issue
Myopic, divisive
Water Vision of 2025 -- an imperial legacy of water control -- has all the potential to unleash dormant and latent ethnic conflicts in the country
By Amjad Bhatti
No one can see their reflection in running water. It is only in still water that we can see.
-- Taoist proverb
The 'Water Vision 2025' announced by the government of Pakistan, which resolves to build mega water projects by 2015, is a continuity of stereotypical approach to water management, capitalising on natural resources for rapid growth at the cost of ecosystems and livelihoods of poor communities.

Newswatch
Begum Liaquat's wise words
By Kaleem Omar
Begum Ra'ana Liaquat Ali Khan, the wife of Pakistan first and greatest-ever prime minister, Liaquat Ali Khan, was a great personality in her own right. An economist and educationist by training, she was Pakistan's leading women's rights activist, founder and life-president of the All Pakistan Women's Association (APWA), founder of the Pakistan Women's National Guard, and founder of four home economics colleges for women -- one in Karachi, one in Lahore, one in Peshawar and one in Dhaka.

Development recipes
Despite claims of an economic miracle, Pakistan's spending on social sectors remains lowest in South Asia with no qualitative change in the lives of people
By Muddassir Rizvi
The cooption of intellectuals has essentially led to a vacuum of scholarly debate that could encapsulate independently the issues at home. The dearth of intellectual input is in turn reflected in the social movements and actions which have been unable to convert into political power. At the same time, the economic resource in the hands of the already privileged is translated into political power to reinforce their stranglehold.

interview
The Pakhtoon strong lady
By Javed Aziz Khan
Professor Dr Lal Baha Ali is a symbol of courage, strength and hard work for millions of Pakhtoon women across the NWFP and the rest of the world who have been denied education due to cultural barriers.

book review
Post-conflict violence
One reason for underreporting and lack of action is that most abuses are against women and children, who have less power than men in most, or all societies in the world
By Atle Hetland
Forced Migration Review, January 2007
Special issue on Sexual Violence: weapon in war, impediment to peace,
Journal edited by the Refugee Studies Centre, Oxford University, UK, with the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA). 79 large pages.

With arms wide open
Serious flaws and loopholes have been exploited by middlemen to repeatedly purchase sensitive military hardware from the US and sell it off to countries such as Iran and China
By Aziz Omar
Various US military surplus weapons auctions have proven to be a haven for arms dealers and private companies that acquire the goods and export them. One would assume that with the entire hullabaloo over global terrorism and the threat from the 'axis of evil', stringent security checks would be in place to regulate transactions. However, serious flaws and loopholes have been exploited by middlemen to repeatedly purchase sensitive military hardware and sell it off to countries such as Iran and China.

issue
Myopic, divisive

No one can see their reflection in running water. It is only in still water that we can see.

-- Taoist proverb

The 'Water Vision 2025' announced by the government of Pakistan, which resolves to build mega water projects by 2015, is a continuity of stereotypical approach to water management, capitalising on natural resources for rapid growth at the cost of ecosystems and livelihoods of poor communities.

According to official sources over 16 per cent of the country's irrigated lands are presently degraded by severe waterlogging and over 14 per cent are affected by severe salinity. The government of Pakistan initiated the Salinity Control and Reclamation Projects (SCARPs) in the 1960s through the use of tubewell technology for drainage. However, it failed miserably. An official document titled 'The Framework for Action for Achieving the Pakistan Water Vision 2025' states: "The heavy operational and repair costs and pumping saline water from ground brackish water zone tilted the balance in favour of shallow tubewells and even pipe drainage system."

"The tubewells have contributed to the salt accumulation in the soil surface because the equality between incoming and outgoing salts was not maintained and the water table virtually lowered by evaporation and transpiration," the document maintains.

It is feared that the US$ 25 billion project of Water Vision 2025 would meet the same fate as SCARP in the 1980s. Mushtaq Gadi, an anthropologist working with the communities violated by the mega water projects in Seraiki region of Punjab, questioned the financial viability of water projects envisaged in Water Vision. Quoting World Bank's report on water sector development in Pakistan, Mushtaq indicated that the annual operational and maintenance cost of these projects is estimated at the tune of US$ 4-5 billion which is beyond the fiscal capacity of Punjab province. Understandably, the government would seek loan of about US$ 30 billion for the construction of mega water project, which would add into the national debt portfolio.

"While on the technical level we are repeating the same mistakes in water sector with heavy costs and all that is to be borrowed on commercial rates," Gadi lamented.

Dismissing this 'water project frenzy', Sindhu Bachao Tarla (Save Indus Struggles) on behalf of a broad-based coalition of people's struggles to defend the eco-system of Indus River has raised its concerns. According to this coalition, "neither the government nor the international financial institutions (IFIs) that have funded these projects have undertaken impartial appraisals of past projects and Water Vision 2025 has been announced regardless of the evidence."

"This is in spite of the fact that there is unambiguous evidence that many existing dams, drains and canals have had enormous adverse ecological and social impacts including massive displacement, water logging, flooding and loss of livelihoods," said Azahar Lashary working on water rights at ActionAid.

GN Mughal, a veteran journalist from Sindh who has extensively reported on water and environment issues, recalled that communities once living in the stretch starting from Kashmor to Keti Bandar -- along the Indus riverbank -- are missing now because of the construction of Tarbela Dam. "New mega water projects would not only erode resources downstream, rather they will also negatively affect the adjoining areas of project sites," he said.

Looking at the non-engineering dimensions of water management, it is not difficult to predict that the continuous water accumulation at upstream through dams and barrages would intensify political unrest downstream. Water is going to be a precious as well as a contentious commodity in this context. Since Punjab is privileged for its geographical location and if the concentration of mega water projects is not revisited there is a strong possibility of ethnic conflicts being triggered by the issue of control of water resources. The historical memory of Sindh on water issues is demonstrably bitter. Though the fruits of 'rapid growth' harvested through 'green revolution' could not equitably and adequately trickle down to the water-scarce and resource-poor communities of lower rapine, the bitterness has, indeed, trickled down to them.

In the case of Kalabagh Dam three provincial assemblies have rejected the proposal and there is strong opposition from nationalist parties of Sindh and NWFP against the project. Sindh has time and again raised the issue of sea water intrusion in Indus delta caused by the inadequate water flow to the Arabian Sea. It is feared by Sindh that with the construction of mega water projects on Indus River the water flow to the sea would be further reduced which would lead to a rapid sea intrusion and cause destruction to land and livelihood of coastal areas and communities.

However, General Pervaiz Musharraf and his water experts term it a 'naive' and 'anti-development' stance. The official quarters plead the case for building more dams on Indus by believing that "water going to sea is water going to waste". The ecological lobbies view this official response as a 'manufactured logic', to continue with water tampering for the perpetuation of monopoly over water resources.

Ecological lobbyists maintain that "the quantity of freshwater reduced considerably downstream Kotri, especially in Indus Delta after the construction of Sukkur Barrage in 1932. Similarly, the construction of Kotri and Guddu barrages in 1955 and 1962, respectively, further reduced the Indus flow downstream Kotri. Moreover, other barrages, dams and link canals also badly affected the region."

Idress Rajput, former secretary irrigation, was quoted saying that the estimated freshwater flow in Indus Delta was about 150 million-acre feet (MAF) in the past. Indus had also been carrying with it some 400 million tons of silt. However, over the last 60 years freshwater flow has reduced to less than 10 MAF. "While according to recent studies 27 to 35 MAF water is required downstream Kotri Barrage to ensure the sustainability of ecology and livelihood resources in the Indus deltaic region," emphasised Mohammad Ali Shah of Pakistan Fisherfolk.

However there is no meeting of minds between Sindh and the federal government on the figures of water flow downstream Kotri as according to the Surface Water Hydrology Directorate of WAPDA "the water out-flowing to the sea, amounting to 41.02 MAF thus represents a potential source for the future development of the water resources."

Responding to the question as to how ongoing water disputes would influence future political discourse in the country, Asim Sajjad Akhtar, who teaches post-colonial history at LUMS commented: "Control of water as a commodity and corporatisation of water would bring new changes to Pakistani politics."

It is intriguing to note that when mainstream opposition parties are not taking much interest in articulating peoples concerns on issues like water and the provision of other essential commodities, the nationalist parties are taking the centre of the stage. "In the case of Diamond Bar City in Karachi these were regional and national parties of Sindh who stood with fishing communities... Mainstream political parties like PPP remained aloof in questioning the government policy," said Asim.

So does the mainstream media. There is a strong tendency among Pakistani media -- particularly among popular media -- to easily become a party to the conflict and create its own constituency. While the pluralist media is expected to address wider audiences attending to various shades of a particular issue. The former media attitude in relation to water conflict can breed ethnic hatred if mainstream, particularly Punjabi media, does not bring all sides of the story in public discussion. Few months ago the staffers of a Sindhi newspaper resigned en bloc to protest against an advertisement run by their newspaper in favour of Kalabagh Dam. It is pertinent to note that the newspaper was owned by a Lahore-based editor who has filed a petition in Lahore High Court seeking the instruction of building Kalabagh Dam on the basis of 'national interest'.

Looking deep we will find there are two different perspectives on water issues in Punjab as well. The Seraiki region, which is taken as southern Punjab, does not share much of the central Punjabi version on water issues like Kalabagh dam, Kacchi Canal, Greater Thal Canal and Chashma Canal. Since most of the Seraiki districts fall along the Indus River and a large number of communities bank upon the Indus water for their subsistence. The depletion of water resources and ecosystems along Indus would directly affect the fishing and farming communities of this region. Majority groups of Seraiki origin are not eager to support Kalabagh Dam contrary to the popular support for dam in the districts of central Punjab.

Wasim Wahga, who hails from Daman area of DG Khan told TNS that traditional Rod Kohi -- a system of irrigation through hill torrents of Suleman range -- was disrupted by the Chashma canal in their area. He also pointed that natural drainage system and local water regimes were interrupted by the canal for which a sizeable acre of land has become barren.

In another recent example the breach in Taunsa Barrage has put in question the authenticity of the discipline of water engineering in relation to taming Indus River for the Taunsa Barrage Modernization and Emergency Rehabilitation Project (TBMERP). The TBMERP is a US$ 150 million loan project contracted with the World Bank and it was aimed at preemption of break-down in water distribution system in Seariki region of Punjab. Apart from the damage to land and livelihood caused by the breach, the cost of repair is said to be three billion rupees.

Most recently the fundamental failings of the WB and ADB funded Left Bank Outfall Drain (LBOD) project were exposed by massive floods in Badin, Thatta, Mirpurkhas and Sanghar districts of Sindh. Some reports suggest that the almost US$1 billion National Drainage Project (NDP) of which the LBOD was one component has been nothing short of a social and ecological disaster. Then there have been innumerable problems with the ADB-funded Chashma Right Bank Irrigation Project, the ADB-funded Chotiari reservoir and Manchar Lake, to name a few.

Against the backdrop of claims and counter claims on water resources and perceived implications of mega water projects on political, environmental and ecological fronts, the pursuance of 'Water Vision of 2025' -- as an imperial legacy of water control -- would undoubtedly unleash the dormant and latent ethnic conflicts in Pakistan. It is assumed that Punjab would be seen as the main beneficiary of these projects cultivating feelings of mistrust and distaste among smaller provinces and marginalised territories. Therefore, the non-structural ramifications of water management need to be taken into account before entering into any stereotypical solution to water and energy crisis in Pakistan.

These competing interests for water between provinces and communities would dictate the political future of Pakistan with a strong probability of water disputes translating into ethnic conflicts. These are times to rethink water management and distribution regimes in Pakistan in favour of equity in accessibility and eco-friendliness.

(The author is an Islamabad-based development journalist and the regional coordinator of Asia for the UN-ISDR's Global Media Network for Disaster Risk Reduction)

The genesis of water conflicts -- particularly between Punjab and Sindh -- lies in the colonial regimes of water management in Indian subcontinent. Successive regimes, reflexively indoctrinated by the imperial paradigm of natural resource management, could not look beyond the applied systems and approaches of water regulation in Pakistan. Hence, the contested claims on water resources turned into perennial disputes with ethnic overtones and territorial obsessions in post-1947 Pakistan.

Historical records reveal that proposed Bhakra Dam on the Satluj River in East Punjab in undivided India was the first bone of contention between Punjab and Sindh. The arguments by the then Bombay Presidency against the Bhakra Dam were more or less the same as the current stance by Sindh on proposed Kalabagh Dam. Sometimes history may repeat itself, though comically.

Sensing the grievances of downstream Sindh, the India Irrigation Commission (IIC) established in 1901 directed the colonial administration of Punjab to seek prior permission from Sindh in case of any intended water project in Indus River System (IRS). The Cotton Committee (1919), the Anderson Committee (1935) and the Rao Commission (1941) formed by the British administration to iron out water dispute between Sindh and Punjab provide an official insight to understand the under-currents of water dispute between the two provinces and their administrative contours determined by the 'water vision' of British administration. Correspondingly, it establishes the fact that water dispute between Sindh and Punjab is not merely a political cliche; rather it is seated deep in the unresolved legacy of irrigation engineering promulgated by the empire.

The process of establishing 'canal colonies' in Punjab started in 1860 with Upper Bari Doab being the first canal taking off from Ravi at Madhupur to irrigate three districts of undivided Punjab i.e. Amritsar, Gurdaspur and Lahore. The 'canal colonisation' started with Chenab colony in 1880 followed by Jhelum colony on the same model.

The implications of 'canal colonisation' in Punjab are investigated through multiple perspectives. Critical theorists look at it as a handiwork of colonial pragmatism dictated by imperial control of water resources in Indus basin for high returns of revenue for the empire. They are of the view that through this process a 'colonial hydrology' was put in place to create a 'loyal peasantry' in Punjab. According to Dr. Karanjot Kaur Brar, Upper Bari Doab canal was principally aimed at generating employment to rehabilitate the disbanded Sikh army personnel.

Another account views it as a reward to the recruiting base of British army through which new canal colonies were established and a major population transfer was planned in these new settlements. The Western view of conquering nature for the well-being of humans is said to be another motivation behind the canal irrigation experiment in Indus basin. While the dominant but simplistic perspective traces the roots of canal irrigation enterprises by the British empire as a 'benevolent gift' to the Indian 'natives' to ensure food security through their technical prowess and engineering competence. White man's burden, eh?

However, in his article on 'Imperial Rivers: Irrigation and British Visions of Empire,' David Gilmartin of North Carolina State University identifies the politico-environmental ramifications of Indus irrigation system by stating:

"Nor were they [British engineers and water managers] able to effectively deal with the interlinked problems of continuing waste of water in irrigators' fields, of rising water tables, and of increased salinity that marked the development of the system. Beyond this, the very conception of the Indus Basin as an integrated water environment heightened the emerging political problems officials now faced in balancing water deliveries between the various political units, including princely states and provinces, which made up the river basin. But a new vision of the Indus basin as an integrated hydraulic environment had, nevertheless, been achieved, and with it, a new conception of 'imperial rivers'."

Gilmartin's assertions are echoed in today's water discourse in Pakistan, whereas no change towards water management is likely to happen in official narratives.

-- Amjad Bhatti

Newswatch
Begum Liaquat's wise words

Begum Ra'ana Liaquat Ali Khan, the wife of Pakistan first and greatest-ever prime minister, Liaquat Ali Khan, was a great personality in her own right. An economist and educationist by training, she was Pakistan's leading women's rights activist, founder and life-president of the All Pakistan Women's Association (APWA), founder of the Pakistan Women's National Guard, and founder of four home economics colleges for women -- one in Karachi, one in Lahore, one in Peshawar and one in Dhaka.

Aptly dubbed 'The Dynamo in Silk', Begum Liaquat achieved so many 'firsts' in her long life that "it provokes the envy of lesser mortals," in the words of F. D. Douglas, editor of 'Challenge and Change', a volume of her collected speeches.

She was the first Muslim woman ambassador from any country, achieving that distinction in 1954 when she was appointed Pakistan's ambassador to the Netherlands, where she eventually became Doyen of the Diplomatic Corps. In the 1960s, she served for four years as our ambassador to Italy.

She was the first Muslim woman governor, achieving that distinction in 1972 when the Z.A. Bhutto government appointed her Governor of Sindh. She was the only woman ever to serve as governor of a Pakistani province.

She was the first recipient of the UN Human Rights Award, the first Muslim woman to win the Jane Adams Medal and the Woman of Achievement Medal, the first Muslim woman delegate to the United Nations -- the list goes on and on.

Queen Juliana of the Netherlands conferred on her the Grand Cross of Orange-Nassau, Holland's highest civilian award, which is normally reserved for royalty and heads of state. This was an unprecedented decoration for an ambassador.

The International Gimbel Award (for services to humanity) was founded on January 4, 1962, and Begum Liaquat became the first recipient -- the same day.

The citation read: "She took upon herself the noble duty of guiding the women of her country into the wide areas of modern social, cultural and civic life. A work, which in other nations took centuries of time and absorbed the energies of many generations, she accomplished in the span of little more than a decade."

In May 1950, when she accompanied her husband, Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan on a state visit to the United States at the invitation of US President Harry S. Truman, the Americans hailed her as 'The Mother of Pakistan'.

In 1965, the Turkish Women's Association went one better than that and chose her as 'Woman of the World'. After her stint as our ambassador in Rome ended in 1966, the Italian government honoured her with Italy's highest civilian award by creating her 'Cavaliere di Gran Cross'.

From the national field, in which it received early recognition from the Pakistan government, APWA, under Begum Liaquat's leadership, moved to the international arena when she won for it UN recognition as a Non-Governmental Organisation (NGO).

She then linked APWA with other women's international organisations pursuing similar objectives and established branches in London, Birmingham, Washington and Kuwait.

A born diplomat, the ideal Begum Liaquat set before women was, in F.D. Douglas' words, "not to compete but to collaborate with men..." and paid warm tribute "not only to 'the APWA husbands' but also to other men who had established organisations with the same objectives of social welfare for mother and child, the underprivileged, the sick, blind, deaf and dumb, cripples, and the illiterate." To remove illiteracy among women was one of her prime objectives.

Begum Liaquat began her working life as a teacher in pre-partition India and retained a lifelong interest in education. When she was appointed Governor of Sindh in 1972, she also became chancellor of all the universities in the province (in the process also becoming the first Muslim woman chancellor of any university anywhere).

On May 11, 1954, shortly before proceeding to the Netherlands to take up her ambassadorial assignment there, Begum Liaquat delivered the keynote address at the First Ordinary Convocation of Karachi University. She chose as her subject: "The University -- A Social Relevance Or A Cultural Anomaly".

In her address, Begum Liaquat, among other things, said: "What place has the University in the general life of the people? What has it done or not done, and what should it be expected to do? Is it to be an Ivory Tower of nebulous idealism or easy escapism, an elegant club for snob values or busy idleness: an academic factory for mass-produced intelligentsia or musty museum pieces; an imposing monument to great but dead knowledge, dead languages, dead thinking, at which we reverently and regularly pay homage through Speech Days, Reunions and various sartorial displays of ties, blazers, gowns and headgear?

"Or is it to be an up-to-date laboratory for the testing of ideas,

old and new, the systematic research into the organisation of moral, social and intellectual principles and realities, and the creation of tools and instruments whereby man may be better able to know the great potentials of modern knowledge for the benefit of mankind , and not merely for its destruction?

"In other words, the University must be a socially relevant unit whose education is a virile and positive response to changing social needs; a nursery for living leadership in all professions and spheres of life; a distributor of sound knowledge and imaginative vision, for the constructive possibilities of the advancing skills and knowledge within our reach; and an instructor for a better social set-up to take full advantage of such skills and knowledge in the interest of the greatest number, and not merely of the privileged few.

"Such knowledge and training, however, must not be exclusively reserved for the so-called 'Science' student. It must overstep artificial barriers and be correlated to work in all departments, so that all subjects are linked together in meaningful unity by the common bond of social relevance.

"There are many who contend that the function of the University is to encourage the pursuit of knowledge for its 'own' sake, and to impart education on controversial subjects (and which are not in one way or at one time or other?) in a strictly 'neutral' manner. This strikes me as an attractive but nevertheless specious fallacy, and accounts for the thoroughly anaemic and aesthetic gibberish which constitutes a great deal of what goes to make up a University degree (with honourable and partial exceptions), by virtue of which the owner acquires a false prestige and a set of personal algebraic signs which carry certain social, matrimonial and wage assets, but incapacitate the 'tail-in-the-mouth' end of a vicious circle.

"Knowledge for its own sake may be the luxury of the specialist, but it cannot be a main part of the education of the average citizen, unless it is found to be socially relevant.

"Moreover, experience has shown that knowledge makes its greatest advance where it is spurred on by definite (and not neutral) personal and social interests. The science of medicine alone is replete with proofs of this. Living and learning in a vacuum have never produced any advancement, and is particularly impracticable in our modern world of ever-increasing political, economic and cultural interdependence.

"Great movements gather force and impetus by the 'bias' of some person or persons, as we know only too well today by the clamour and conflict of the various 'isms' which have battened upon the 'neutrality' and lack of 'bias' and, therefore, lack of force of others."

Wise words, indeed, and ones, moreover, which have the added force of great eloquence. What Begum Liaquat said more than fifty years ago in her address at Karachi University in 1954 is as relevant today as it was back then. The text of her speech should be made compulsory reading for all those involved in higher education, and should be inscribed in stone above the portals of every college and university in the land.

Development recipes

The cooption of intellectuals has essentially led to a vacuum of scholarly debate that could encapsulate independently the issues at home. The dearth of intellectual input is in turn reflected in the social movements and actions which have been unable to convert into political power. At the same time, the economic resource in the hands of the already privileged is translated into political power to reinforce their stranglehold.

The ideological stimuli are only coming from religious forces making optimum use of the vacuum lying at the heart of an intellectually barren society. The so-called intellectual input feeding policy-making and social transformation has come about mostly by the privileged who have not lived through the misery of being the poor, the powerless and the deprived.

The recipes, therefore, are based on development paradigms drawn from foreign societies. It's no wonder then that many of these recipes have not worked in this society where a combination of traditional and modern values has created the kind of complexity that needs to be understood before developing a vision for future.

There are many areas that need serious research. For example, the political organisation in the country, despite being a modern form of assembling of people and articulation of their interests, exhibits traditional values of being dominated by dynasties and families. Most political parties disallow vertical mobility of people, marginalising working classes from their ranks and articulating demands that are not rooted in public aspirations. Instead of acting as agents of change and a conduit between the state and the masses, the political organisation articulates group interest of the capitalist elite.

These political parties will hold hands, irrespective of their serious ideological and political differences, over the killing of Nawab Akbar Bugti, but have never taken a united stand over the 'disappearance' of hundreds of citizens in the aftermath of the government's swoop against Islamic extremism.

Similarly, civil society in the country needs further probe with regard to its composition and scope. Trade unions are on the verge of extinction. Pakistan's largest bulk of exports is composed of cotton-related products which are produced by the informal sector that is not protected by any statute as far as their basic rights are concerned, let alone their right to assemble. Umbrella professional organisations, on the other hand, are allowed to survive primarily because they are no threat to private sector and raise demands directly to the state. However, their influence is limited and momentary.

As far as the modern-styled neo-liberal NGOs are concerned, they are more in the business of pushing an imported development paradigm. After having been in action for more than two decades, these outfits might have been able to develop networks of community-based organisations, but not many of them have been able to transform themselves into local level pressure groups, moving, though there may be some exceptions.

Similar bankruptcy is evident in the country's economic policy-making, as the much awaited trickle down effect of the economic boom has yet to bless the teeming millions, who lack even the basic needs. The so-called economic transformation, which may just be a result of Pakistan's post-9/11 geo-political alignments, seems to have been consumed for strengthening the state and its institutions, but there is not much left for the development of people.

The increase in the GDP growth rate, improvement in the fiscal deficit, lowering of the current account-GDP ratio, improvement in the domestic debt-GDP, decrease in external debt; swelling of remittances, growth in exports, surging of tax revenues, stability in rupee-dollar parity, rise in foreign direct investment and increase in foreign exchange reserves are all indicators cited by policy planners in defense of the 'economic miracle'. But the miracle is certainly not generating employment for the working class facing the rising inflation.

The negative indicators of the economy are more pronounced now. The workers struggle to get their minimum wage while the elite drive branded leased cars, a clear reflection of the sincerity of the state to enforce its writ for the protection of the basic rights of the working classes.

Despite claims, Pakistan's spending on social sectors remains lowest in South Asia, though the 2006-2007 budget registered quite an increase in the development expenditure -- Rs 435 billion, an increase of over 60 per cent than the previous year. But statistics are not sufficient to establish the state's sincerity in really bringing about a qualitative change in the lives of people. At the same time, an increase in budgetary allocation does not mean an improvement in service delivery amid an implementation apparatus that is marred by inefficiencies, corruption and non-transparency.

The pertinent questions are: what does the economic turnaround mean to people? What good is investment when no jobs are being created? What good does the increase in revenues do when clean drinking water, illiteracy, primary health care and sanitation remain daunting challenges? What would an increase in per capita income do when inflation erodes the purchasing power of people? How is the macroeconomic miracle relevant to the masses? The answers perhaps will just be the standard -- it takes time for economic growth to trickle down. But none of the planners has any clue how long will it take for the trickle down to take effect. It seems that capitalist economic development has just become an end in itself -- the rest is left on to the trickle-down economics, which has never worked, not in Pakistan, not anywhere.

The neo-liberal economists may just blame the absence of trickle-down benefits on weak political institutions, bad governance, corruption and cronyism. But what remains the issue is the absence of any independent, intellectual discourse on how to move forward and make planning process more reflective of public needs.

Suggestions by a few economics research institutions in public and private sectors are usually shrugged off as mere intrusions. People are considered just too menial to be consulted, though in the southern Indian state of Kerala they form the core of a planning process that is hailed as revolutionary throughout the world.

It seems that the macroeconomic planning is devoid of inputs from the grassroots. Clearly, there is a wide gap between the public demands and budgetary priorities. No wonder education continues to get less than three percent of the GDP and that many communities along the multi-billion motorway continue to be deprived of electricity and clean water. Islamabad is all set to repair and build roads with an amount sufficient to provide clean drinking water at least for the entire Potohar region. Creation of developed islands amid vast tracts of deprived people only sharpens the fact that the state is pursuing a policy inequitable development.

Unless there is greater intellectual discourse in society on the theoretical assumption of the economic planners for solutions based on inputs from diverse sources, there cannot be meaningful improvements in the quality of life of people. An integrated development approach leading to equitable allocation of resources is possible only if there is a process to integrate the diversity of demands that are raised by people and their groups.

interview
The Pakhtoon strong lady

Professor Dr Lal Baha Ali is a symbol of courage, strength and hard work for millions of Pakhtoon women across the NWFP and the rest of the world who have been denied education due to cultural barriers.

In addition to fighting the social and cultural norms, the strong lady has a score of achievements to her credit. She is the first ever Pakhtoon woman to complete her PhD and that too from United Kingdom even though she was born and brought up in a typical conservative family of the backward Tor Dher Village in Swabi.

She became the first ever female chairperson of the History Department and was then appointed the first woman Dean Faculty of Arts, Peshawar University as well as the first female acting Vice Chancellor of the institution for a brief period. Dr Lal Baha was the first head of the women section of the Islamic University, Islamabad and later became the member of the Federal Public Service Commission for a two year term.

Dr Baha has authored a number of books and has contributed a lot to the field of research having written 42 research papers in national and international journals. Her passion for research has taken her to USA, UK, Italy, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Kabul and Amman. Half a century after Dr Baha's initiative, only five girls from Tor Dher have been able to make their way to the nearby college in Manerai.

During a sitting the senior professor of history discussed with The News on Sunday her achievements as well as the importance of female education.

The News of Sunday: You belong to a backward village of Swabi district where in the 1950s there was no concept of female education. How did you manage to cross the cultural barriers?

Dr Lal Baha: My father, a government servant, enrolled me and my sisters in a local school where we studied till lower middle. At that time there was no concept of higher education among the females but when he was transferred to Peshawar, I insisted on attending high school and after some resistance I was allowed. After passing the high school I was willing to study more and I requested my father to give me the permission to get an admission in Frontier College that he rejected.

With the help of one of my father's friends, I was allowed to join the college long after the commencement of the session. The journey continued and I graduated from the lone female college, headed by the famous Miss Herbottle who later became the chairperson of the English Department in Peshawar University. After doing my Bachelor of Arts I wanted to do my masters from the University of Peshawar but I was dead sure that nobody was going to let me do so. I again turned to my father's friend for help. My family allowed me to join the university under the conditions that I would wear a burqa and join any other department except english since it was considered to be the most modern and western in influence. So I opted for history.

TNS: How many girls were there in your class and what was the environment like?

DLB: Initially there were twelve girls in the class. There was a partition between the males and females section and girls normally used to wear burqas. During the two years of the masters, many left the programme and only a few graduated. After obtaining my Masters degree in 1962 I was offered a job in the History Department that I accepted without asking or telling my father, who was posted in Dera Ismail Khan at that time.

TNS: Having been born and brought up in a conservative family, how did you manage to go abroad for your PhD?

DLB: I had just joined the department as lecturer when the Vice Chancellor of the university, Dr Mohamamd Ali announced to send 30 newly recruited lecturers abroad for their doctrates on scholarship. Despite my knowing that it would anger my family members, I submitted an application and was selected. When my father came to know about it, he was furious since he even didn't know about my job. But later he calmed down and after seeing my seriousness towards higher studies he agreed to let me go for my PhD from the School of Oriental and African Studies in London.

I left my home in a burqa and landed in a totally different world. I remained in London from 1964 to 1968. I used to attend classes and then spent my time in libraries all day when my colleagues were discovering Europe. On my return, I rejoined the Department of History. I became its chairperson in 1981 and then served as the Dean of Faculty of Arts from 1990 to 1993.

I also served as a visiting professor of the Quaid-e-Azam Chair in University of Jordan, Amman between 1986 and 1990 and as the Director of Centre of Excellence for Women Studies from 1992 to 1994.

TNS: What do you consider as your achievements as head of the Department of History and Faculty of Arts?

DLB: During my tenures, I always stressed on in-depth research and it's all that I really focused on. I particularly encouraged young scholars and gave them a grant of Rs 700,000 to help them in research.

TNS: As a professor of history what do you think about the present scenario of the world?

DLB: Most of the world was under British imperialism before World War-I but soon after World War-II, the situation started to change. The downfall of the Russian and British Empires started and the US began to emerge as the supreme power in the world. To ensure its stronghold, the US helped Israel in becoming a regional power in the Middle East. America wants to control the oil reserves all over the world and that is all it is using its power for. The Neo Conservative Group has gained power in the US and is imposing its agenda throughout the world.

TNS: Where does South Asia stand in this course of history?

DLB: We are also a part of this bigger game. When Russia invaded Afghanistan, US brought 10,000 people from Middle East to fight the Russians. Now that Russia has disintegrated, the US has attacked Afghanistan on pretext of its involvement in the 9/11 incident in addition to Iraq. Now it is talking of invading Iran too. The Muslim countries all over the world are in trouble but I am sure they will overcome these difficulties very soon.

TNS: Do you think the Pakhtoon women's chances of getting an education have improved with time?

DLB: Of course, the chances have improved. You know five girls from our village have got admission in a college in Manerai. One of them is from my own family. My two other sisters are also well educated. Things are changing for the better in the entire province. People know now that they should send their girls to colleges and universities. Here I would like to advise the girls to be more careful and never breach the trust of their parents. Girls must pursue higher education but they should not be influenced by the negative trends emerging in the society.

TNS: How can female education improve further in the province?

DLB: Girls schools should be established in every village and there must be more women colleges and universities. The female education will improve only when girls have easy access to education institutions and that will only happen when these institutions are near their villages and cities. The establishment of a women university would also contribute greatly towards improving female education standards.

TNS: As a Pakhtoon woman, how do you view honour killing and swara traditions in our society?

DLB: These menaces have harmed our society but I think the situation is improving since education is being encouraged. The Pakhtoon woman is now a strong lady who has the courage to fight against all social evils. I would advise them to continue learning so that they can be stronger.

book review
Post-conflict violence

Forced Migration Review, January 2007

Special issue on Sexual Violence: weapon in war, impediment to peace,

Journal edited by the Refugee Studies Centre, Oxford University, UK, with the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA). 79 large pages.

Institutions can order free copies online: www.fmreview.org

The January 2007 issue of Forced Migration Review (FMR), which is more like a reference book than a journal, is devoted to sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) in conflicts and beyond.

In 2006, two important international meetings were held to seek methods to map the magnitude of such violence and find mechanisms to reduce it, which includes bringing perpetrators to court, possibly moving towards handling them as having committed crimes against humanity. The conferences also discussed ways of treating and healing victims in ways that are discrete and sensitive to each person's dignity, culture, religion, and so on. The June 2006 meeting was hosted by the Belgian government and the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), and the December 2006 meeting was a debate at the United Nations in New York.

The Security Council Resolution 1325 on 'Women, peace and security' is to be operationalised into concrete action plans in a four-year holistic programme (2004-2008) involving key UN organisations and national governments.Information about 'The Brussels Call to Action' and be downloaded from the Website: www.unfpa.org/emergencies/symposium06.

The current FMR issue describes and discusses normative aspects, it describes cases from recent and ongoing conflicts, and it discusses lasting solutions. The magnitude and common occurrence of sexual violence and crime are much more widespread than we tend to think. In some countries, notably during the civil war in Liberia, which now is the only African country with a female head of state, up to two-thirds of girls and women have been victims.

The abuse cases we have read about a few years ago from Iraqi prisons are indeed just the tip of the iceberg, and they are also not the most common forms of abuse. However, it is a fact that the most dangerous situation for abuse to take place is when persons are in detention, FMR writes. The Iraqi cases committed by American 'wardens' were torture, which sadly are commonplace in police stations and prisons, more frequently during war than in peacetime. Most cases are, however, in disguise and against rules and regulations; a clean facade is kept, yet, the abuses go on, mainly against women and girls, but sometimes also against boys and adolescent and adult men.

In wars, violent conflicts and other emergency and displacement situations are important elements leading to the collapse of the social fabric. Basic resources and consumables are usually scarce and difficult to obtain. People suffer from trauma, loss of family and friends, physical and psychological injuries and illnesses, and so on. The less transparent the situations are and the more uncertain the future is, the more abuse and violence will take place.

Sexual abuse and exploitation take place in peacetime, too, within families and amongst people who know each other, and even amongst people who love each other. Still, sexual abuse and other types of domestic/neighborhood violence always include aspects of the perpetrator seeking power and control. In war, conflict and post-conflict situations these abuses and crimes increase in number mainly because the control mechanisms are fewer and situations more unclear and less transparent. In addition, trauma and psychological confusion leads to lessening of personal restraint and what would otherwise be termed abnormal or unacceptable behaviour.

Strange as it may sound, the same general pattern is the case in post-conflict and peace-building situations, for example when refugees return home after the war, and years or decades of displacement are over. Special attention should be drawn to the post-conflict situations since they are generally expected to have fewer cases of abuse. Yet, survey data from a number of cases shows that the prevalence of abuse is high, as documented in FMR articles.

Most victims are women and girls

SCBV cases are usually covered up by perpetrators, victims, law-enforcement officers, and even the community at large. People do not want to see and admit that such things go on, not in peacetime nor in war and crisis. However, family members, friends and officials often know about many of the cases; they turn a blind eye, or, perhaps they think that some things are best not spoken about.

One reason for underreporting and lack of action is that most abuses are against women and children, who have less power than men in most, or all societies in the world. Girls and women risk to be ostracised, and their families criticised for not having brought up and controlled their female members, if victims speak out about sexual violence against them. When the victims are boys, adolescent and adult men, it becomes even more taboo and difficult to talk about. Hence, most victims of sexual and gender-based violence and crime suffer in silence, with physical and psychological scars that in many cases never heal.

In wars and violent conflicts, sexual violence is used as a weapon and the victims are mostly girls and women. It is also used as a method of torture against men and women. The purpose is to destroy peoples' self-respect, which they do in torture or other forms of individual and group cases. In larger scale, sexual violence is part of terror against civilians and it is used to create fear, and ultimately it contributes to destroying the social fabric of societies and peoples' ability to live their daily lives in normalcy, in dignity and with high self-esteem.

Consolidated efforts

The former UN Under-Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Coordinator Jan Egeland, who became a household name after the tsunami in South-East Asia in December 2004 and the devastating earthquake in Pakistan in October 2005, writes in his article in FMR: "First and foremost, we must get more serious about preventing rape and other forms of sexual violence. Most sexual violence perpetrated against women and girls in conflict is committed by armed groups and local people. Governments must demand discipline of their uniformed personnel." And he goes on to say, "Unfortunately, even humanitarian and peacekeeping staff -- military and civilian alike -- have been responsible for acts of sexual violence and exploitation. This is unacceptable. The UN must uphold the highest standards of conduct in its work. Those who come to protect must shun any form of sexual exploitation and be held responsible for their behaviour if they violate the code of conduct."

Egeland furthermore underlines that prevention and protection must be given higher priority, documentation of cases must be made and appropriate response must be taken against perpetrators and treatment and assistance given to survivors. He underlines that the guidelines of the UN's Inter-Agency Standing Committee (ISAC) must be enforced. "UN Member States, international and non-governmental organisations and concerned individuals must give these guidelines the support they merit. Women and girls already traumatised by displacement or affected by conflict deserve our attention and support. No actor or group can do this alone. It requires a joint effort."

The Executive Director of UNFPA Thoraya Ahmed Obaid writes in her article about war situations and examples from disasters, such as the one in Darfur in western Sudan. She underlines that "sexual violence is an indicator of the most severe breach of human security".

Obaid is also concerned about post-conflict situations. She supports Egeland's call for improved cooperation among organisations as she writes: "It is critical that all sectors work together to create an environment that stops victimisation of women and supports survivors. Furthermore, she states: "Unless post-conflict economies are rehabilitated quickly, and women have access to livelihoods, they will continue to be vulnerable to exploitation and abuse, whether in the family or wider community. It is also the case that more women decision makers are needed in the currently male-dominated areas of security and humanitarian response to ensure that the needs and perspectives of women are addressed."

Iraq and Somalia

In addition to the score of articles related to the theme of the special issues, notably sexual violence in and after conflicts, with cases from many continents and countries, and a resource list for further reading and networking, the journal also includes several articles on current refugee issues. One particularly important article is by Andrew Harper, Coordinator for Iraq at the headquarters of the UN Refugee Agency UNHCR, entitled 'Iraq's neglected humanitarian crisis'.

He says that one in eight Iraqis is displaced, indicating that it is estimated that at least 1.6 million are internally displaced, mostly from the current occupation, continuing at the rate of 40-50,000 per month. There are a least a couple of million Iraqis in neighbouring countries and further away. "We are witnessing the largest long-term population movement in the Middle East since Palestinians were displaced following the creation of the state of Israel in 1948." Harper appeals for urgent assistance to Iraqi refugees and IDPs, and to Palestinians in the Arab world. "The situation in Iraq is getting worse and there is no prospect for IDPs or refugees to return. The time to do something is now," Harper writes, estimating the need for 38.5 million dollars to the regional UNHCR programme in 2007, but in frustration he adds: "Even if that figure is achieved it may be too little too late to rebuild the lives of many Iraqis."

Another research-oriented article is about refugees fleeing the Horn of Africa, mostly from Somalia and some from Ethiopia and Eritrea, making the hazardous voyage across the Red Sea to Yemen. They are prey to scrupulous boat operators and human traffickers, who overload the boats and drop their human 'cargo' before they reach land to avoid being captured by police patrols. In Yemen, the daily lives and support by the host government and the international community is far too limited, writes Hanno (J.H.) van Gemund, who is a lawyer currently with UNHCR in Yemen.

The Somalia-Yemen article also draws attention to sexual abuse and exploitation of the refugees, in line with the main focus of this issue of Forced Migration Review. The Iraq article does not take up such issues, but from other sources we know that these cases are many, not only against people in detention, which have been widely reported in the media, as mentioned above.

This issue of FMR does not have any articles about Afghan refugees, returnees and displaced persons in Pakistan and Afghanistan, or victims of the earthquake in 2005. That is probably indicating that the prevalence of cases in our countries is not worse than elsewhere. Let us hope so, but we should not be self-complacent either.

We would encourage NGOs and other organisations and authorities to pay attention to these basic human rights issues and help to implement the above mentioned 'Brussels Call to Action'. We should always bear in mind that even in conflict and crisis, the human rights and human dignity must be upheld, and that abuses are higher than in normal peacetime, when we expect them to be upheld. Sadly, that is not entirely the case in any society. There is need for greater awareness, advocacy, strategies and actions regarding sexual abuse and crime. These are fields where NGOs are well placed to implement essential work of advocacy and other work, while international organisations and governments adopt policies and overall rules. The NGOs and the media have important roles to play in advocacy and as watchdogs of implementation of action plans, laws, rules and regulations.

Atle Hetland is an international refugee and development aid consultant and researcher currently based in Islamabad

email: atlehetland@yahoo.com

With arms wide open

Various US military surplus weapons auctions have proven to be a haven for arms dealers and private companies that acquire the goods and export them. One would assume that with the entire hullabaloo over global terrorism and the threat from the 'axis of evil', stringent security checks would be in place to regulate transactions. However, serious flaws and loopholes have been exploited by middlemen to repeatedly purchase sensitive military hardware and sell it off to countries such as Iran and China.

"It makes good business sense" is what the official website of the Defense Reutilization and Marketing Service (DRMS) claims as justification for auctioning off military surplus items to the public. DRMS is a part of the Defense Logistics Agency which is a unit of the US Department of Defense. This service was initiated with the sole mission "to maximize benefit to the American taxpayer by marketing property the U.S. military no longer needs". Beneficial factors cited are ones such as military commissioned equipment being more durable and efficient, decreased burden on the environment due to reuse.

Government agencies and certain non-profit organisations are even allowed to obtain such items free of charge. For the average consumer, the highlighted categories are usually those of articles of personal use, initially intended for the serving soldier or the families of officers living on army bases. But the eyebrow raising stuff such as rocket launchers and fighter jet parts are either listed openly or can be found scattered in the designated warehouses.

Just last year in July, undercover agents of the federal Government Accountability office posing as buyers were able to purchase $ 1.1 million worth of hardware that included shoulder fired, anti-tank 'Dragon' missile launcher mounts as well as signal converters used by the Navy's E-2 'Hawkeye' early warning system. These latter components could arguably be used by the enemy to figure out a way of thwarting an aircraft carrier's warning capabilities and launch a surprise attack. So what's more intriguing is that the undercover buyers were able to evade background checks by the Trade Securities Control Agency by claiming to be victims of identity theft. This excuse was sufficient as an explanation for the lack of social security numbers or credit card history.

Interestingly, a case in point is that of a Pakistani arms broker Arif Ali Durrani, who was convicted last year in California of having illegally exporting weapons components to United Arab Emirates, Malaysia and Belgium in 2004 and 2005. Customs investigators further revealed that some of those items such as Chinook Helicopter engine parts found their way to Iran from Malaysia. Besides having been previously convicted in 1987 for a similar offence involving missile parts, Durrani managed to work with an accomplice, former naval intelligence officer George Budenz. Both were though sentenced to about just a year in prison.

Iran had turned out to be an ideal market for such items as it requires them to service and maintain the aircraft and related hardware that were sold to it in the 1970s, back when the middle-eastern country and the US had been allies. Ironically, as the US Navy retired its fleet of F-14 'Tomcat' fighter jets in September last year, Iran is now the only country actively flying the aircrafts that it had procured three decades back. Thus now with the F-14 parts becoming part of the Pentagon's surplus inventory, Iran is the only logical 'end-user' for the components that do manage to be illegally exported.

Even before the decommissioning of the F-14s, in 2000, fighter jet weaponry and missile components had been seized in a Californian warehouse that was owned by Multicore, a London-based company allegedly a front for Iran. Five years later, as a result of gross negligence or 'oversight', the same sized contraband was encountered during the investigation of another company operating as an Iranian front. The equipment still had its evidence labels attached, had been designated again as surplus and resold. In other related cases, US companies, such as State Metal Industries of New Jersey and All ports of California had convictions filed against them in recent years for having exported guided missile parts among other things to China in the 1990s. These included components of the AIM-7 sparrow missiles, which has been the Us Navy's and Air Force's principle air-to-air means of launching warheads beyond visual range. Even though China had been legally acquiring versions of the Sparrow from Italy in the 1980s, an EU arms embargo following the Tiananmen Square Massacre incident put a stop to the transfers.

In the background of the Iraq War, the availability of surplus items such as ceramic body armor used by the stationed marines, as well as 'all band' that can be used to track various aircrafts seems quite a blunder. Furthermore, these items going for one-tenth of their original price seems quite a blow to the defense budget spending. But with slogans such as "Right Item, Right Time, Right Place, Right Price, Every Time. Best Value Solutions for America's War fighters," the DRMS is finding it cheaper to dispose off surplus weapons components rather than destroying them. Operating through websites such as govtliquidation.com, the Defense Department has auctioned off millions of items based on just a click of the mouse, computer microchips for F-14s and all. But gadgets originally bought for thousands of dollars going under the hammer for under a hundred dollars seems to hardly 'make sense for America'. American taxpayers would definitely rue the day that their hard earned incomes were siphoned off to commission a $ 340,000 GPS based device or F-15 landing gear parts worth over $ 30,000 being offered for mere bucks.

However, this entire topsy-turvy state of affairs pales in the face of billions of dollars that have been sunk in the Comanche combat helicopter project, named after a Native American tribe in the tradition as is the case with all attack choppers. Planned at a budget of around $40 billion nearly 20 years ago, around $ 9 billion had already been invested till the time of its termination in February 2004. The Comanche had been intended as the first 'stealth' helicopter, but was deemed too expensive and incapable of fully tackling the security threats faced in Iraq. So what waits to be seen is: in whose hands the technology from these stealthy whirlybirds ends up -- due to another surplus goof.

firstperson
Iftikhar Hussain Gillani
In the spirit of law

A democrat at heart, Iftikhar Hussain Gillani has switched over parties for principles. He is particularly known for his expertise on constitutional matters and practice of constitutional law. He remained in Pakistan Peoples Party for 23 long years and also joined PML-N briefly.

Hailing from Kohat in NWFP he remained federal minister of law and parliamentary affairs during Benazir Bhutto's government. He was also elected MNA from his hometown more than once. Presently, he is not associated with any political party but is an active member of civil society campaigning for the restoration of democracy and constitution.

In an interview with TNS in Islamabad, Gillani spoke about various political and constitutional matters and issues pertaining to judiciary and democracy. Excerpts follow:

I did not change parties in the sense it is considered as changing political loyalties because I did not join any party that was in power.

By Raza Khan

The News on Sunday: How long do you foresee the present set-up would last?

Iftikhar Gillani: Speaking for myself I have reconciled to the thought that it is not going to change, at least in my life time. The criticism against politicians is also partly valid because we have had created environments conducive for the military to step in. However, such attitude of politicians is not peculiar to Pakistan. But the military in every country does not behave like as it does in Pakistan. For instance, today the situation in the US is so rife for military takeover (by our standards) but the military would never step in.

The greatest misfortune is this mindset of our generals that the moment they find an opportunity they jump at it. The purpose of my argument is that we the political workers and leaders have to restrain ourselves against each other because our generals have gotten into this habit of stepping into politics.

TNS: Where does the constitution fall in this state of affairs?

IG: Constitution is something that President Musharraf has been flouting at will. No parliament has functioned ever since he took over because the constitution provides an explicit article which says that the president shall address the joint sitting of the parliament every year. This article has a background and has been incorporated in constitutions of a number of countries like India, Australia because it is a British tradition, which is centuries old. The purpose of this is that the monarch or the head of state tells the public that for the coming fiscal year what the plans of the government are. It is a civilized way of doing things.

But this has not happened here although the president should know that it is his constitutional obligation. If he cannot face the parliament he must resign.

TNS: What could be the repercussions of running the country without a constitution for so long?

IG: Our position internationally today is we are only thought of as hired assassins. The only thing which we are doing very competently is killing our own people and most unfortunately in this nameless, poor province.

TNS: What could be the consequences for the state itself as people have a lot of genuine concerns?

IG: Tremendous damage has been inflicted by the generals on the federal structure. After all Bangladesh was a part of the federation. Now we are making lame excuses like "it was 1000 miles apart" or whatever. If we had treated East Pakistan as a federating unit, it would not have gone away; nobody wants to secede. Rather than helping people to gel together, the martial law regimes have alienated us.

Today as a Pashtoon I feel that Pashtoons are being targeted. Musharraf's statements in Washington that he is not much worried about al-Qaeda but Taliban because all Taliban are Pashtoons points towards it. So I think by that logic all Pashtoons are Taliban, and so am I. Look at the way we are being alienated. Though Pashtoons have frailties and weaknesses but above all we are honourable people. We love our traditions and customs. Musharraf even does not know what Pashtoonwali (code of Pashtoons) means and keep on charging us.

Today they talk of foreigners but who brought them to the Pashtoon land. These generals brought them; Zia brought them.

TNS: Pakistan's judicial history has precedents of verdicts stating every military takeover has its own legitimacy?

IG: No, those who gave the decisions had their own compulsions. Legitimacy means will of the people. Now when you come and usurp you don't have any support from the people. Unfortunately, every time there were military takeovers there were people and political groups who were not able to stand on their own. So like creepers they started supporting military regimes.

TNS: Some quarters in Pakistan argue that the main power base in Pakistan is the military and it should be given a political role?

IG: I am all for this. I have come to the conclusion in recent past that this is the fact of life. So I would suggest and have been suggesting to senior parliamentarians from opposition parties of the PML-N, ANP, PPP, PKMAP to move an amendment in the constitution in parliament which should say that cabinet should be made accountable to the GHQ. I am not saying it cynically. My purpose of saying this is that the moving of this amendment would trigger an informed debate in the country: in parliament, media and people to ascertain whether people want a permanent role of he army. Yes I am totally for that and if the majority of the people of this country desire so, yes, why not. I hate political role for military as a democrat and despise it as a citizen but I still will accept it.

TNS: What is the constitutional position of president getting himself re-elected from the same assembly?

IG: As far as my reading of the constitution goes, there cannot be a bar on this assembly to elect a second president. For instance, suppose there is a properly elected president who dies three or six months before the expiry of term of the parliament. Then you have to have a president under the constitution and there is a functioning parliament and you have to elect the new president through it.

So as far as the question goes that whether the parliament has the power to elect a president second time then yes it has the power. But the issue which has not been touched is that in my opinion Musharraf is not qualified to contest the presidential or any other election. Because when an amendment was made under Musharraf in Article 41 two new clauses (7) and (8) were introduced. Then there is a proviso which says that Article 63 shall come into force on December 31, 2004.

Let's use common sense and logic because Musharraf came on national television and promised that he would be taking off his military uniform. So according to my understanding and reading of the constitution, Musharraf is not qualified to contest the election because he is wearing the uniform which means he is in service of Pakistan. He has protection under the amended constitution of keeping uniform and serving as president till 2007 (only his current tenure) and not for he next term. If today he decides to take off his uniform, even then he is not qualified to contest for president because two years have to elapse after resigning or retiring from service for one to take part in elections.

TNS: What is the essential difference between the existing parliament and those Benazir Bhutto's and Nawaz Sharif's tenure?

IG: I was part of parliament when there were elected governments. We had to be constantly on our toes, ever alert because we were answerable whether we liked it or not. Any mistake or digression and the opposition would pounce on the treasury as would the courts. But the courts are not doing that today.

TNS: Is it a good omen that the existing National Assembly is going to complete its term?

IG: If it's good, then let it complete the term. But I don't know why they are saying that this is the first time because the 1971 parliament also completed its term. I am all for it. But I hope that if tomorrow an independent parliament comes, one which is not controlled by generals, it too should complete its term.

TNS: You have switched parties many times over. Why?

IG: I did not change parties in the sense it is considered as changing political loyalties because I did not join any party that was in power. I was in PPP for 23 years. My disagreement with PPP started on the 8th Amendment because the leadership of the PPP wanted to use the amendment against Nawaz Sharif. I opposed it and said how could we do that after struggling against a dictatorship. I instead asked that we should work for the restoration of real constitutional rule. So I left the PPP and went to PML-N.

I would like to admit that the biggest mistake in my political career was to support Musharraf in the beginning. But then everyone had welcomed him. The JI had said "it was a breath of fresh air" and Benazir said it was "resurrection of democracy". And he took us for a ride. Otherwise, I have never changed parties. Right now I have no intention of joining any party.

TNS: What is the spirit behind your politics now?

IG: To genuinely put in my bit for democracy to start functioning and flourish in this country. Since my college days I have been fighting for democratic, civilized values.

TNS: What is your view about all this talk of Talibanisation because basically you are from an area surrounded by such elements?

IG: It is not Talibanisation. Rather I see it as a terrible reaction. When you react you lose sight and reason. You tend to commit undesirable acts when you are pushed against the wall.

At the moment there is so much hatred against the policies of America, but not against American people, in Pakistan. But the anti-American sentiments are not specific to Pashtoons; they are as strong in Punjab and elsewhere. Most of al-Qaeda men have been arrested in Jhang, Faisalabad , Multan. Again I would say sympathising with al-Qaeda is a reaction. Muslims generally have a feeling that they are being targeted by Bush and Co. He is a fundo of his own time. Remove Bush and I assure at least 50 per cent of reactionary people would disappear themselves.

TNS: How would you evaluate the earlier performance of Supreme Court in fulfilling its constitutional duty of safeguarding the constitution?

IG: Unfortunately, the SC has disappointed the liberal people of this country and my own estimation as a political worker is that 80 per cent of this country comprises liberals.

On the other hand former judges of the SC argue, rightly or wrongly, if they had not endorsed the general to take over every time, the military would have shut the courts leading to more chaos and problems for the people. So these judges do have a case and a point. In 1982 I was incarcerated by a summary court for a year for delivering a speech on the role of the then Supreme Court. Nevertheless, regarding safeguarding the constitution, the courts have not lived up to the expectation of the people.

TNS: Your view on Benazir as the lifelong chairperson of the party?

IG: I won't agree with the criticism. The majority of office bearers of the party have elected the chairperson. But the chairperson should not have accepted it. We have the example of Sonia Gandhi whose efforts made Congress-I won the elections and the people literally cried when she refused to become prime minister. The democratic spirit demands of a person who believes in democratic values that he/she should not become permanent bearer of an office and I know BB also understands this as she has a brilliant mind.

At the international conference of psychiatrists representing the World Psychiatric Association in Lahore, it was interesting to see a cross-section of Indian academics among others.

At the end of the conference there was a discussion about the psychiatric implications of partition which included Dr Alok Sarin, Dr Sanjeev Jain and Dr A. K. Kala and the director of the Fountain House in Lahore, Dr Haroon Rasheed.

It was discussed that, unlike the media and the arts, mainstream psychiatry has remained silent about what went on before, after and during the partition. Perhaps the partition was a given and the memory of the 'act' alone could not be altered. Therefore it was thought best not to re-think it. The academics did not agree with this line of argument. They proposed that the therapeutic nature of dialogue could work by creation of a museum of partition like the museum of the Holocaust. The resolution of the conflict responsible for partition has to come from within society if actual catharsis has to take place.

Although Dr. Kala did not experience partition directly as a child, he grew up on descriptions about the house the family had in Lahore and Sialkot or what grew at the farmlands in Kala Shah Kaku. The descriptions, he said, have over the years decreased in profusion and intensity for all migrants. But even today when he reads Manto or Khushwant Singh or Amrita Pritam his eyes well up with tears. "The partition was agreed upon by our people on both the sides so there is no point in arguing today about the desirability of this idea. It's a fact of history."

It was the unseemly haste -- 14 months for the British to withdraw from subcontinent -- the impact of which was realised by Winston Churchill, though he was not the prime minister of Britain when he said: "The hasty exit will bring a terrible name to Britain... the shameful flight will result in chaos and carnage. Would it not be a world crime that would stain our name forever?"

According to Dr Kala, when the British saw the riots coming, their psychological perception was: "You Indians want freedom here... enjoy."

Discussing the psychological impact of partition on people here, Dr Kala quoted a short opening sentence from Khushwant Singh's book Train to Pakistan: "both sides killed and we feel guilty as hell." Basic psycho-dynamic teaching tells us that guilt is multiplied several times when you kill people that you love or towards whom you are ambivalent. According to him when somebody dies in a family and the wife or the daughter or the father does not cry, we encourage him or her to cry because that is how emotions work. "You think about the loss and you cry, you think about the loss again and you cry again and this happens again and again and gradually the emotional charge connected to the loss becomes weaker and then we remember the loss but do not cry in the end. That is the process of grief and there is no shortcut to it. In the case of the partition this never happened. What should we do?"

Dr Alok Sarin suggested that there is not a single memorial of the partition in India or Pakistan while there are so many remembering the holocaust the world over. "Why? Because, we feel guilty and do not want to rake up the past. Secondly, in our minds we do not want to contaminate the beautiful celebrations of the independence of our two countries."

Thus we continue to love and hate each other whether it is silly and dangerous sibling rivalry, silly and dangerous war or still sillier Hindi movies and songs. Maybe we have superficially come to terms with partition while celebrating a collective nothingness. To prove this we can say that due to this our collective national consciousness on both sides is still extremely paranoid of each other.

According to sociologists, the behavior of a large number of people is more than the sum of the behaviour of an individual. If the older generation dies in a few years and the next generation doesn't bother about what happened sixty years ago, the younger one will not care because they did not know. And they should know how it happened because it can happen again. It has happened twice, in 1947 and 1971, and a large number of innocent people perished because of a collective, meaningless madness.

Both Indian and Pakistani governments should take lessons from the psychology of partition and by the fact that things can be done over a longer period in an organised manner. Riots should be anticipated and prevented on a contemporary level, unlike the fleeing British.

At the end of the session the psychiatrists recommended to both the governments to take positive measures to decrease further human misery on our borders. They could do simple things like returning the people who wander across the border -- most of whom also happen to be mentally retarded. Some weeks back there was a news item that an adolescent in a Pakistani village near the border fought with his father over money for a kite. The father did not give him money for a kite, the son got angry and left home, kept walking till he walked into India. He was arrested and was in jail for several months. What is the point of keeping such people in jail for months and years?

In the same way fighting and war is not an option any longer because engaging the tools of war today would mean total or partial extermination of entire populations of the two countries. If we were to engage in war we were to engage in insanity, once again.

Dr Jain, whose mother rode on her bike at great speed on the Mall when she was a little girl in Lahore before partition, pointed out that Indians were accused of being unruly, barbaric natives by the Europeans who had similar treatments for hysteria as the Indians had -- at durgahs or shrines.

The writer is a postgraduate scholar of media, politics and cultural studies and teaches media at the University level

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