company, Sambu. The construction work on the tunnel is under way from both directions, and so far 4.7 kilometres have been built out of a total of 8.6 kilometres.

In December 2007, four children were killed in Orangi Town, Karachi, when a compound wall fell on them under the collision impact of a recklessly driven truck. Few days later, two children died while playing in an open plot as a shoddily built compound wall collapsed on them. Many children have been reported dead in the recent winter rains, when failing roofs and structures of their abodes became death traps.

It may be pointed out here that many similar events go unreported. One cannot scale the pain and anguish faced by the affected parents, siblings and families as a whole. In a trauma-ridden society like that of ours, such episodes only add up to the already long list of grievances, especially those faced by the downtrodden.

One of the most conspicuous aspects has been the indifferent attitude shown towards this issue by different echelons of the government. It goes without saying that the creation and management of a safe and secure environment is one of the prime responsibilities of the government. It is for this reason that different cities have basic statutes to oversee the construction and utilisation pattern of buildings.

Despite these legal prescriptions, inefficiency and inadequacy of the monitoring agencies; adulterated construction materials; lack of technical know-how to design and built ordinary structures; errors and discrepancies in the supply chain of materials / building services; and the indifference of user groups to report the defects are a few common problems that hinder any progress on the issue.

During the deadly earthquake of 2005, majority of the buildings with engineering design and proper contracting inputs were able to survive. It goes without saying that existence of shoddily constructed buildings is nothing short of a ticking bomb that can explode anytime. Close observations into some of the accidents have revealed many patterns that demand deeper analysis.

The violation of fundamental zoning principles and incomplete construction are two causes that have recurringly acted as killer factors in different locations. Many fringe squatter settlements are used as extended parking lots for dumpers, oil tankers, trailers, buses, mini buses and trucks. The owners or operators of these vehicles attempt to park these vehicles randomly in the settlements. As the dwellings are congested and overcrowded, toddlers and young children are forced to play in the streets, thus they fall victim to the uncoordinated movement of these vehicles almost on a routine basis.

Reckless driving, which is a common attitude amongst many of these semi-literate folks, is another major reason behind the unnecessary loss of life, particularly in the streets of congested neighbourhoods. Whenever area residents try to persuade the operators to take their vehicles elsewhere, they refuse complaining that no properly allocated and secure location exists for parking.

The construction of compound walls is done by using the least of resources in low-income settlements. The residents consider it as an unnecessary burden on the construction priorities. Often these walls, which are free standing in nature, do not have any foundation or basic reinforcement to bolster their existence. Rains, seepages and spillage from local drains, as well as collisions, cause instant damage. Young children normally play close to the walls due to a psychological comfort drawn from the existence of a shelter. They fall prey to accidents that repeatedly happen due to the prevalence of the above-mentioned factors.

Informal settlements have a history of gradual expansion and growth. The land development, usage and control are affected by the local power structure. For example, in Karachi's Niazi Colony, the transporters have a strong influence on area affairs. Thus they exercise full control over determining the internal land utilisation patterns, with parking of large trailers an important priority.

During the various communal arguments on this matter, the transporters have been able to prevail. In situations where open spaces have been left for common uses, the powerful groups outweigh the other residents for controlling them for their own benefit. This uneven land utilisation forces the common folks to use left over spaces for recreation, hosting ceremonies and other similar requirements. Needless to say that it frequently exposes them to hazardous circumstances.

Recently carried out development works have expanded possibilities of accidents manifold. For instance, the widening of roads has resulted in disappearance of footpaths. On some of the busiest streets, pedestrians can be found walking in the same direction as the vehicles. Given our erratic driving behaviours, it is quite natural that accidents occur on a routine basis.

Wherever footpaths exist, they are encroached upon by both formal and informal occupants. Open manholes, unfinished trenches for pipes, hanging wires / cables, falling debris from construction activities and uneven surface levels are constant threats to the safe utilisation of walking spaces. A number of new vehicles on the streets, driven by happy teenagers / young motorists, compound the problems to a great extent. Sanity demands the concerned authorities to take appropriate actions after careful planning. The focus should be on doable options. Demarcation and allocation of proper spaces for the parking of large vehicle is an important requirement for large- and medium-sized cities. This shall help streamline the movement of such vehicles in an organised manner.

With the advent of energy and flour crises in the aftermath of Benazir Bhutto's assassination, media reports are now suggesting that Pakistan is heading towards another crisis -- that of shortage of rice. The farmers, however, dispel this impression; and term it rumour mongering on the part of hoarders, traders and exporters to exploit the prevailing public sentiment in the country.

But before looking at the viewpoint of the rice farmers, it would be appropriate to approach those who fear imminent threat of the commodity's crisis in the country. These circles are of the view that both South Asia and East Asia are experiencing the shortage of rice. In particular, India and Bangladesh have faced shortage of rice crop due to the adverse weather conditions. India imposed a ban on the export of rice last year, but after being warned that it would negate conditions of the World Trade Organisation (WTO), the country's government changed its strategy and imposed minimum export price (MEP) formula -- it set the minimum price for the export of rice at $ 500 per tonne to check the shortage.

According to those who fear a rice crisis in the near future, other rice-producing countries in the region, such as India and Vietnam, have already adopted adequate measures to discourage the commodity's export. Pakistan, however, has so far not taken any action in this regard. If increase in the export of rice is not checked now, they warn, shortage of another food grain would be impossible to avert in the future.

Pakistan's total rice production stood at 5.5 million tonnes in 2007-08, as against 5.4 million tonnes in 2006-07. According to official estimates, the local consumption of all types of rice is around 2.3 million tonnes and the rest is available for export. The price of good-quality rice (Basmati), which was initially quoted at around Rs 30 per kilogram, has now increased to Rs 60-70 per kilogram. Similarly, the price of coarse rice -- which is used mainly by low-income groups -- also scrambled to an unprecedented level. According to official figures the export of rice stood at 3.2 million tonnes in 2006-07, as against 3.6 million tonnes in 2005-06.

Due to the shortage of rice crop in South Asia and East Asia, there was substantial demand for the commodity and its price went up in the international market. There is a possibility of a marked increase in exports in the months ahead. It may be noted that in November 2007 alone, the export of rice witnessed a growth of over 19 per cent.

There is a strong demand from small- and medium-sized exporters that the government should also the MEP, as was done by India to protect its consumers and also to fetch higher prices for its rice export. It is also being alleged that the exporters are buying rice at higher prices and exporting it in loss, in order to benefit from the export refinance scheme.

Zulfikar Thaver, president of the Union of Small and Medium Enterprises (UNISAME), suggest media reports, has urged upon the government to fix the MEP for coarse rice (Irri-6) at $ 475 per tonne, as big exporters are sending ship loads of the commodity to other countries at a lower price of about $ 375 per tonne. This is not only depriving the country of valuable foreign exchange, but is also creating the shortage of rice in the domestic market, thus increasing its price.

Some circles also believe that excessive smuggling of rice to Afghanistan, Iran and other countries of the region has resulted in its increased price in the local market. The farmers' community, on the other hand, is of the view that there is no global shortage of rice and only a few countries in the region, including India and Bangladesh, are experiencing its shortage due to unfavourable weather conditions there. Otherwise, they say, there is no need to worry about the shortage of rice. According to them, the vested interests among traders and exporters are trying to exploit the situation arising out of flour crisis, and are involved in rumour mongering to make hefty profits out of their stocks.

Hamid Malhi, a leading rice producer and chairperson of the Rice Research and Development Company, Punjab, argues that there is no need for imposing any kind of MEP in Pakistan like India, as the latter did so under different circumstances. Instead, he adds, the exporters should be urged to explore new markets and keep increasing the rice export price. He also mentions an interesting phenomenon that despite an increase in the export of rice over the past many years, the average unit price of the commodity is stagnant. This creates doubts about the intentions of the exporters, as it seems that they are either keeping their earnings out of country or misquote their business deals to the State Bank of Pakistan (SBP).

Malhi also disagrees with the notion that a huge quantity of rice was smuggled to Afghanistan, Iran and other countries of the region. He says the director-general of the Pakistan Rangers recently conducted a thorough investigation of the phenomenon and maintained that not a single grain of rice was smuggled to any country across the border. He stresses that the traders and hoarders of rice are involved in spreading rumours to get extra profits out of their stocks.

Malhi maintains that the international price of Basmati rice ranges between $ 800-1,200 per tonne and it is responsibility of the exporters to get maximum price for it, in case there is an international shortage and the country has ample stocks of the commodity. According to him, any move to impose the MEP on rice would discourage the growers, who are already being fleeced by the traders at the time of reserve-building. "The government should announce an attractive support price for rice procurement before giving more benefits to the exporters. The farmers have already paid a very heavy price in terms of fertilisers and other inputs, and are already running their business in loss."

It is worth noting that a leading Urdu newspaper had reported last week that the price of 10-kilogram bag of rice had jumped to Rs 500 and further increase was possible in the days to come. The wholesale traders, on the other hand, disagree with this and point out that the sale of rice has stalled and the buyers are not willing to make fresh purchases. Habib Ahmed, a wholesale dealer, told The News on Sunday that a 50-kilogram bag of normal quality rice is available for Rs 2,500 and of good quality rice for Rs 3,250 in Lahore's market.

"You should reject the elements who are opposed to your rights and are a hindrance in the development of the country," President General (r) Pervez Musharraf has been this message to women from time to time giving, while also urging them to be united for getting their due rights.

Apparently, the legacy of Musharraf has been that of women's empowerment. It was under his rule that the amended Hudood Ordinance was promulgated, women's participation in the political process was increased manifold, and micro-financing was introduced to improve the economic status of women. However, it was also under his rule that the first woman prime minister of an Islamic country, Benazir Bhutto, was assassinated in a brutal fashion.

To empower women and improve their plight, the government -- through the Ministry of Women Development, which was made an independent ministry in September 2004 -- has executed significant development programmes and projects in social, economic, political and legal fields.

According to the information made available by the Ministry of Women Development, during the eight years of Musharraf's rule 25 centres were established to provide protection and rehabilitation facilities to women victims of violence and abuse; a project named Community Campaign to Prevent Violence against Women was launched; and 10 per cent quota for women was approved in the Central Superior Services (CSS), under the Gender Reform Action Plan (GRAP).

In the political arena, increased reserved seat were allocated for women at all levels, from local bodies to the National Assembly. At present, there are 30 per cent women representatives in the local government and they had 22 per cent representation in the outgoing National Assembly. Moreover, 28,000 women councillors were trained under a project named Women Political School, at a cost of $ 4.57 million. Similarly, 12 resource centres were established in different districts of the country for the capacity building of women elected representatives.

"It is true that women were given adequate representation in the local government system, but their status remains that of secondary citizens," complains a woman councillor on condition of anonymity. "We are being treated by our male counterparts as if we have been given representation to perform cosmetic surgery on Pakistan's deteriorated image abroad with regard to women's status and empowerment," she views, adding that women elected representatives have never been provided with adequate funds to effectively perform their duties. "Despite repeated complaints, we were never provided protection against male hegemony in the local government system."

As regards the economic empowerment of women, micro-financing was introduced in the country on the pattern of Bangladesh's Grameen Bank. The Ministry of Women Development says in its report that a number of initiatives have been launched in collaboration with First Women Bank Limited (FWBL), Aga Khan Rural Support Programme (AKRSP), Khushhali Bank (KB) and Thardeep Rural Development Programme (TRDP) to cater to those activities that are in the interests of Pakistani women. The latest pilot project, Jafakash Aurat: Economic Empowerment of Rural Women, was launched in July 2007, but so far its implementation is as elusive as availability of funds.

In the legal arena, the controversial 1979 Hudood Ordinance was amended and the Protection of Women (Criminal Laws Amendment) Act was passed in the National Assembly. But despite the government's tall claims and impressive reports of the Ministry of Women Development, the plight -- especially economic and social -- of women remains a major issues facing Pakistan.

In one of its success stories, the Ministry of Women Development says that Zahida, a resident of the Ladhay Wala Warraich village, got a loan of Rs 10,000, which she used for purchasing some equipment, and is now earning Rs 6,000-7,000 per month. It is interesting to note that the ministry is boasting of Zahida's success story, but does not know about her address, the equipment she purchased from the loan and her vocation. So is the case with several of the ministry's apparently remarkable 'success' stories.

In the Sheikhupura district alone, as a part of its Jafakash Aurat: Economic Empowerment of Rural Women project, the ministry claims that 301 women have been trained in different professions, while 866 women have been given micro-credit ranging from Rs 5,000 to Rs 25,000.

Another success story says that Parveen Ashfaq, a resident of Farooqabad in the Sheikhupura district, started her own stitching centre after taking a loan from the FWBL and is now earning Rs 10,000 per month month. Nevertheless, when contacted, most of the residents of the Sheikhupura district were unaware of such developments or 'success' stories.

"Despite dozens of anomalies, the status of women in Pakistan is far better than in most other Muslim countries," contends Javeria Manzoor, a professor of Computer Sciences. "In Saudi Arabia, women are fighting for their right to drive cars, while in Pakistan women are being inducted in the air force and women cadets from the Military Academy in Kakul are being deployed for guard duty at the mausoleum of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah," she elaborates.

However, the women cadets of the Pakistan Air Force (PAF) are not as happy with their status as the 'outsiders'. "Whenever the government wants to make an impression over the western world, we are paraded in front of them as showpieces of Pakistan's modernity," complains a woman cadet of the PAF, requesting not to be named. "People generally think that we are doing jobs in the PAF on the basis of equality, but the reality is otherwise," says another woman cadet, also requesting not to be named.

A senior lawyer has filed a writ petition before the Lahore High Court (LHC), challenging the use of the name of 'Pakistan Muslim League' (PML) by a number of political parties. The petitioner had submitted that originally there was only one PML, which was considered representative of all the Muslims of India, but presently different people have created a number of PMLs to cater to their interests. The political parties that the petitioner has arrayed as respondents include: Functional Muslim League (of Pir Pagaro), PML-Nawaz, PML-Quaid, Momin Muslim League (of Ijaz Momin), Qasim Muslim League, Qayyum Muslim League, Awami Muslim League (of Hamid Sarfraz) and Convention Muslim League.

The petitioner alleged that the respondents are using the name of PML for their ulterior motives, and this is contrary to the ideals of Allama Iqbal, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Liaquat Ali Khan and Chaudhry Rehmat Ali -- the main leaders of the real PML. He contended that the PML is the inheritance of the Muslims of India as well as of the Pakistani nation, and therefore it should not be allowed to be torn into pieces.

The case pertaining to the inheritance of PML and its division into various factions is sub-judice, therefore I would refrain from discussing its merits and demerits. However, this case refreshes one's memory about an old story pertaining to the custody of a child, which was claimed by two ladies as their real son. Both the ladies had presented solid evidence in the Qazi court and none of them was prepared to withdraw from her claim.

After hearing their heated and forceful arguments, the Qazi announced that since there are two claimants for one child, the child be sliced in two equal halves and one half be given to both ladies. Hearing the Qazi's pronouncement, one of the ladies immediately declared that she foregoes her claim and beseeched the Qazi to give the custody of the child to the other woman. After hearing the plea of the woman, the Qazi ordered that the custody of the child be given to the woman who was shaken by the very thought of slicing the child in two pieces, because through this act she has proved to be the real and legitimate mother of the child.

But, the PML is an unlucky 'child', which is claimed by scores of self-seeking people, each abetted by the establishment at some point of time during the last six decades. Since the 1960s, the party is a victim of palace intrigues because 'crown princes' have frequently displayed their craving to keep its custody. Instead of subsiding, the palace intrigues have constantly increased following the assumption of political role by a wing of the establishment in the 1970s.

The reigning 'prince' of the time believed that the PML could serve his needs better if he party was entrusted in the care of a coterie of people of his trust. To achieve this objective, he manoeuvered to get Pir Pagaro replaced with Khawaja Khairuddin as president of the party. The new arrangement enjoyed the support of Chaudhry Zahoor Elahi, Khawaja Safdar and Zahid Sarfraz. Those in league with the 'prince' launched the new faction under the name of PML-Chatha.

In 1984, when the palace intrigues intensified further, the PML-Chatha split into Khawaja Khairuddin and Malik Muhammad Qasim groups. In a bid to strengthen his political base, the 'prince' got the PML reorganised in 1985, and Muhammad Khan Junejo was 'elected' as the party's president. A strong dose of 'state patronage' enabled the PML to emerge, once again, as an effective party all over the country. Not feeling comfortable with the new arrangement, Pir Pagaro formed his own faction of the PML.

Meanwhile, the 'prince' got suspicious of some moves and advances made by Junejo, in particular the affairs known in the annals of history as the 'Geneva Accord' and the 'Ojhri Camp Probe'. At the instigation of the 'prince', Nawaz Sharif rebelled against Junejo, paving the way for the election of a more pliable Fida Muhammad Khan as president of the PML. But a faction of the party remained loyal to Junejo, resulting in the emergence of PML-Junejo, and further splitting of the party in PML-Fida and PML-Junejo groups.

At this juncture, the 'prince' felt uncomfortable once again because the divisions in the PML had strengthened the other mainstream political parties, in particular the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) that was strongly opposed to the him. The growing popularity of the PPP also upset the establishment, which succeeded, after some time, in arranging the merger of Junejo and Fida groups. But, under the new arrangement, Junejo merely remained the party's figure-head president, while Nawaz Sharif exercised effective control over the PML's affairs. After Junejo's death, Nawaz Sharif was formally 'elected' as the party's president.

However, Hamid Nasir Chatha parted ways with Nawaz Sharif, proclaiming himself as president of the PML-Junejo. The Junejo Group also included Mian Manzoor Ahmad Wattoo and Iqbal Ahmad Khan. In 1995, PML-Junejo again split in two groups: the PML-Chatha with Hamid Nasir Chatha as its president and the PML-Jinnah with Manzoor Ahmad Wattoo as its president. After the demise of Malik Qasim, Kabir Ali Wasti became president of the PML-Qasim. Meanwhile, Amanullah Khan became president of the PML-Qayyum. Following the death of the 'prince' in 1988, his son Ijazul Haq formed his own faction of the PML.

Following the overthrow of Nawaz Sharif's second government, the establishment dispatched the political parties into hibernation. However, after some time, the establishment cobbled together a group of politicians and erected, with their help, a 'democratic' facade once again. Before the 2002 general elections, the establishment supported and bolstered-up the group to dominate the country's political landscape under the title of PML-Quaid. The members of this group readily embedded with the establishment to enjoy the fruits of power.

Now some leaders of this group claim to be inheritors of Quaid-e-Azam's PML, but the founder of the nation was a democratic leader who did not envisage any role for the establishment in politics or in the statecraft. Lieutenants, legitimate heirs and workers of the political party that the Quaid-e-Azam once headed cannot join hands or collaborate with the people associated with the establishment, the people contend. The innumerable factions of the PML have confused the people, who are at a loss to understand out of the eight or more factions which one is the real one.

(The writer is an

Islamabad-based freelance columnist.

E-mail: alauddinmasood@gmail.com)