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analysis tribute
Beginning of a new
movement Myth of
Channan Peer
analysis A carefully-drafted and brilliant document, the 'Murree-Bhurban declaration' recognises that the restoration of the deposed judges is a political problem By Faisal Siddiqi A vigorous debate about the restoration of the deposed judges has monopolised the public discourse these days. Although, in principle, there is no disagreement that the deposed judges can be restored, the disagreement is about the legal and constitutional procedure to be adopted to restore the deposed judges. The debate is dominated by two schools of thought. One school of thought i.e. the pro-Musharraf school, is of the view that the deposed judges can only be restored through a constitutional amendment repealing the 'amendments' made by Pervez Musharraf after Nov 3, 2007. Whereas the other school of thought i.e. the anti-Musharraf school, is of the view that no such constitutional amendment is required to restore the deposed judges and the deposed judges can be restored through various legal and constitutional instruments e.g. verbal instructions to the police allowing the deposed judges to again occupy their respective Superior Courts or an executive order rescinding all the 'legal' instruments issued by Pervez Musharraf post-Nov 2, 2007, or a bill moved in the National Assembly rejecting the post-Nov 2, 2007, 'legal' instruments and 'amendments' made by Musharraf, or a simple law/Act of parliament nullifying the effect of the judgment dated: Nov 23, 2007, of the Supreme Court under the Chief Justice, Abdul Hameed Dogar, which validated the 'extra-constitutional' actions of Pervez Musharraf. An interesting legal and constitutional twist to this debate has now been introduced by the 'Murree-Bhurban declaration' in which the dominant parliamentary parties have now resolved to restore "the deposed judges as it was on Nov 2, 2007 shall be brought about through a parliamentary resolution to be passed in the National Assembly within 30 days of the formation of the federal government". Two puzzling questions arise
in relation to the abovementioned debate. Firstly, if the post-Nov 2, 2007,
actions of Pervez Musharraf to remove the Superior Court Justices are
un-constitutional then why is there so much confusion about the legal and
constitutional procedure to be adopted to restore the deposed judges. More
importantly, if the removal of Superior Court Justices is a In order to understand the abovementioned problems, it is important to understand the doctrine of legitimacy which forms the basis of the post-Nov 2, 2007, Musharraf Regime. Post Nov 2, 2007, Pervez Musharraf issued various instruments, like the Proclamation of Emergency, Provisional Constitution Order No.1 of 2007, Oath of office (Judges) Order, 2007, Constitution (Amendment) and (Second Amendment) Orders of 2007 and Revocation of Proclamation of Emergency Order, 2007, in order to provide a legitimate basis to suspend and change the Constitution and to remove the Superior Court Justices. These aforementioned various instruments [i.e. the PCO, Oath of Office (Judges) Order etc.] are not self-legitimising instruments but rather derive their legitimacy from the fact that these aforementioned instruments have been "declared to have been validly made by the Chief of Army Staff/President" by the Supreme Court under the Chief Justice, Abdul Hameed Dogar, in its judgment dated: Nov 23, 2007, in the case of 'Tika Iqbal Muhammad Khan Versus General Pervez Musharraf and Others' [herein after referred to as the 'Judgment dated: Nov 23rd, 2007, in the Emergency case']. The doctrine of legitimacy which forms the basis of the post-Nov 2, 2007, Musharraf Regime, as propounded by the Supreme Court in the Judgment dated: Nov 23, 2007, in the Emergency case contains the following argument: (a) It was categorically conceded by the counsels of the Chief of Army Staff/President before the Supreme Court that the abovementioned various instruments [i.e. the PCO, Oath of Office (Judges) Order etc.] were not constitutional or legal but rather 'extra-constitutional' [see paras 9, 10, 18 and 41 of the Judgment dated: Nov 23, 2007, in the Emergency case]. In other words, the actions of Pervez Musharraf were admittedly not constitutional and not legal. (b) The Supreme Court in its Judgment dated: Nov 23, 2007, in the Emergency case declared that the abovementioned various instruments [i.e. the PCO, Oath of Office (Judges) Order etc.] are not constitutional but are rather 'extra-constitutional' [paras 36 and 40 and page 109 of the Judgment dated: Nov 23, 2007, in the Emergency case]. Therefore, the doctrine of legitimacy as propounded by the Supreme Court is admittedly not based on any constitutional or legal provision for the simple reason that the actions themselves are admittedly not constitutional or legal. (c) In view of the above, the Supreme Court validated the abovementioned various instruments [i.e. the PCO, Oath of Office (Judges) Order etc.] not on constitutional grounds but on grounds of "state necessity and for the welfare of the people" [paras 36 and 57 of the Judgment dated: Nov 23, 2007, in the Emergency case]. Therefore, the doctrine of legitimacy as propounded by the Supreme Court in the Judgment dated: Nov 23, 2007, in the Emergency case is a doctrine of extra-constitutional validation. The very term 'extra-constitutional validation' presumes that actions which are being validated are not constitutional or legal. (d) The doctrine of extra-constitutional validation as propounded by the Supreme Court in the Judgment dated: Nov 23, 2007, in the Emergency case is not a doctrine based on any constitutional or legal provision because there is no provision in the Constitution or in any law which allows the validation of any 'extra-constitutional' measures. It is an oxymoron to argue that the Supreme Court can validate unconstitutional actions on constitutional grounds because the Supreme Court cannot allow the suspension or destruction of the very Constitution which creates it and gives it its powers. (e) The Supreme Court also tries to base the doctrine of extra-constitutional validation on the basis of past Supreme Court judgments [page 109 of the Judgment dated: Nov 23, 2007, in the Emergency case] like the 'Begum Nusrat Bhutto case' [i.e. which validated Zia-ul-Haq's Martial Law] and the 'Syed Zafar Ali Shah case' [i.e. which validated Musharraf's 1999 Martial Law]. This argument relies on the doctrine of precedent. But there are two problems with this approach. Firstly, this is a circular argument because these very aforementioned cases of 'Begum Nusrat Bhutto case' and the 'Syed Zafar Ali Shah case' were validated on the same doctrine of extra-constitutional validation. Secondly, there is another line of Supreme Court judgments in the 'Asma Jilani case' [i.e. which invalidated Yahya Khan's martial law] and the 'Sh. Liaquat Hussain case (PLD 1999 SC 504)' [i.e. rejected the extra-constitutional role of the armed forces] which have rejected the theory of un-constitutional or extra-constitutional or martial law actions or takeovers. Therefore, in view of conflicting judgments and precedents, the doctrine of extra-constitutional validation cannot primarily be based on the law of precedent. What does the Judgment dated: Nov 23, 2007, in the Emergency case tell us? On Nov 3, 2007, Pervez Musharraf was of the view [rightly or wrongly] that he was faced with a crisis. He had constitutional choices based on his constitutional powers to deal with this perceived crisis. But Pervez Musharraf decided to take actions which were admittedly extra-constitutional or unconstitutional. These extra-constitutional or unconstitutional actions of post-Nov 2, 2007, were not constitutional choices [i.e. based on his constitutional powers] but rather political choices or decisions based on his de-facto political power. The post-Nov 2, 2007, extra-constitutional or unconstitutional actions of Pervez Musharraf were political to the core using the extremely weak facade of legality. The Supreme Court faced with such extra-constitutional or unconstitutional actions of post-Nov 2, 2007, also had constitutional choices. It could solve this admittedly extra-constitutional or unconstitutional problem by declaring the actions of post-Nov 2, 2007, as unconstitutional. But the Supreme Court decided to take a different non-constitutional route. The Supreme Court by upholding the post-Nov 2, 2007, actions as valid on the doctrine of extra-constitutional validation accepted the political basis of the post-Nov 2, 2007, actions. Therefore, the doctrine of extra-constitutional validation propounded by the Supreme Court in the Judgment dated: Nov 23, 2007, in the Emergency case is theoretically founded on a political basis or choice and not a constitutional or legal basis. Since the post-Nov 2, 2007, actions [including the action to remove the Superior Court Justices] of Pervez Musharraf is based on his de-facto political power and since the doctrine of extra-constitutional validation [which also validated the removal of Superior Court Justices] is theoretically founded on a political basis or choice then both the problem of the removal and the restoration of the deposed judges is primarily a political problem or a problem of political choices. Let me further explain as to what I mean by a political problem. Firstly, the removal of the Superior Court Justices on or after Nov 3, 2007, is not based on the Constitution or any law. Secondly, the doctrine of validation is also not based on any provision of the Constitution or any law. Therefore, how can one say that the right solution for the restoration of the deposed judges is contained in the Constitution or in any law. If the removal of the deposed judges was not constitutional or legal then how can one say that the right solution among the different and distinct constitutional and legal solutions suggested by the anti-Musharraf school of thought can be judged on the parameters of the Constitution or on any law. In other words, an extra-constitutional or unconstitutional act of the removal of the deposed judges is prima facie illegal and do not require a constitutional or legal solution as there are no constitutional or legal obstacles impeding the restoration of the deposed judges. There are, of course, political, practical and administrative obstacles [but not constitutional or legal] to the restoration of the deposed judges. All that is required is the political will, agency and road map to restore these deposed judges. It is precisely for this reason that there are different and distinct constitutional and legal solutions being offered by the anti-Musharraf school of thought. As there are no constitutional or legal obstacles impeding the restoration of the deposed judges, the politicians have a variety of choices of constitutional and legal solutions to adopt depending on their political strategy. In short, constitutionalism and legalism is dependent on political choices and the challenge is to devise an effective constitutionalism of a political problem. This is where the brilliance of the 'Murree-Bhurban declaration' comes in. At the heart of the 'Murree-Bhurban declaration' is the recognition of the fact that the restoration of the deposed judges is a political problem. A carefully drafted document, its brilliance is more evident when the declaration is de-constructed into its various aspects: (a) "restoration of the deposed judges as it was on November 2nd, 2007": In crystal clarity, the dominant parliamentary parties have recognised the objective and not made any political compromises on this principle issue. In political terms, it appeals to the core political constituencies of the dominant parliamentary parties i.e. the general public especially the lawyers. (b) "shall be brought about through a parliamentary resolution": The method of the restoration of the deposed judges through a parliamentary resolution is of far reaching political and constitutional significance. Firstly, the parliamentary resolution is the will of parliament i.e. a voice of the people of Pakistan. This judicial crisis is a political conflict between the majoritarian democratic forces and a neo-colonial presidency. The message of the parliamentary resolution is that this battle for the restoration of the deposed judges will be fought and won only if the will of the people is recognised and implemented. Secondly, on the face of it a parliamentary resolution is strictly not binding as it expresses merely the view of the parliament. But this is precisely the brilliance of this solution. If there are no constitutional and legal obstacles to the restoration of the judges then why do we need anything more than a parliamentary resolution. The parliamentary resolution would be based on the Order dated: Nov 3, 2007, of the seven member bench of the Supreme Court headed by Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry which restrained the removal of any judge under the PCO, 2007, or the Oath of Office (Judges) Order, 2007. This parliamentary resolution will be further based on a reading of our judicial history which clearly shows that no amendments by any dictator have been considered to be part of the Constitution until the amendments have been validated by parliament. Thirdly, the parliament through this parliamentary resolution questions the monopoly of the Supreme Court in matters of extra-constitutional actions. By accepting the aforementioned Order dated: Nov 3, 2007, of the seven member bench of the Supreme Court headed by Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, as a declaration of constitutional law instead of the Judgment dated: Nov 23, 2007, of the Supreme Court under Chief Justice, Abdul Hameed Dogar, in the Emergency case, the parliament is challenging the Supreme Court's doctrine of extra-constitutional validation on the ground that the Constitution, and not the Supreme Court, is supreme. (c) "parliamentary resolution to be passed in the National Assembly": As there are no constitutional and legal obstacles to the restoration of the judges, the parliamentary resolution could have been passed in either of the two houses. There are two significant aspects to the National Assembly. Firstly, it is the newly elected National Assembly, and not the Senate, which really expresses the mood and will of the people of Pakistan at this juncture of our political history. Secondly, in terms of political agency as expressed in numbers, the dominant parliamentary parties have a majority in the National Assembly which will enable them to pass the parliamentary resolution. (d) "within 30 days": The time period recognises the urgency and priority of this issue but even more importantly, it expresses the recognition that in this political battle between the will of the people and a neo-colonial presidency, time is needed both to prepare for the political conflict as well as to leave time for any political settlement which may, or may not, be achieved in order to avoid a political show down. (e) "within 30 days of the formation of the Federal government": Although the will of parliament i.e. a voice of the people of Pakistan, will be expressed through a parliamentary resolution, the politicians understand that any political conflict is a conflict of power. The federal government is the repository of the coercive, executive and administrative powers of the state. The power of the federal government will be required not only to counter the political challenge of the neo-colonial presidency but also to implement the constitutional and legal road map for the restoration of the deposed judges. Political realism is also at the heart of this Murree-Bhurban Declaration. Does the Murree-Bhurban Declaration guarantee the restoration of the deposed judges? Sadly, there are no guarantees in life or politics. But what it does indicate is the fact that our politicians have a much deeper understanding of these constitutional and legal issues than we think and that we seem to be in safe hands. Who [i.e. especially our chattering classes] would have thought that Mr. Asif Ali Zardari and Mr. Nawaz Sharif would trump the Pirzadas and Malik Qayyums of our neo-colonial state? (The
writer, a senior advocate,
is a partner of Munir A. Malik. Email:
Siddiqilaw@yahoo.com) Theodoros Angelopoulos expanded his tragic personal history into grander themes of exile, displacement, borders and loneliness By Arif Azad For a long time, having
advanced myself into a film buff through struggling efforts, I remained
innocent of Theodoros Angelopoulos's cinema. It was only a chance mention of
Theo's film Eternity and A Day that I got hooked onto his films. Theo's films
provoke extreme reactions. My friend, Theo Angelopoulos was born in a modest Greek merchant family, in 1935, when Greece was under the rule of General Metaxas. Though expected to follow seamlessly into his uncle's law office, he abandoned law study at the University of Athens and headed to Paris to study film, literature and anthropology at the Sorborne. Here he was expelled from the school for being artistically arrogant: a good trait in someone determined to stamp his unique vision upon the world. Later on, he enrolled in a workshop run by famous ethnographer and documentary-maker Jean Rouch. This helped him in defining a unique style of poetic films of lingering power that he has come to be associated with. Upon returning to Greece, he took up a job as film critic for a left-wing weekly which was shut down by the military junta in 1967. From then on Theo began to work seriously on his film projects. In an impressive array of filmography Theo expanded his tragic personal history into grander themes of exile, displacement, borders, loneliness and restless search for reconnecting with cultural and emotional roots. In 1968, his first short film Broadcast, on the useless quest of finding an ideal man, won the Critics prize. This was followed by Reconstruction (1970) on the dying village culture which was woven into themes of migration and return to roots. Since then the topic of fast vanishing village life has remained a constant theme which resurfaces in most of his films directly or indirectly. Throughout the 1970s he
produced a trilogy of historical films which deal with the recent tragic In this sense 'Travelling Players' becomes the metaphor for censorship, the impact of larger events on village life, political persecution, displacement and a sense of drift -- themes that speak eloquently to our age. O Megalexandros, based on the true story of the kidnapping of aristocratic British tourists, again filters recent Greek history enriched by personal echoes from Theo's own life. In the 1980s he produced three films which addressed exile, displacement and quest for roots at a more ruminative level (Theo himself described these film as a trilogy of silence). Voyage to Cythera follows the return of a political exile after 32 years following the announcement of a general political amnesty. The returning exile is named after Theo's father who, like the character in the film, vanished from family horizons after being picked by police. Spyors finds the country vastly changed and begins to question what constitutes a home. The film ends on a life affirming note of reunion between long-parted lovers, suggesting perhaps home is where the love is. The Beekeeper is about more profound loneliness and disconnectedness shown through the aimless life of a recently separated school teacher. These themes of exile, fenced borders and search for roots continue in The Suspended Step of the Stork, a love story of border-crossed lovers, who ultimately defy the border-defined smallness to reunite in larger, borderless love. His next film Ulysses Gaze is
again about search for true artistic essence amid the carnage of Since 2000 Theo has been
engaged in directing a trilogy of films about this century. The Weeping
Meadows, released in 2004, like his other films, is wreathed in contemplation
and silence. Often the scene of one person walking amid the larger elements of
nature gives a solid sense of titanic Theodoros Angelopoulos's films are an endless joy recollected in tranquillity and contemplation true to Hellenic tradition of philosophical inquiry. No one tracks the micro-changes in the gyration of modern soul as does Theo's through his long, slow contemplative shots. In his film European cinema has found its artistic and poetic apogee. Alliances
Frances organised the oud concert in three cities of Pakistan to audiences
familiar with its sound By Sarwat Ali Oud is a very old instrument with references in some of the most ancient texts. Traditionally linked to some of the prophets, it has been a popular instrument of the Levant and Mesopotamia. So when the Alliances Frances
organised the oud concert in the three cities of Pakistan the name Chunk, rabab and taoos were some of the instruments that have been mentioned in Urdu poetry quite commonly though these instruments were not played locally. It is possible that these instruments may have been played in the past in selective gatherings, probably in the courts where besides Indian music Persian music was also sung and played. But whatever the opportunity it is clear that it remained on the periphery and failed to become the instrument which had wide acceptance and appeal like the veena, the sarangi and the sarod. Similarly duff has also been played here though not with the same frequency and expertise as in the Middle East, more as a symbolic gesture or as reference to music of the Arabs. In some cases its ceremonial presence is used to add weightage to the argument seeking religious sanction for music. The demonstration of the oud is indeed a revelation, because the Arabs play it with the skill and expertise to bring out the true depth of the instrument that is so essentially theirs. The large presence of the Arab or Arabic speaking people from the Maghreb has enriched music in France. These communities are encouraged to play and promote their own music with the result that a large Diaspora now expresses itself in musical terms and has an ever growing audience. The French too now own this music and export to others countries as their very own. Marc Loopuyt has been playing on the international circuit since the last 35 years and is considered to be a master of the original style. The strings that he uses are made of natural material and the plectrum too of the traditional feather of the eagle. He has played in Andaloussia, Morocco, Turkey, Syria, Emirates, Azerbijan in the same original style. Thomas Loopuyt, the son, has inherited from the father the legacy of music. He has learnt the oud playing from him as is the wont with hereditary musicians and has also picked up substantially from other masters in Morocco and Turkey. He now teaches in the CNR in Nice-France. There is now this tussle between what form music should take. On one side are those who insist that the traditional instruments that produce natural sound should be played with the modern instruments and the overbearing presence of modern sounds impact the sounds produced by traditional instruments. Usually these instruments when required to be played within an orchestral set up are under pressure to go along with the flow. On the other side are those who would not like to see any change either in the making and structure of the instrument or in its playing. The more it is true to the original style of playing the more it is lauded. The entire phenomena of International and World Music has brought about the tendency of fusing the various systems of music and sounds .Though very popular it is just the beginning of a new movement which will organise music on a very different catholic basis. The performance held last week was more true to the traditional style of playing. In communities that have settled outside the place of their origin the tendency to stay true to the origins is more pressing. The people who live within their country go about experimentation with greater bravado and abandon. Many concerts of classical music and Avant-garde jazz have been held at the venue shared by the Alliance Francaise and the Anna Marie Schimmel Haus in Lahore these few years and has added to the cultural life of Lahore by hosting concerts of music that is not the known face of popular trends in Europe. This is probably the first time that Arab traditional music has been played. A number of times Egyptian dance and music ensemble has performed at the Rafi Peer International Festivals giving us some flavour of Arab performing arts. There is not much exposure to the Arab music or the performing arts on the media. The Embassies in Pakistan of the various Arab countries do not seem to be very keen on sending their cultural troupes to Pakistan. Many of our troupes visit the Gulf countries but perform to the Indian and Pakistanis audiences there; a number of times they have been invited to Egypt and our musicians have performed in Fez at the famous festival of Sacred Music. There is indeed scope for more cooperation.
Myth
of Channan Peer By Zia Zaidi I was witnessing an authentic cultural festivity at Channan Peer, as it unfolded the glorious history of Cholistan, of the many saints buried here. Their ultimate spirit was transformed into the magical festivity of the native people. As I landed into Yazman from my headquarter in Bahawalpur, I felt as if I was travelling to the other side of the world. The surreal landscape and a
vibrant mysticism was wrapped into the romanticism of the
mela called Channan Peer. The glowing faces of the caravan of people, some
dozens riding camel carts I was elated as I saw each pilgrim focused to the festivity of the event. There were so many stories about Channan Peer that I was totally confused. According to one myth, Channan Peer, a son of a Hindu Raja of Jaisal Meer, was Muslim by birth. When Jalaludin Surkh Bukhari came to this land and asked people if there is any Muslim, people replied in negative. Jalaludin professed the birth of Channan Peer and said: "This child will be from a Hindu Raja and will be a born Muslim by the will of God..." and so it happened. According to the myth, the child was reciting kalima when he was born. The Hindu Raja was upset. He tried to kill his new born son. The Mother Rani of the newly born requested to spare his life and leave him in desert. The Raja agreed and they put Channan Peer baby into a wooden colt and left him alone in desert. After some three four days some passerby travelling Hindu pilgrims witnessed the beautiful baby, being fed by a mother deer. They told the Hindu Raja who was again forced to kill his son, but failed to kill him. The Rani came in the desert to feed his son and this period continued for two three years. Finally the Raja again tried to kill this child but the baby vanished into the sand forever. Hundreds of thousands of people converted to Islam and the hegemony of the Raja expired. That's why still people who don't have children come here to make wishes. I witnessed beautiful goats, sheep and oxen been decorated and given as nazarana from the pilgrims to Channan Peer as their wishes came true. Interestingly there was no segregation between Hindus or Muslims in this festival. Also there were small stalls of hand-made nomadic jewellery and sweets, Jalebees, pakoras etc. as a hot selling item around the mela on very cheap rates. I came here as a travelling artist to paint but ended up falling in love with Cholistan's dancing girls (Sambara) and natural Rohi people.
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straightforward un-constitutional act then why is there a proliferation of
different and distinct solutions for restoration of the judges even within the
anti-Musharraf school of thought. Shouldn't any legal and constitutional
problem have one right legal and constitutional answer/solution and not a
proliferation of different and distinct answers/solutions? How does one explain
this paradox of multiple alternatives?. Secondly, the restoration of the
deposed judges through "a parliamentary resolution to be passed in the
National Assembly" as suggested by the dominant parliamentary parties is
clearly a solution dominated by the political logic of democracy merely using
the legal instrument of a parliamentary resolution, which parliamentary
resolution, in strictly legal terms, is not binding as distinct from a simple
Act of Parliament or a Constitutional Amendment which are legally binding. Are
the dominant parliamentary parties mistaken in trying to solve a legal and
constitutional problem through mainly political means?.
Amarjit Chandan, is a reverential fan of Theo while Nela Milic, my Serbian
exile artist friend in London, always comes close to throwing up when I mention
Theo's films. The notorious unbearable heaviness of Theo's cinema does not pass
muster with her. One reason of heaviness could be traced to Theo's lengthy and
slow-paced films, often shot in 60-80 tracking shots. The vast register of
soulful emotions, sorrowful depth of human condition and poetic lyricism of his
films is, to some extent, informed by his personal trajectory.
history of Greece. Days of 36 (1972) was followed by his masterpiece Travelling
Players that consolidated his reputation as one of the best European film
director around. The film is ranked among the 100 greatest films of the century
by some critics. 'Travelling Players' minutely charts the journey of a touring
theatre troupe through Greece during the turbulent period of Greek history from
1939 to 1952 -- the period of Theo's traumatic childhood mirrored in a largely
traumatic national history. The troupe's purpose is to stage their pastoral
play Golpho the Shepherdess in different parts of Greece. In the event , the
play never gets performed to its finishing line in even one of the places as
players get caught up in larger political events of Greek history .
Yugoslavian civil war. The film charts the journey of an exile film maker to
his homeland to trace the long lost film of two pioneering film makers of his
native Yugoslavia. Eternity and a Day-- my introduction to Theo's films -- is
about a dying poet who, after saying farewell to his family, decides to check
into a hospital to spend his last days. He goes over the reel of his biography
and finds a new affirmatory purpose in life through a chance meeting with a
refugee child from Albania. For his impressive and distinguished career in the
art house European cinema, Theo Angelpoulos was awarded the most coveted Palme
d'OR at the Cannes film festival in 1998.
struggle raging amongst us all to find our own centre in the chaos around us.
The long tracking shots ( For Theo's each shot is a living, breathing creature
) allow us time and space to fathom deeply--gestating
of the instrument was not unfamiliar though very few in Pakistan were familiar
with its sound. The references to oud are also profuse in our poetry because
the poetic idiom was greatly influenced by Persian and Arabic literature with
many of the birds, flowers and musical instruments which were found there but
not here had metaphoric implications.
decorated, tattooed, with minute details, others
packed in tractor trolleys were all keen to be absorbed into the mela. I too
was in a dreamy state of mind. It seemed as if there was a powerful magnet
attracting the pilgrims beating their drums and dancing in trance inside the
well-like settlement they call a shrine in desert, where Channan Peer
vanished.