Taal Matol
Oriental Ingenuity
By Shoaib Hashmi
It is a necessary corollary of what, for many years, has been the largest film industry in the world, that of India. It makes a few thousand films a year, mostly in Hindi, but also in dozens of local languages and it caters to the second most populous country in the world and the many expatriate extensions all over the world. And all the people engaged in the industry first try their hands at creating the TV ads which fuel the thousands of 24 hour channels all across the Gulf and the Straits.

followup
Awaiting Justice
New controversies surface as Mukhtar Mai's case is reopened in the Supreme Court
By Waqar Gillani
Mukhtar Mai is making headlines again. Her case, pending since June 2005, was recently taken up by the Supreme Court to be adjourned again. She has accused a federal minister from her area of trying to use his political influence and forcing her to have reconciliation with the accused Mastoi tribe. Sensing danger to her life, Mai has asked the government to increase her security. Taking notice of the alleged threats to Mai, the president of Pakistan has directed the federal human rights ministry and the Punjab government to submit separate reports on the issue.

RIPPLE EFFECT
Surviving in a dysfunctional state
By Omar R. Quraishi
What do you do when you live in a country/society where standing up and doing things according to a system or the law is frowned upon and actually becomes a handicap? How many of us have waited – as any law-abiding civic-minded citizen would do – patiently in queue at a bank to pay bill or at NADRA to get our CNIC or passport only to see some people get ahead of us? This is particularly true of the immigration counter when one returns to Pakistan from overseas – perhaps it is also the first prompt reminder that we are truly back in the Land of the Pure – to find dozens of people even remotely related to an FIA constable posted at the airport getting their passports stamped first.

District Khairpur is the hometown of Sindh chief minister Qaim Ali Shah. But history knows it as a city where the Talpurs ruled for a long time. Khairpur Mir is home to Sufi Saint Sachal Sarmast and is a hub of historical buildings including Kot Diji Fort and Faiz Mahal, its main tourist attractions. The city mostly populated by Shiites, is known for its religious harmony among all sects that live here. According to the locals, religious ceremonies of both Shiites and Sunni sects are observed with the same spirit, be it Ashura or Eid-e-Miladun Nabi. Ashura is observed by Khairpur's Hindu community as well. That is why it is historically known as the Lucknow of Sindh.

Khairpur, now the hub of Pakistan People's Party, has always supported and strengthened democratic forces. The majority of the population, which consists of Shiites and Hanafi Sunni (Barelvi) sects, never allowed or supported religio-political forces to come into the mainstream. During Zia-ul-Haq's so-called Islamisation in the early 1980s, Khairpur was the place where the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) reached its peak. During that time, several pro-democracy party members and common citizens were either jailed or killed by Zia-ul-Haq's administration.

While the MRD was being suppressed by the state forces, radical elements (basically the Wahabi school), though counting for a small minority of the population, were strengthened in small pockets of the district like Thehri, in Tehsil Khairpur, Noorpur in Tehsil Sobodero, Khuhra in Tehsil Gambat and Pir-jo-Goth in Tehsil Kingri. Radical elements for a long time were limited to these areas because of the discontent of the majority of the common folk towards them and their ideas. Later on, madrassas like Jamia-e-Haideria, Jamia-e-Hamadiya (run by Milat-e-Islamia Al-Jamat Ahl Sunat, the newer version of banned Sipah-e-Sahaba) were established in the heart of Khairpur city. Anjuman Sipah-e-Sahaba, which has always opposed the celebration of Eid-e-Milad in other part of the country, started celebrating it in Khairpur to further its political interests.

The first sectarian clash in the heart of Khairpur city occurred during the early 1990s when people with covered faces, throwing stones from Shams Masjid after the Jum'a prayers during the month of Ramzan, attacked the participants of a demonstration against Saddam Hussain's brutal killing of Shiites in Kazmen. The situation was controlled by the administration with a suggestion that in future all processions should be arranged in the early hours of the day. Within two years of Musharaf's takeover, the radical Islamic groups were banned and for the time being it seemed the radicalisation in Khairpur would come to an end. But the same people were able to re-organise under a new banner. For the last two years, a new, more intense wave of radicalisation is being observed in Khairpur city with a lot of outsiders -- believed to have migrated from FATA and South Punjab -- now housed in various madrassas.

People of Khairpur were shocked when, on the eve of Dec 2008, some of those outsiders attacked a local Mosque, Muhammadi Masjid, where both Shiites and Sunnis are allowed to offer prayer. During this attack, a couple of people were injured and at least one person was killed. One attacker was identified and an FIR was registered yet no action or search operation was undertaken against other culprits.

In another incident two schools of Khairpur received threatening letters from these elements who asked the management not to observe Yaum-e-Hussein, a tradition maintained for hundreds of years. "We were left with no option but to postpone the school events," said the concerned principal of a girls' school in Khairpur. She said they were forced to take this decision because the authorities were mum. Her school is not the only one to take this decision because a number of other schools also cancelled their school-level Ashura ceremonies. Another principal of a leading government school working under the name of a Christian saint refused to share any details for fearing fierce reaction. These 'warning letters' have been sent to the aforementioned schools by an organisation named Sunni Student Organisation. The copies of these letters are available with TNS.

On the occasion of Yaum-e-Hussein on Feb 12, 2009, a mob entered the premises of Government Girls Higher Secondary School in Khairpur. "As soon as the students started their speeches, a mob (without any banner bearing the name of any organisation) knocked down the main door of the school and entered into the school premises. They used abusive language and frightened the faculty and students who took shelter in the class rooms," says a teacher at the school. A letter was read aloud to the principal of the school. It read: "We the members of SSO request you to stop such activities (Youm-e-Hussein) which encourage firqawariat (sectarianism). Otherwise we will strike against you in front of the school." The nameless warning letters to both schools were written in poor English. The local police took no action against any person.

Major (Retd) Ali Abbass Kazmi, a leading Shia figure and the president of Shia Rabita Council, told TNS that these elements want azadari (mourning) to be stopped. According to him they are continuously trying to convert Khairpur into Swat with the concerned authorities and police taking no prompt action against them. "Last Rabi-ul-Awal a clash occurred between the two sects. Although evidence was given to the police, no action was taken against them." He said that the situation is Khairpur is very tense.

The provincial leader of Ahl-e-Sunnat Wal Jamat Paryal Shah denied the charges levelled against his organisation. He denied the allegations of issuing letters to schools or attacking them. Paryal Shah further said that there in nothing secretive about the education being imparted in their madrassas and anyone could visit and see for himself. He said that they have a proper record of their students and that no terrorist was hiding in their madrassas.

A local journalist told TNS that the writ of the state is missing in Khairpur and hence the tension prevails. According to him there are 52 religious seminaries in the district out of which only 12 are registered with the government. A police source alleged that these activists of banned organisations are government servants but no department or police is willing to take any action against these elements. "This problem was never taken seriously which has raised the tension between the two sects."

DIG Sukkur, Bashir Memon, has a different view of the entire situation. "No serious incident has occurred in Khairpur. Only one incident was reported about the attack of a mob at a school and necessary action was taken." Bashir denies any serious sectarian tension and assures that nobody will be allowed to take the law in their hands. "Police is taking initiatives to resolve the problems and to avoid any future accidents." Memon denied the report that warning letters were issued to any schools in Khairpur.

Pakistani couples may be required to undergo mandatory blood testing before tying the nuptial knot – if the National Assembly approves legislation on premarital blood screening for deadly diseases. "The draft prepared by the National Assembly's Standing Committee for Health is ready to be placed in the parliament. The proposed law is expected to ensure protection and prevention from infectious diseases such as HIV/ AIDS and genetic disorders like thalassemia," PPP MNA Yasmeen Rehman tells TNS.

Rehman, who is the chairperson of the committee, says the law will be binding on every Pakistani couple. "The draft outlines punishments for those violating the law, ranging from Rs50, 000 to Rs100, 000, six months to year's imprisonment or both". She further elaborated that the law will be implemented through the basic health units (BHUs) operating across the country.

To curtail the spread of HIV/AIDS in particular, she says, the proposed law aims to put a check on the high-risk population; that is the intravenous drug users (IDUs) among whom alarming high rates of the disease are recorded, sex workers, truck drivers and migratory workers, especially those deported from the Middle East. Also, "the law intends to regulate blood banks and contaminated blood transfusions".

Already several countries around the world have such a law in practice. Iran made premarital blood screening for thalassemia mandatory in 1997. There, screening is supported by counselling conducted by experts on genetic disorders, public-awareness programme focusing on high school students and young men and a well established laboratory network following international standards. The surveillance of the couples continues until their families are complete. Marriage registrars refer couples to local laboratory for premarital screening and the cost of the test (about USD 5) is borne by the couples. Besides Iran, Saudi Arabia and Malaysia also have premarital blood screening made compulsory by law.

In Pakistan's context, "There is nothing wrong in a law that screens before marriage," says human rights activist Khawar Mumtaz, adding "It may have a spin off also if information on age of marriage is part of the process as that could be a check on early or underage marriages."

At best, "Such a law would provide clear information with regards to the health status of both spouses before marriage is to take place. Thus neither spouse will be vulnerable to a disease which could endanger their lives. Unborn children could also be protected from the disease through this law," opines Kamyla Marvi, who has spent years in the field of reproductive health and rights. But it's not so simple. "Implementation is the real issue. Who will ensure it? Will existing facilities have the necessary capacity and wherewithal? Given the current state of affairs and financial resources will the government assure necessary additional finances?" asks Mumtaz. And, "Will additional resources be allocated or will resources be taken from the already limited health budget?" adds Marvi.

It seems the experts are sceptical about the implementation of the law, especially if done through BHUs which are neither fully functioning nor equipped to provide testing facilities. They doubt BHUs are capable of providing confidential voluntary counselling and testing (VCT), a requirement for effective HIV testing. Also given the units' geographical settings (for example in villages where people knows each other) they may not be in a position to respect issues of confidentiality, leading to stigma and discrimination.

Then there are concerns about the effectiveness of the law. "A clause in our nikahnama gives right of divorce to women, which is routinely cancelled out by the nikah registrar. In such context, in practice would a couple seek out pre-marital blood screening?" doubts Marvi. She further adds that if charges for the pre-marital blood screening are to be passed on to the clients through user fees, then there are many concerns with regards to the ability of the population to afford such a fee, and the potential for corruption also exists. Additionally, Marvi fears that with such a strong focus on punishment for non-compliance, the law could have the potential of being misused for personal vendettas.

Premarital blood screening is one way to prevent transmission of the HIV/AIDS, thalassemia and hepatitis but certainly not the only way nor the most important one. "A prevention strategy must be multi-pronged – and one that includes condom promotion, clean blood in transfusions, safe needle practice in clinics and with intravenous drug users, and a host of other strategies." More importantly, she feels, "Prevention must also include strategies which build the autonomy of individuals to promote their own health such as women's empowerment, comprehensive information, accessibility of quality services – and education."

Dr Yasmeen Rashid of the Thalassemia Society of Pakistan says, "It's important to provide carriers with genetic counselling and appropriate information at every stage of their life, not only before marriage. Blood screening facilities at the grassroots level must be strengthened. Tehsil and district headquarter hospitals should be equipped to carry out the task."

In her view, regulating blood banks in Pakistan would be a more significant step than passing a law on premarital blood screening to prevent and control thalassemia. "Government has to discourage the sale of blood. People have to be told that donating uninfected blood is a health practice. We can consider passing legislation on premarital blood screening once this has been achieved."

Here's a typical situation – doubts about the law's implementation and effectiveness; mistrust in the government and thus resistance to laws and regulations. But there's another aspect to this: Violation of human rights. Mandatory testing, particularly of HIV, is generally considered a violation of an individual's human and often civil rights, except in highly exceptional situations where the individual is not an adult or is not in a condition to give consent. Even in countries with generalised epidemics, testing is not mandatory, say civil society experts. The best strategy, they agree, is scaling up of targeted interventions to prevent transmission among the identified groups practicing high-risk behaviours. So, it appears the need of the day is prevention-based strategies not laws.

It is a necessary corollary of what, for many years, has been the largest film industry in the world, that of India. It makes a few thousand films a year, mostly in Hindi, but also in dozens of local languages and it caters to the second most populous country in the world and the many expatriate extensions all over the world. And all the people engaged in the industry first try their hands at creating the TV ads which fuel the thousands of 24 hour channels all across the Gulf and the Straits.

There are dozens of countries -- including the Asian Tigers like Malaysia, Thailand, Singapore and Hong Kong -- which have no film industries of their own. So all the technicians come from India. But at any time there are hundreds of Indian production houses, with crews of between twenty and a hundred people staying in Bangkok and Kuala Lumpur for around a week at the same time shooting ads for all the Pepsis and Cokes and a hundred more products for the area.

It's a most peculiar arrangement: For an advertisement destined to run in Lahore the basic idea comes from somewhere in South Africa, the casting is done in Lahore and the production team comes from Mumbai with additional people, the grips and semi-technical people taken on from Malaysia, and the people for the crowd scenes also from Malaysia. But these may be Iranians studying IT in Kuala or from anywhere raking in a bit of extra money. Half a dozen groups from within the unit do not speak each other's language, but it all works seamlessly.

I am not sure but they probably use the laboratory facilities and the editing suites in Singapore or Hong Kong where there used to be a flourishing film industry. Or perhaps they take the stuff back to Mumbai. It is all an example of what I call 'Oriental Ingenuity,' the four countries closest to each other, and able to understand each other, are India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh. And these are just the places to be avoided because of security considerations or because the authorities create Visa problems. So we all repair to Bangkok.

The Thais and the Malaysians make it a habit to process Visa applications within hours. So I presume any paper work regarding the going back and forth for the equipment -- an ordinary application for a visa between our neighbours and us -- can take months. And stories of people who have been refused are legends. Obviously these clandestine contacts have been going on for years, judging from the numbers of Sub-Continentals speaking fluent Malay. Why this dichotomy between the official and the real, I will never understand. Right now I have to go off to receive this peace delegation from next door!

Mukhtar Mai is making headlines again. Her case, pending since June 2005, was recently taken up by the Supreme Court to be adjourned again. She has accused a federal minister from her area of trying to use his political influence and forcing her to have reconciliation with the accused Mastoi tribe. Sensing danger to her life, Mai has asked the government to increase her security. Taking notice of the alleged threats to Mai, the president of Pakistan has directed the federal human rights ministry and the Punjab government to submit separate reports on the issue.

The last hearing of Mai's case was scheduled for Feb 11, 2009, pending since June 28, 2005. However, on the request of Mai's counsel Ch Aitzaz Ahsan, the Supreme Court Bench comprising Justice Javed Buttar, Justice Nasirul Mulek and Justice Shakirullah Jan has adjourned the case till "date-in-office" (which means SC office will schedule the next hearing keeping in view the time-availability of the respective bench).

Barrister Gohar Ali Khan, one of the counsels of Mai in Ch Aitzaz Ahsan's office, talking to TNS, hoped the next hearing would be scheduled in a month or so. Replying to a question as to why the case was kept pending for such a long time, Khan said the case has many twists. "When CJP decided to hear the appeal, a proper time-frame was required to prepare the details."

"Currently, there is one SC suo-motu notice, four appeals from Mai (against the different accused) and four appeals from the state pending before the SC." He said there were 17 witnesses of the accused party, 10 witnesses of the court (including judges and state representatives) and six witnesses of defence (Mai) to be heard by SC, which would definitely take time.

Mai's counsel said while they were expecting the hearing one of these days after this "routine" delay, the accused party had also filed two "early hearing" applications before the SC during this period. He said early hearing through vigorous persuasion of the counsel was quite possible. Shahid Hussain, public relations officer of SC, talking to TNS, confirmed the "early hearing" application's submission.

Of course, Mukhtar Mai is not too happy with the way her case is proceeding. Talking to TNS, she said since the adjournment of her case in SC in 2005, she has repeatedly been issuing statements for early hearing of the case. She said since the alleged culprits were already in jail, she became a bit relaxed.

But currently Mai is again worried about her case because of the "political influence" that she claims is being used against her. She has alleged that the federal minister for Defence Productions Sardar Abdul Qayyum Khan Jatoi forcibly called her uncle Ghulam Hussain at his place in Jatoi on Dec 11, 2008, and pressed him for reconciliation with the accused Mastoi tribe. This, she fears, may be an effort to to save the accused.

She said she has no grudge against Jatois but they are getting personal. "Abdul Qayyum Jatoi came to my home after becoming district nazim and we also forgave late Nasrullah Khan who was supporting Mastois," she said. She said if anything happens to her family, her colleagues or herself, Abdul Qayyum Jatoi and the present government would be held responsible. Asked whether the government has also pressed her to drop the case or she has doubts about the role of government to pursue her case, she said she has no direct threat from the government. "I believe the government is free and fair and will help me in getting justice.

Asked whether anybody from the federal government or the provincial government has contacted her following the notice taken by President Zardari, Mai said, "I am thankful to President Zardari for taking the notice but I have still not been contacted by any authority or police for security."

"However, a few days back federal human rights minister staff contacted me saying that the minister was preparing a separate report on the issue. But there is no security assurance as yet. And since Jatoi is the minister and an influential person of the area police might hesitate to help me," she said. "I want the government's assurance that political influence would not hamper the proceedings of my case. Benazir Bhutto was a brave lady and she also issued statements to help in my case." She also pointed out the intolerance of local political and feudal lords towards her. "They think I am becoming powerful and influential but actually I am not," she said, adding, "I want justice and nothing else."

Jatoi has been elected MNA from Muzaffargarh three times besides being elected as district nazim. Currently a federal minister, he denied all the accusations against him. "I have nothing to do with Mai or her case. Looks like she is making such statements to win sympathies and get more money." He challenged Mai to prove that he approached her for reconciliation. "How can I influence courts when I myself have been appearing in a case falsely lodged against me in the lower court for the past several years?" he questioned.

"The rape incident did indeed take place. But locals say some seven to eight people have been falsely implicated. People ask me if the arrest of innocent people is a human rights violations or not. To this I have no answer." He also claimed Mastoi tribe never supported him in elections. "I have lost election in their area. We want nothing but justice in the Mai case. My sympathies are with Mai. And I also went to her home to console when I became district Nazim."

On Feb 19, President Zardari urged the Punjab government to provide speedy relief to Mai and ensure her security. "Yes, we have directed the Punjab government to ensure full security and submit a detailed report on the allegations of harassment by certain influential persons," Farhatullah Babar, spokesperson of President of Pakistan told TNS. He said the government has put no pressure on Mai but wanted free and fair trial. "The federal government and the president's office will not tolerate harassment by anyone." 

Syed Mumtaz Alam Gillani, federal minister for Human Rights, talking to TNS, said that the president's office has also asked him to submit a report "We have received written reply of federal minister Abdul Qayyum Jatoi and now will contact Mai for her comments. Justice would be ensured by all means." The minister said soon he would also try to arrange a face-to-face meeting of both parties in his presence.

Samson Salamat, Programme Manager Mukhtar Mai Women's Welfare Organisation, talking to TNS, confirmed that federal human rights ministry has contacted Mai to seek her views on the recent threats and alleged involvement of PPP federal minister. However, he said that no official from Interior Ministry or Punjab police has contacted them for the security enhancement. "There is no security from Muzaffargarh police yet despite repeated demands," he said.

I.A. Rehman, Secretary General Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) -- an organisation that has been looking into the case since beginning -- said that those who commit crime generally have backing, especially political. "In our country it is proven that influential people are behind such criminals and manage manoeuvring from local to higher level." Rehman said the government must provide security to Mai and investigate the matter fairly. "We also believe that the courts system is so lengthy that it takes years in deciding cases of this type, which is a flaw in the system. However, we have also noticed that the courts do take up the case they want to."

Despite all accusations, which started as early as the case itself, Mukhtar Mai continues to aspire many because of her courage. After getting foreign aid from international donor organisations she established Mukhtar Mai Women's Welfare Organization in 2003. The Mastoi clan had also offered her Rs 2.5 million as compensation which she refused.

Mai also received donations adding up to $160,000 from New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristoff's coverage of the case. She has used the money to open two schools in her village, a shelter for abused women and provide her village with an ambulance service. Today, Mai runs a resource centre, helpline service, mobile unit, health dispensary, resource library, shelter home, girls' school, computer lab, and does advocacy and awareness on women rights.

A brief history

Mukhtar Mai belongs to Meerawala village, Tehsil Jatoi, one of the most under-developed areas of South Punjab. Her case surfaced in 2002 through the national press when reportedly the local Panchayat (Council of Elders) ordered her to be raped as a punishment of her 12 years old brother's alleged affair with a woman of the influential Mastoi clan. Allegedly, 13 people physically abused and raped Mai on the council's order as 'compensation' to satisfy Mastoi clan enjoying the alleged support of late Sardar Nasarullah Khan Jatoi, brother of Abdul Qayyum Jatoi.

The case surfaced in June 2002. In August, Anti Terrorist Court (ATC) of Dera Ghazi Khan awarded deaths sentence to six of the 13 accused and freed the rest. However, the accused party -- Mastoi tribe -- moved an appeal before the Multan bench of the Lahore High Court (LHC) against the ATC verdict.

In March 2005, the LHC released all six of the accused for lack of evidence and the death sentence of one of them was changed into life imprisonment.

The Federal Shariah Court (FSC) took suo motu notice a couple of days after the LHC verdict saying the rape cases falls in its jurisdiction. A week after this development, the then Chief justice of Pakistan Nazim Hussain Siddiqui took suo-motu notice (05/2005) to settle the FSC-LHC jurisdiction controversy.

Meanwhile, Mai and the state, separately, filed appeals before SC against the LHC verdict. SC constituted a three-member bench comprising Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Ch, Justice Rana Bhagwandas and Justice Syed Saeed Ashahad, which took up the case on June 27,2005. The CJP, before taking up the case, also directed the lower court to convert the release of accused into bailable warrants. On June 28, 2005, the court ordered to arrest all the accused persons and admitted all appeals under Order 27 Rule 9 of SC. All accused are still in prison.

Musa Khan Khel, correspondent of The News and Geo TV in Mingora, Swat, was picked up and brutally killed in Matta on Feb 18 when he was covering a peace rally of Maulana Sufi Muhammad, chief of the banned Tanzim-e-Nifaz-e-Shariat-e-Muhammadi (TNSM). The perpetrators sprayed a volley of bullets on the innocent journalist. There were threats to his life due to his work in a valley gripped by terrible violence. He often shared with his colleagues "A powerful force wants to eliminate me. Remember, they will kill me."

Journalists are under threat from the militants as well as the security forces since both want to keep facts from the public. Journalists working in Swat complain that the warring sides are not happy with their reporting. In Sep 2008 the security forces brazenly manhandled Musa in their headquarters for Swat operation -- the Circuit House. The matter was duly taken up with the concerned authorities at the highest level but no action was taken, encouraging the gun-wielders at the cost of those who fight with their pens.

Life threats did not keep Musa from reporting truth and excesses of the two forces in Swat. He was an uncompromising professional whose commitment to the profession could be gauged from the fact that he went without sleep for days to make sure he didn't miss an important news. This correspondent has seen him passing breaking news and updates to Geo.

Reporting was more than a job to Musa. It was a means to serve his people and his beloved valley. Shireen Zada, a Swati journalist and Musa's colleague, said, "Musa was a journalist who had immense love for his native land. He would bring out the problems faced by people and worked untiringly to play his role in bringing peace and development to Swat valley. Musa was our best friend, a great journalist and human being. We are a part of his team and will follow in his footsteps."

A week after the murder, the high level investigating team has not been able to expose the criminals. Eyewitness accounts report a band of gun-wielding and masked people bundling Musa into a car and whisking him away. He was reportedly thrown out of the car and sprayed with bullets. His body was found in Detpanai area of Matta in the evening. Those who examined his body said there were 30 bullet marks.

No one has claimed responsibility for this terrorist act of Musa's murder. Both the warring sides deny their involvement in the murder. The government and militants ostensibly condemned the murder and expressed sympathies with his family and the journalist community, which staged protest demonstrations across the country demanding unveiling of the perpetrators.

The Khyber Union of Journalists has asked the government to stop shedding crocodile tears and instead track down the perpetrators. In the past, the government failed to expose the hands behind journalists' murders including the high profile case of Hayatullah Khan. This points out the non-seriousness, if not inability, of the government and investigating agencies.

Musa was not the only journalist to pay the price of his life in the troubled valley of Swat. It started with the first journalist Sirajuddin who died in a suicide attack in Feb 2008. Next was Azizuddin who was killed in Peuchar. Qari Shoaib, another journalist, was shot dead allegedly by security forces in Mingora. The journalists working in Swat have been working round-the-clock during the past twenty months, reporting amidst direct and indirect threats to their lives.

Shireen Zada told TNS: "We are mentally stressed after reporting death and destruction all day long." On top of that he said he had not had a single off day during the last five months including Eids. "Most of the journalists have become petulant and developed insomnia due to constant tension and burden," he said. He said that they felt vulnerable and threatened after the killing of Musa Khan Khel. "My family has been forcing me to quit the profession, particularly after the murder of Musa," he said, adding that the family members pray for his safety every morning he leaves the house for work.

Talking to TNS in Mingora, another senior journalist and chairman of the press club, Salahuddin, said they had been witnessing scenes of destruction and heinous crimes for quite some time. "We have been seeing chopped-off heads, hung bodies at squares, public whipping, bomb blasts and bombardment everyday for months. You can't expect a person who has seen so much destruction to be normal." Despite being a resident of Mingora, Salahuddin said he couldn't move freely and perform his duties. Another correspondent of an English daily, Hameedullah, left the valley after his house in Matta was razed to ground. "I don't know who destroyed the house but I can say that both Taliban and security forces were not happy with my reporting."

Essa Khan Khel, a journalist and brother of slain Musa, resolves to continue his profession despite the killing of his brother and growing threats and dangers. Musa's killing has increased the sense of insecurity among journalists in Swat. He sacrificed his life for peace and journalism and has rightly been declared Shaheed-e-Amn (Martyr of Peace) and Shaheed-e-Sahafat (Martyr of Journalism).

What do you do when you live in a country/society where standing up and doing things according to a system or the law is frowned upon and actually becomes a handicap? How many of us have waited – as any law-abiding civic-minded citizen would do – patiently in queue at a bank to pay bill or at NADRA to get our CNIC or passport only to see some people get ahead of us? This is particularly true of the immigration counter when one returns to Pakistan from overseas – perhaps it is also the first prompt reminder that we are truly back in the Land of the Pure – to find dozens of people even remotely related to an FIA constable posted at the airport getting their passports stamped first.

In fact this system, which rewards one's connections and ability to offer patronage, is evident the moment one steps out of the plane because you see all kinds of assorted flunkeys holding signs for various sahibs, generals, politicos and so on. In many cases, the sahib doesn't even have to carry his small brief case because that is what the minion is for – after all, if he can't even carry the sahib's small brief case then what use is he!

Then there are things related to one's work. How many of us are professional in their work and know the value of time? Do we call on people without a prior appointment, do we visit our relatives without at least first checking with them whether they are home and in a position and are we considerate about the disturbance being caused to other people by talking loudly or driving like a moron (something which all motorcyclists do in Karachi at least)? How many of us call business acquaintances at a time, which is clearly beyond normal office hours and expect them to talk to us and get offended if they don't?

As for waiting in line, and finding other people taking our turn, how many of us do what is right – and speak out and stop the person from doing this or at least admonish the official involved in the public dealing for not telling off the line jumper and asking him to go to the end of the line. I remember some 16 years ago, a week after I had returned from studies in the US, I had gone to pay our electricity bill. I got in line at the bank at around 9.30 am and till 11.45 my turn hadn't come. This was in 1993, when very few banks would take utility bills so the lines were often very long. As I waited and waited for my turn, this woman came and stood at the front of the line. For some reason, the public frustration, which I thought existed in ample quantity on this matter, was nowhere to be seen. Not even a single individual said even as much as "excuse me can you please wait your turn, like we have been waiting for hours!" and let this woman pass.

And the one person (yours truly, of course) who did protest at this blatant display of civic impropriety and utter disregard for the rules was told by the woman that "oh" he must have just come from America or something. The message being that in Pakistan no one plays by the rules. The most basic of these is to wait in line for your turn, under the simple-to-understand premise that people in public offices deal with people on a first-come-first-served basis. Also by doing so they adhere to a system that ensures that everyone's work is attended to.

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In a response to my column (http://www.thenews.com.pk/daily_detail.asp?id=163174) on the presence of US drones on Pakistani territory I received dozens of emails and text messages. One email pointed out a blog and further commented, using the same picture that has been used in The News's report that the airstrip in question is in all probability STILL being used. The picture on the blog comes from this year and shows that three hangars – all circled -- have been built since 2006 (at that time they were not there at all or in very rudimentary form). The blogger says that the hangars are large enough to house drones. In fact, he also points out to three other triangular shapes – to the northeast of these hangars – which he says are containers used to transport drones. His blog – and for space reasons that picture can't be reprinted here – also has a satellite image of a US testing facility used by the company which manufactures the drones and it shows the same triangular objects.

Another blogger (http://geimint.blogspot.com/2009/02/image-of-week-shamsi.html) suggests that the structures in the 2009 image suggest a long-term use for the facility and also points out that the clam-shaped structure in the centre-right of the image is a common structure found at US military facilities. So are the Americans still using these facilities and is the Pakistan government still denying the obvious?

The writer is Editorial Pages Editor of The News. Email: omarq@cyber.net.pk