Editorial
Just when the coalition government was using 'dialogue' as the catchphrase to solve all problems in NWFP and the adjoining FATA, and the ANP-led provincial government was pursuing a peace deal with Maulvi Fazlullah in Swat, came the news of a military operation (which the government would rather call action) in parts of Khyber Agency to save Peshawar which was apparently all set to fall to militants.

analysis
Troubled Frontier
The Army wants the PPP-led coalition government in the centre and the ANP-headed administration in the NWFP to shoulder greater responsibility in tackling militancy and pacifying the violence-hit tribal and settled areas through political means
By Rahimullah Yusufzai
The government had little choice but to act against the militants operating out of Khyber Agency's Bara area following the forays by the latter into Peshawar and the abduction of people, including Christians, from the city. It was under pressure to secure the Frontier metropolis even though it soon became apparent that the threat to the provincial capital was exaggerated. Peshawar wasn't going to fall because the militants neither had plans nor the capacity to attack and capture it.

Third-party politics
Kurram Agency once again sees the rise of sectarian clashes
By Yousaf Ali
The military operation in Khyber Agency has apparently put a temporary stop to violence in sectarianism-hit Kurram Agency, as the elements involved in violent activities have silenced their guns, envisaging extension of the military swoop to their tribal region.
Fed up with the prolonged clashes in the tribal agency, the common tribespersons hailing from both the sects -- Shia and Sunni -- seem to welcome targeted operation against the elements destroying peace, which would obviously go a long way in restoring the writ of the government.

operation
'Right path' to save Peshawar
Security forces are moving forward in Bara while others are on red alert in rural Peshawar, but the elements against which the operation has been launched are very much present in the areas -- now under the control of the Frontier Corps
By Javed Aziz Khan
The paramilitary operation -- 'Sirat e Mustaqeem' -- launched in the Peshawar and Bara sub division of Khyber Agency since June 28, does not seem to have served the purpose which was to secure the main city of the Frontier province from any militant attack. The groups are still very much around and their members can be roused into unity any time. However, the deployment of contingents of Anti-terrorism Squad (ATS) and Frontier Constabulary on boundaries between Peshawar and the tribal areas was a good omen and it could serve to ward off attacks from the outside. In addition, the forces are now equipped with sophisticated weaponry and armoured vans to stop any incursion from Khyber Agency in the West, Darra Adamkhel in the South and Mohmand Agency in the North.

'There are problems on both sides'
-- Bashir Ahmad Bilour, Senior Minister NWFP
By Tauseef ur Rahman
The News on Sunday: What objectives did the government have in mind before it launched Operation Siraat-i-Mustaqeem in Khyber Agency?

Military or otherwise
Swat's problem has become more complicated overtime, and there is little chance of a lasting solution
By Delawar Jan
It was precisely a year ago when thousands of soldiers stormed the valley of Swat to deal a blow on the firebrand cleric Maulana Fazlullah who had been showing utter defiance in the face of the government. A year later -- after a peace deal between the provincial government and Fazlullah -- the militancy is far from being extinct.

The killing Agency
Public beheadings and slaughter of alleged spies is the order of the day in Bajaur
By Syed Bukhar Shah
The public execution of two alleged US spies in Bajaur Agency on June 27 unleashed a reign of the terror in the fear-stricken tribal agency bordering Afghanistan. It was for the first time that two alleged spies had been brought before hundreds of people waiting to witness the horrific execution in an open field called Damadola Juwaitra Khwar.

 

 

 

Editorial

Just when the coalition government was using 'dialogue' as the catchphrase to solve all problems in NWFP and the adjoining FATA, and the ANP-led provincial government was pursuing a peace deal with Maulvi Fazlullah in Swat, came the news of a military operation (which the government would rather call action) in parts of Khyber Agency to save Peshawar which was apparently all set to fall to militants.

Suddenly all attention was focused on an operation which was very limited in scope and only addressed groups clashing on sectarian grounds. This was an operation which did not involve any border with Afghanistan. Mangal Bagh and others have been pro-government groups who have never fought with the military and do not ally with the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan. Our hunch is that this is what this operation is not going to achieve. It will not earn the Pakistani government any more promises of US military aid. Nor will it satisfy the Americans or the Afghan government whose head literally threatened to send his troops to Pakistan to fight the militants infilterating into Afghanistan.

So basically this was a side-show. The real issue which is relevant to Afghanistan and the US remains the Taliban under Baituallah Mahsud. While the government is doing what it deems best under the circumstances -- dividing the Taliban ranks -- Baitullah Mahsud is acting much smarter than it thinks. He is playing both the cards -- militancy as well as talks -- to his advantage. The talks card he is using in Swat where at one point the peace agreement was in danger of being scrapped.

The overall situation looks bleak because the military is not ready to take up the responsibility for any unpopular decisions in FATA and wants to put it on the shoulders of a government that is not yet ready for it. Meanwhile, the sense remains that Pakistan is not interested in getting rid of Taliban who may be relevant for it in its Afghanistan policy.


analysis
Troubled Frontier

The government had little choice but to act against the militants operating out of Khyber Agency's Bara area following the forays by the latter into Peshawar and the abduction of people, including Christians, from the city. It was under pressure to secure the Frontier metropolis even though it soon became apparent that the threat to the provincial capital was exaggerated. Peshawar wasn't going to fall because the militants neither had plans nor the capacity to attack and capture it.

However, the action by the paramilitary Frontier Corps isn't the tough assault that the US and some Pakistanis expected would target the Pakistani Taliban. There are Taliban sympathisers in Bara and the rest of Khyber tribal agency but they aren't organised and haven't been involved in any significant anti-government or anti-state activity. The three main militant groups based in Bara and the remote Tirah valley have never identified with the Taliban and have refused to join the Baitullah Mahsud-led Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). In fact, these groups until now have been opposing the TTP and the one led by Haji Namdar and known as Amr bil Maruf wa Nahi Anil Munkar (Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice) has reportedly joined the new, pro-government umbrella Taliban group set up recently by militants opposed to Baitullah Mahsud.

The military operation had limited objectives. It primarily aimed at clearing Bara town, sited about 12 kilometres from Peshawar, and its surroundings of militants and re-establishing the government's writ in the area. The government, some months ago, lost control of Bara to the Lashkar-i-Islam group led by Mangal Bagh, who sent his armed men to patrol the town and the outlying village and implement the strict code of Shariah. The militants also provided security to Bara traders and shopkeepers, who started paying them a small tax that they were giving earlier to a market committee. The Lashkar-i-Islam, which had defeated the rival Ansarul Islam group and evicted it from Bara, also took action against kidnappers, drug-traffickers and other criminals and won support of sections of the population.

In due course of time, Mangal Bagh began receiving representations from citizens in and around Peshawar seeking his intervention in their disputes or requesting him to fight crime and vices. This also amounted to an indictment of the police, which doesn't inspire confidence among the people and is often suspected of being in league with criminals. Ambitious as he was, he gradually extended his area of operations to Peshawar. Authorities in Peshawar were alarmed and some Peshawarites started worrying about their city falling into the hands of the militants. As Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gillani is claiming, the NWFP Governor Owais Ghani and Chief Minister Ameer Haider Hoti sought the federal government's assistance for tackling the militants reportedly knocking at the doors of Peshawar. It is another matter that Chief Minister Hoti subsequently rebuffed this claim and insisted that no such request was made to the federal government. The ANP-PPP coalition government in NWFP, struggling to restore peace in Swat through a peace deal with Taliban led by radical cleric Maulana Fazlullah, had suspended police officials after the abduction of a number of Christians from Peshawar and was finding it difficult to stop the Bara-based militants from raiding places in the provincial capital and abducting people. The deteriorating law and order situation in parts of the province was causing disillusionment among the people who had voted in large number for ANP for promising them peace.

The Pakistan Army wasn't directly involved in the operation. The Frontier Corps (FC), which is made of Pashtun tribesmen and has officers drawn from the Pakistan Army, did the fighting. The Frontier Constabulary, which too is composed of members of the Pashtun tribes with officers belonging to the Police Service of Pakistan and Frontier Police provided back-up support within the limits of Peshawar district and on the boundary with Khyber Agency and made arrests of suspected militants or their supporters. During the operation, Mangal Bagh's headquarters was destroyed and Haji Namdar's house was attacked in a mysterious missile strike blamed by the latter on the US-led coalition forces operating across the border in Afghanistan. Eight people were killed in the missile attack. The third group of militants known as Ansarul Islam escaped unharmed as it doesn't have much of a presence in Bara after losing the battle for turf to Lashkar-i-Islam. In any case, none of the militant groups resisted the FC operation. Mangal Bagh fled to Tirah valley and then gave a statement offering peace talks to the government and denying that he wanted to capture Peshawar. He made it clear his men won't fight the security forces, demanded withdrawal of troops from Bara and insisted that Lashkar-i-Islam was a reformist organisation that had cleansed Bara of criminals, kidnappers and drug-traffickers.

It appears that the ongoing FC operation in Bara would be halted in the near future. The government could even try and establish secret contacts with the militants and seek peaceful co-existence. At this stage, the government doesn't want to take on the Pakistani Taliban militants operating in other tribal agencies such as South Waziristan, Mohmand and Bajaur agencies. However, it is trying to split the groups of Pakistani Taliban by creating differences in their ranks. Its foremost objective is to weaken Baitullah Mahsud and his TTP. The intelligence agencies had achieved an early success in this endeavour last year by splitting the Taliban group in Wana area of South Waziristan and exploiting the anger that most of the Ahmadzai Wazir tribe felt against the overbearing presence of Uzbek militants aligned to Tahir Yuldachev-led Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan. Pro-government Taliban and tribesmen under Maulvi Nazeer fought and expelled the Uzbeks from Wana. Maulvi Nazeer has now been named deputy leader of the new Taliban umbrella group led by Hafiz Gul Bahadur of North Waziristan. Efforts were being made to trigger defections from the TTP to build up a strong opposition against Baitullah Mahsud.

Still it would be naive to think that Baitullah Mahsud has been sufficiently weakened and rendered vulnerable. He is still the most powerful commander of Pakistani Taliban. His TTP enjoys allegiance of a number of Taliban groups in tribal and settled areas. It could lose ground to the new and rival group of Taliban over a period of time, provided the government made available resources to win over bands of militants. As for Baitullah Mahsud, he was pragmatic enough to allow the Swati militants to resume peace talks with the NWFP government as continued violence in Swat was depriving Maulana Fazlullah of whatever little support he had in Swat. The TTP had earlier declared that all peace accords with the government were being scrapped and directed the militants in Swat to abide by this decision. This change in policy could also be interpreted as a message by the TTP to the government about its willingness to resume peace talks in South Waziristan and other conflict spots in the NWFP and FATA.

The government, on its part, has also not given up the option of negotiating peace with the militants. It no doubt is under tremendous pressure by the US and its Nato allies to carry out military operations against the likes of Baitullah Mahsud. This pressure is being applied through various means including frequent visits by US government officials, Nato military commanders, media leaks and reports compiled by Western think-tanks. President Hamid Karzai's threat to send his troops across the border into Pakistan to hunt down Pakistani Taliban leaders sending fighters to Afghanistan should also be seen as part of efforts to force Islamabad to take action against the militants. However, the Pakistani military right now doesn't seem interested in carrying out more operations in the dangerous tribal areas. Instead, it wants the PPP-led coalition government in the centre and the ANP-headed administration in the NWFP to shoulder greater responsibility in tackling militancy and pacifying the violence-hit tribal and settled areas through political means. The military's patience hasn't run out or so it seems.

 

Third-party politics

By Yousaf Ali

The military operation in Khyber Agency has apparently put a temporary stop to violence in sectarianism-hit Kurram Agency, as the elements involved in violent activities have silenced their guns, envisaging extension of the military swoop to their tribal region.

Fed up with the prolonged clashes in the tribal agency, the common tribespersons hailing from both the sects -- Shia and Sunni -- seem to welcome targeted operation against the elements destroying peace, which would obviously go a long way in restoring the writ of the government.

The ongoing wave of violence in the tribal agency started in April 2007 and, after a brief lull, resurged in Nov last, claiming some seven to eight hundred lives from both the sides, besides causing material losses worth billions of rupees.

This is the longest spell of violence in the tribal agency which lasted for more than a year. In the past, sectarian violence prevailed only for a few days.

Frequent clashes have rendered the road to the down-country totally insecure, which is very rarely used for general traffic for the past one year. The road blockade and specific law and order situation has badly affected daily life in the region. Commodities of daily use have fallen short in the agency; health facilities are not available easily and educational institutions often remain closed.

Clashes in Kurram Agency are not merely sectarian, as is evident from the fact that neither the Shias nor the Sunnis could be eliminated from the agency. Both sides endorse the fact, which is why their elders want peace in the agency. But certain other elements are against tranquility in the region.

The local Taliban factor on Sunnis' side and local Mahdi Militia and Hizbullah on the other are playing the main role in deteriorating the situation. Tribesmen of the area are of the view that these forces have been created by some invisible forces to disgrace the local tribal elders from both the sects.

Following a failed attempt in Peshawar, the local jirga met again in Abbottabbad and signed a peace agreement, but the third party -- Taliban and two other militias -- carried out activities in violation of that accord.

These are splinter groups creating mayhem in the agency in the name of sectarianism. They are not serving the cause of their particular sect, says a local tribal elder while talking to TNS on the condition of anonymity.

He made a mention of the attack on a convoy carrying daily-use items to Parachinar about three weeks ago which caused two on-the-spot fatalities. Besides, the goods were either destroyed or looted and eight people from the convoy were abducted who were later found dead at the Pir Qayyum area near the Sunni-dominated Sadda town. This incident prompted the security forces to carry out air-blitz on Pir Qayyum village, killing two people and injuring another 28.

The people of the area showed a mixed reaction over the attack. They were angry over the loss of innocent lives in the shelling, but at the same time they were happy that the writ of the government slightly restored in the area as a result of that.

The second major factor responsible for the untoward situation was the mutual confrontation between Mangal and Tori tribes inhabited near Pak-Afghan border. Both the tribes often indulge in skirmishes with each other on petty issues like water, cattle-heads, wood-cutting and others and then paint the colour of sectarianism on their mutual controversy and thus violence flares up in the Agency. The recent clashes in Teri, Mangal and Pewar areas are a continuation of such disputes.

It was due to the non-sectarian nature of the Tori-Mangal disputes that the four tribes of central Kurram -- Para Chamkani, Ali Sherzai, Masoozai and Zeahmusht -- this time refused to take part in the clashes, saying that they would no more indulge in the personal disputes of Toris and Mangals.

Foreign hand in the entire mess could also not be ruled out. Some foreign countries have vested interests and they play an active role in worsening the law-and-order situation there. The local tribal elders are of the opinion that unless and until the government takes concrete steps, peace cannot be restored in the region. They say that security of the road is the prime responsibility of the government. If it does not fulfil its responsibility, peace would not return to the region. The government would also have to control the third party involved in the violence -- Taliban, Mahdi Militia and Hizbullah -- and take effective measures to control foreign intervention in the valley to put things in order.




operation
'Right path' to save Peshawar

The paramilitary operation -- 'Sirat e Mustaqeem' -- launched in the Peshawar and Bara sub division of Khyber Agency since June 28, does not seem to have served the purpose which was to secure the main city of the Frontier province from any militant attack. The groups are still very much around and their members can be roused into unity any time. However, the deployment of contingents of Anti-terrorism Squad (ATS) and Frontier Constabulary on boundaries between Peshawar and the tribal areas was a good omen and it could serve to ward off attacks from the outside. In addition, the forces are now equipped with sophisticated weaponry and armoured vans to stop any incursion from Khyber Agency in the West, Darra Adamkhel in the South and Mohmand Agency in the North.

"We have supplemented our police stations in urban and rural areas with manpower and weapons. Now the criminal elements will not turn to Peshawar," the Frontier Police chief, Malik Naveed Khan tells TNS.

On the other hand, the city police chief, Dr Mohammad Suleman considers Peshawar as his home and insists that he knows how to protect it. "Security has been beefed up at 44 different points in towns sharing boundaries with tribal areas while special measures have been taken to protect Hayatabad in case of any retaliation from Khyber Agency," opines Suleman. A crackdown has been launched over the hideouts of 'criminal rings' that were threatening the peace of the provincial capital and several rings have been busted.

Certain groups were operating in Matani, Mashokhel, Mashogagar, Badaber, Sheikhan, Sarband, Landi Akhun Mohammad, Regi, Nasir Bagh, Daudzai, Khazana, Mathra, Michni and other towns, sharing boundaries with the tribal belt, for the past several months. These were involved in blowing up CD shops, internet cafes, video centres, barber shops and attacking security forces and sensitive installations with bombs and rockets.

Peshawar was attacked from these towns, only five to 15 kilometres from the cantonment, and parts of the nearby tribal agencies on innumerable occasions in the recent past. Police parties were attacked twice in Matani, killing four cops every time. Two other policemen, including an SHO, were killed in another roadside blast in Nasir Bagh. The total number of cops killed in such attacks in Matani, a town located 20 kilometres from Peshawar city that shares boundary with troubled Darra Adamkhel, during the past few months, was 18. Rocket barrages were carried out to attack Peshawar on over two dozen occasions. Up to eleven rockets were fired in some of these attacks. The projectiles mostly landed in areas close to the Peshawar International Airport, residences of senior army officers around police lines and sensitive buildings in cantonment and surrounding areas.

Kidnapping for ransom has become a common crime in Peshawar and police seems to have failed in countering these bids. Several high-profile individuals including a serving brigadier and nephew of a former governor were among those abducted from the city, many of whom could be released only after payment of huge amounts as ransom. A few actions taken by the Mangal Bagh-led Lashkar-i-Islam earned appreciation for providing speedy justice to the public who would have to wait for years for those cases had they approached the traditional system of justice of the government. However, the abduction of 16 members of the Christian community who were taken to the nearby Bara, at 15 minutes' drive from cantonment, and released the next day, was an embarrassing act. The visits of armed men in double-cabin pickups to certain parts of the cantonment to warn the CD shop owners against their 'un-Islamic' business also spread terror. The public was astonished as to which larger interest has stopped the government and its security agencies from providing protection to the public against the trespassers.

Whatever the reasons of the government's long silence may have been, an offensive has finally been launched against these groups which the government believes to be rings of criminals, in Bara and rural Peshawar. Three groups are active in Bara, Lashkar-i-Islam, Ansarul Islam and Amr Bilmaroof wa Nahi Anilmunkar. Many have questioned the credibility of the Bara Operation in a situation when members of certain groups have already vacated the sub division. Others continue to roam the streets with AK-47 rifles, while the forces are not laying a hand on them. Only on a single occasion during the entire operation did the Frontier Corps face resistance where a militant was killed and two security personnel sustained injuries. Seven tribesmen were killed in a mysterious blast which the authorities believe was triggered by explosives inside the building. The tribesmen, however, suspect it was a rocket attack carried out by Nato forces. The rest of the operation was focused only on bulldozing the base camps of the three groups which were also banned by the federal government last week.

The gesture shown by the militants against the paramilitary forces has raised many an eyebrow. Mangal Bagh and his deputies have made it clear on more than one occasion that they would not fight against their 'own army'. Instead, they have pulled out their forces to Tirah.

Political leadership of the country smells the rat. "There is no imminent threat to Peshawar from militants but the government is spreading rumours to provide an opportunity to the US-led Nato forces so they could attack Fata," opines Jamat-e-Islami chief, Qazi Hussain Ahmad.

"I am sure the militants cannot capture Peshawar or any other town as they don't have the weapons and the resources to take over big towns."

The leaders of Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz, Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party, Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam Fazl and Tehrik-e-Insaaf have expressed reservations over the operation. Many have also seconded the thoughts of the JI chief.

Rahman Malik, advisor to the Prime Minister on Interior is optimistic that Peshawar has been secured from any threat from militants. "The objectives of the operation have been achieved to a great extent. Now there is no threat to the capital city," remarks the top security official of the country.

Malik makes it clear that security forces have been directed to take care of women, children and elderly tribesmen and take action only when somebody challenges them. That is why, he adds, no mishap has occurred during the course of the operation. "This is purely a civilian action led by Governor NWFP. The political authorities have taken control of the areas cleared by the Frontier Corps."

Arbab Alamgir, member of the National Assembly from Peshawar, supports the government stance on Bara operation, saying it will continue till the objectives are achieved. On the other hand, traders of the Bara sub division have been holding demonstrations in the capital city to protest the paramilitary action. The NWFP Assembly witnessed a heated debate over the issue when the lawmakers met in the current session. Legislators elected from Fata want an end to the operation and demand that the issue of law and order be addressed through talks.

Security forces are still moving forward in Bara while others are on red alert in rural Peshawar. But the elements against which the operation has been launched are very much present in the areas, now under the control of the Frontier Corps. Instead of conducting an eyewash of an operation, the government should adopt a clear-cut policy towards Fata and the Frontier, which should not be to please the US and the West but to improve the life of the people of these areas.

'There are problems on both sides'

By Tauseef ur Rahman

The News on Sunday: What objectives did the government have in mind before it launched Operation Siraat-i-Mustaqeem in Khyber Agency?

Bashir Ahmad Bilour: First of all, I would like to make it clear that it was not an 'operation' but an action that was taken against the miscreants in Khyber Agency. It was not aimed at Taliban but the government wanted to purge the tribal agency of the criminal syndicates. The security forces only demolished the hideouts of those who were involved in kidnapping and other illegal activities. The small number of casualties itself speaks for the so-called 'intense' action. Had it been a major operation, the number (of casualties) would have been higher.

Secondly, maintaining law and order in FATA is the responsibility of the federal government and it is taking due action.

TNS: Do you think Peshawar is safe from the militants' onslaught?

BAB: The media likes to think that Peshawar is falling to Taliban while the situation is not that bleak. The government has full control over the areas that are under its jurisdiction. ANP believes in settling issues through negotiations rather than through the barrel of the gun.

TNS: What is the status of the deal with the Swati militants?

BAB: The ANP government, right from day one, has sought a negotiated settlement of all the issues, which is evident from our efforts to secure peace in the region (Swat).

The previous government (of MMA) did not have the courage to release Sufi Muhammad of the banned Tanzim i Nifaz i Shariat i Muhammadi (TNSM) as they could not afford to incur the wrath of Gen (r) Musharraf and the United States. It was ANP that released Sufi and inked a deal with the Mullah Fazllullah-led local Taliban in Swat. After the ceasefire, people experienced a calm in the scenic valley that lasted over a month.

See, there are problems on both sides. However, we hope they will be resolved amicably. We cannot fulfil the militants' demand for a general amnesty but I am sure their detained colleagues could be bailed out. The agreement with the local Taliban is still intact and the remaining issues -- including compensation to the affectees of the Swat operation and the removal of check-posts -- should soon be addressed.

TNS: ANP is known as a secular party. Will it support the Islamic Judicial System as demanded by the Swati Taliban?

BAB: The government promised the local Taliban that it would enforce the Shariah Nizam-i-Adl Regulation 1999, after fine-tuning it. The new system will bind the judges to dispose off cases of civil nature within six months' time, whereas the criminal cases will be decided in three months flat.

TNS: Are the Islamic punishments included in that Regulation?

BAB: Not at all, there is no provision for, say, 'Rajam' (stoning), or amputating hands of criminals in the Regulation.

TNS: Who are the people that are torching schools and hotels and attacking security forces in the Swat valley?

BAB: See, we'll have to differentiate between the Taliban and the miscreants. The groups involved in organised crimes like arson and kidnapping have nothing to do with Taliban. We shall take to task those actually involved in these incidents.

TNS: Are the ANP peace initiatives viable and workable?

BAB: I can safely say that the people's confidence in ANP is increasing day by day which is evident from the recent by-poll in which ANP secured two seats -- one in Swat and another in tehsil Tangi of district Charsadda where we had never won before.

However, there are certain forces that are not interested in seeing Pukhtuns as a peaceful united nation. We are in a state of war for there are electricity and gas problems, food shortage and also the deteriorating law-and-order situation which is why army was called in in different parts of the country. Despite the grave situation we are providing security to our citizens.

TNS: Does your government have a plan-B in case the militants in Swat scrap the deal?

BAB: Even if the Taliban in Swat pull out from the deal we will continue our efforts to bring them to the negotiation table because we don't want our people to ever experience the menace of suicide bombings again.

TNS: What are the reasons for militant insurgency in the province?

BAB: Certainly, there are foreign hands involved in the incidents occurring in FATA. These forces want to destabilise Pakistan, declare it a failed state and create a situation where the hoax of nuclear insecurity can be brought forth.

We need to effectively work to subvert the evil aims of the enemy. The people don't need sophisticated weapons; what they need is access to health, education and employment, and ANP is striving to provide all these to the masses.

We want to make the country a welfare state where the people do not die of hunger.

TNS: Is government serious about capturing/eliminating Baitullah Mahsud?

BAB: Physically eliminating someone from the scene would not help matters; rather it will complicate the situation further. Baloch nationalist leader Akbar Bugti's killing is a good example to cite in this regard.

TNS: Was your party brought on board regarding negotiations with Taliban in FATA?

BAB: No, the government has not taken us into confidence regarding negotiations or whatever action it is taking in FATA. NWFP being adjacent to FATA has a direct influence on the happenings in the province.

Military or otherwise

By Delawar Jan

It was precisely a year ago when thousands of soldiers stormed the valley of Swat to deal a blow on the firebrand cleric Maulana Fazlullah who had been showing utter defiance in the face of the government. A year later -- after a peace deal between the provincial government and Fazlullah -- the militancy is far from being extinct.

The 33-year-old cleric has been disseminating fiery and inciting speeches on his FM channel, declared by the government as illegal, from his seminary situated on the bank of River Swat at Mamdheri, later renamed by him as Imamdheri. He was an ordinary activist of the Tehrik-e-Nifaz-e-Shariat-e-Muhammadi (TNSM) until 2005.

In 2002, TNSM was banned for its alleged militant activities and Sufi Mohammad, the father-in-law of Fazlullah, arrested on his return from Afghanistan after taking more than 10,000 volunteers there to defend the Taliban regime. His arrest created a vacuum which was filled by the inexperienced Maulana Fazlullah, harped on enforcement of Shariah. He was gaining support in Swat and becoming rebellious by inciting people to pull out their daughters from schools and refuse to administer polio drops to children. The threat was growing with each passing day, as he did not hesitate to challenge the writ of the government but the people and administration took him lightly.

However, he astounded all and sundry by attacking security forces on the way to and in the valley to avenge the 'Operation Silence' launched at Lal Masjid on July 3 last year. The orgy of violence in a week took the lives of 22 personnel of security forces sent to control the situation, besides civilian casualties. On July 6, exactly a year ago, four soldiers in Chakdara, three cops in a suicide attack in Mingora on July 12 and 15 in another suicide attack at Matta on July 15 were killed.

The situation never improved after the Lal Masjid operation as Fazlullah and his armed activists started an insurgency. The area that was known for its beautiful valleys and hospitality was associated with bomb blasts and violence, bringing tourism and economic activities to a standstill. President Pervez Musharraf ordered a full-scale military operation on November 24, after justifying Nov 3 emergency by citing growing militancy in the tribal areas and Swat. The Army routed the rampant militants who had seized police stations and replaced police sing boards outside police stations with 'Taliban Station'.

However, Fazlullah and his top lieutenants managed to escape unharmed and established their bases on the mountains, starting hit-and-run attacks and suicide bombing against 20,000 Pak army and paramilitary troops billeted in buildings in Mingora and other trouble parts.

The situation took an ominous turn when the Fazlullah-led militants joined Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) formed by top Pakistani militant Baitullah Mahsud on Dec 14 last year, in a bid to provide an umbrella to all insurgent movements operating in several tribal agencies and settle areas of NWFP. With this, the movement fell into the hands of tribal-areas-based Taliban and Maulana Fazlullah lost his authority to make decisions independently. The Swat-based Taliban were previously insisting only on the promulgation of Shariah but now they have increasingly strident demands from the government. Now they want the government to kowtow to Baitullah's tough conditions, or else they are not going to end the insurgency being part of TTP. Given this situation, the ongoing insurgency is far from being over.

The outfit, acting upon its stand, stalled talks and suspended the peace deal on the instruction of Baitullah, refusing to return to talks until his permission. "Baitullah Mahsud has the last word on the agreement and until his permission we cannot resume talks aimed at the enforcement of the accord," spokesman for the Swat Taliban Muslim Khan told TNS.

The hopes pinned on the deal by the people were shattered by the militants' decision to suspend pact which led to the return of violence after a 44-day lull. "The presence of Army did not improve the situation. Peace deals would also not work," a local wishing not to be named said. "The situation in Swat is worse than before as today no one is safe. People are concerned over the assassination of ordinary people, politicians and Ulema," Abar Ali, 22, remarked.

Another resident of Mingora, Rashid Ahmad, said that schools and check-posts were being regularly blown up and apprehended if the sense of insecurity persisted; the people would again migrate from Swat.

Moreover, in a recent spate of violence, more than a dozen people were killed and 16 girls schools torched or bombed in the last 10 days, causing fear and frustration among the militancy-weary people. Though Taliban say they have not resumed attacks, they claimed responsibility of attacks on security forces. However, they have distanced themselves from bombing girls' schools and instead said that a third force was bent upon sabotaging peace deal between the government and militants. Taliban despite suspending the deal have kept it 'intact' and hoped to revive the same provided Baitullah's approval. NWFP Senior Minister, Bashir Bilour insisted that the deal had already been signed and there was no need for further talks, but the accord needed implementation. He has also contacted Taliban for the revival of fragile agreement, but to no avail so far.

In the peace deal, the government has accepted the pressing demand of the militants, besides others, to enforce Shariah but they are now toeing Baitullah's line. In fact, Swat's problem has become further complicated and now there are little chances of its lasting solution, whether military or peaceful. The success of any peace deal is conditioned to the situation in the tribal agencies. According to Swati Taliban, in case of any action in tribal areas the pact would automatically stand terminated.

The NWFP government and Swati Taliban have their own compulsions and could not implement any deal despite sincerity from both sides. It would be wise for the government to realise the ground reality and directly talk to Baitullah for an effective peace accord in Swat since Fazlullah is no more the person calling the shots, or must devise another strategy to eliminate militancy.

The killing Agency

By Syed Bukhar Shah

The public execution of two alleged US spies in Bajaur Agency on June 27 unleashed a reign of the terror in the fear-stricken tribal agency bordering Afghanistan. It was for the first time that two alleged spies had been brought before hundreds of people waiting to witness the horrific execution in an open field called Damadola Juwaitra Khwar.

Amid sloganeering by the supporters, a Taliban activist slit open the throat of one of the blind-folded accused -- namely Qari Ziaul Islam -- while another fired bullets at the second accused, Jan Wali. The gathering was quick to respond to the inhuman act, chanting 'Allah-O-Akbar' and slogans in praise of the Taliban.

Some among the crowd, who were unaware of the shooting order, thought that some miscreants had attacked them and they clutched at their guns, say the eye witnesses. Their misunderstanding also resulted in the killing of three local Taliban while eight others, including a child were wounded, who too succumbed to his injuries later in the hospital.

The militant commander Waliur Rehman argued that the execution was carried out on the orders of Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) which, he said, properly investigated the case and charges of spying were proved against the accused. Both the accused, they claimed, had put 'indicator chips' for the American planes to spot the target that killed two important leaders including Abu Usman Al-Jaziri in Damadola.

The TTP leader said they had detained a few other people accused of spying and, if found guilty, they would meet the same fate.

The people of Bajaur now commonly find headless bodies lying about on the plains and mountains, and a small piece of paper is placed on them that carries a warning of the same fate. No organisations ever accept the responsibility for such killings that have claimed up to 50 lives -- till date.

Earlier, some unidentified people also killed two local journalists in two different incidents in Bajaur. Dr Noor Hakeem Khan along with a Tehsildar were killed in a bomb blast while another -- Mohammad Ibrahim Khan -- was killed when he was returning on his motorcycle after interviewing the TTP spokesman Maulvi Omar.

The TTP and its hardliner activists, justifying the beheadings, quote from history and say that strict punishments were given to anti-Muslim forces by Muslim warriors such as Khalid Bin Waleed and other Muslim Caliphs in the past.

According to an estimate, around 80 people in Mohmand Agency have lost their lives to various militants in the last one year, wherein eight persons including seven in Qandharo and another in Mohmand Ghat were slaughtered.

In Dwaezo, a far-flung area of lower Mohmand Agency, the local Taliban asked one youth named Yousaf to stop participating in his (alleged) anti-social activities, but his men fired at the Taliban, killing four of them.

Later, Taliban attacked Yousaf and his accomplices, killing him along with five others, and captured another six who were also beheaded later. A seventh accomplice of Yousaf namely Mulla Mauz was also slaughtered in the Holy month of Ramzan.

 

 

 

 

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