Procession power
Political rallies depend upon the nature of the event, rank and profile of the political party, impact of leadership as well as resources available for the show
By Dr Noman Ahmed
The lawyers' movement has met with historic success. The continuous support by the civil society organisations, liberal and conservative political forces, media and intelligentsia were instrumental in leading to the final victory. However, analysts give the greatest credit to the common people whose mammoth participation and show of solidarity on the streets on the so-called 'day of judgment' led to the buckling of strong men within the folds of the establishment.

Ever changing scenario
A roundup of the Nato plans about Afghanistan and the entire region
By Aimal Khan
With the change of weather, the political temperature in and around Afghanistan is changing too. A new round of decisive offensive is on the cards and both sides are preparing for war. The ongoing policy revision drill in the United States is near completion and observers expect some drastic changes not only in its Afghanistan but Pakistan policy as well.

It has become terribly common for commentators to speculate on the impending demise of the Pakistani state. Most recently an (not official) American report predicted that the pressures of the 'war on terror' and internal structural deficiencies will precipitate a reconfiguration of Pakistan's territorial borders within six months. While one can never say never in Pakistan, such dramatic claims are outlandish. Besides, Pakistan has been widely depicted as being a 'failed state' many, many times in the past.

Sensationalism aside, it is worth noting the quite serious questions that have arisen about the institutional coherence of the Pakistani state in recent times. Most obviously successive governments have apparently ceded large swathes of territory in FATA and the NWFP to non-state actors. Less obvious is the steady breakdown of the state apparatus in terms of basic service delivery, law and order and dispute resolution. Partially a function of capacity, the 'withering away' of the state (not in the way Marx foresaw, of course) is also explained by the almost complete loss of legitimacy of the 'state-idea' in the eyes of both its functionaries and ordinary people.

It is important to bear in mind that the state has always remained a relatively distant entity for many people, especially in the non-urban parts of Sindh and Balochistan. In these peripheral regions, the state continues to be conceived of predominantly as an oppressive apparatus of coercion and the above-mentioned functions typically associated with the modern state are conspicuous by their absence (or by their selective provision). Increasingly it appears as if the state is coming to be conceived of in similar ways even in the Punjabi heartland of Pakistan.

Of course the differences between the centre and the periphery remain acute. But there is no doubt that even in the centre the legitimacy of the state as a set of 'public' institutions and the related 'state-idea' is waning. The result is an almost Hobbesian state of nature in the sense that anyone who is able to access 'public' institutions employs the resources therein for personal aggrandisement. For the most part, anyone who does not think along these lines is considered naïve, unable to understand the reality of the existing socio-political order.

The ongoing tug-of-war over the Punjab government is essentially an example of this state of nature. It seems quite clear that the protagonists, the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) and the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) are insistent on monopolising the opportunities to dole out patronage to supporters across the province and would prefer not to share these opportunities with the other party. Given that those charged with the task of representing the public have given up on the idea of a 'public' resource, there is little expectation the public itself would retain any commitment to this same idea.

In some ways then, the primary difference between elected civilian governments and military ones is that the latter simply do not allow any trickle-down to 'bloody civilians'. When civilians are elected to office they are compelled by their various constituents to be more forthcoming and 'spread the wealth', so to speak. There is of course legitimacy associated with elected rule that simply does not exist in the case of military rule, and I would be the first to argue that it is precisely the absence of an uninterrupted political process that has undermined both the institutional coherence of the state and the 'state-idea' more generally. Surely, however, the question begs to be asked: has our public culture deteriorated to the point of no return?

There can be no answer to a rhetorical question. It is impossible to predict whether the 'state' will be rescued in years to come by a playing out of the process. I am inclined to believe that a permanent retreat of the military from the political sphere is a necessary condition for the rebuilding of a consensus over 'public' resources and how to employ them for the collective good. However, this is not a sufficient condition. Much more hard work needs to be done to stop the rot.

In the first instance, as I have suggested many times before, the deep crisis of identity that prevails in today's Pakistan needs to be resolved. In many senses Pakistan is the name of competing myths that breed mistrust, and ultimately, fragmentation. In the centre the predominant myth has always been propagated by the powers-that-be, the standard nationalist narrative that is based on a distortion of history. In the peripheries the predominant myth has become one that doubts anything and everything that emanates from the centre. Naturally the onus is on saner elements within the centre to challenge the nationalist narrative, but there is also a need for those on the periphery to give these saner elements a chance. Otherwise we are simply doomed to perpetual conflict.

Just as crucial is to collectively create alternatives to the existing oppressive state apparatus. In other words we need to prove to ourselves that 'public' institutions can work for the public. The non-governmental organisation (NGO) revolution in Pakistan misdiagnosed the problem by (implicitly or explicitly) claiming that 'local communities' could bypass the state entirely and develop alternative mechanism of service delivery. Even if this model was not ideologically objectionable, the fact is that it is unsustainable because the alternative mechanisms rely on the good graces of foreign donors.

In Nepal the Maoists renounced guerrilla war and agreed to participate in mainstream politics only after more than a decade of establishing self-organised communes that performed the role that the state was supposed to perform. This was what convinced ordinary people that 'public' institutions could work for the collective good (with the widespread participation of the public). In India the Naxalites are still spreading their word in a quite similar manner.

Finally it is imperative that the shackles of foreign domination be broken. This might sound like wishful thinking but the fact is that we will never succeed in creating a new state project so long as we remain virtually a colony of the Empire. It is this basic fact, which allows millenarians to continue monopolising the mantle of 'awami' politics whilst our formal rulers trip over themselves to prove their worth to Washington.

The events of the last couple of weeks suggest that Pakistan should perhaps be re-named "Containeristan". I say this because an estimated 10,000 containers were used by the provincial and federal governments to block roads in various parts of the country, especially Punjab, in order to prevent the 'Long March' from reaching Islamabad and staging a dharna on Constitution Avenue, also known to wags as the "Amended Constitution Avenue."

You may wonder why I've put the words 'Long March' within inverted commas. The reason is that I've always had trouble describing a procession of cars, vans, buses and trucks as a 'Long March'. By definition, a Long March means people proceeding on foot over long distances, as the communists did in China back in the 1930s. That really was a 'Long March', extending over a distance of some 6,000 miles and lasting more than three years. But people driving in air-conditioned Pajeros or other similar vehicles from Lahore to Islamabad or from Peshawar to Constitution Avenue is not exactly my idea of a 'Long March'.

One could legitimately call such a journey a 'Long Drive', but to call it a 'Long March' strains the bounds of credibility and common sense. Not for nothing is it said that common sense is anything but common in this country. There have even been occasions in the past when political activists travelling from Karachi to Islamabad by train have called their journey a 'Long March' -- a formulation which conjures up surrealistic visions of hordes of people marching up and down the corridors of the Tezgaam or the Khyber Mail.

A corollary to this sort of usage is newspaper reports stating that some provincial politician or the other has 'air-dashed' from, say, Quetta to Islamabad for urgent talks with the federal government aimed at resolving the latest political crisis -- political crises being things that are never in short supply in this country. Such 'air-dashes' suggest bizarre images of the politician in question dashing up and down the aisle of the plane as it wings its way to Islamabad.

Leaving such lexical peculiarities aside, let us take a closer look at some of the implications of this month's 'containerisation' of Pakistan. For one thing, there was the cost of the exercise. The containers used in the exercise are all owned by foreign shipping companies and can be rented for an average cost of Rs 7,500 per day for a 20-foot container and an average of Rs 15,000 per day for a 40-foot container, those being the two sizes most commonly in use throughout the world.

Assuming that the containers requisitioned by the provincial and federal governments to block the roads were a 50/50 mix of 20-footers and 40-footers, the rent payable to the shipping companies for 10,000 containers works out to Rs 11,250 per container for one day. This, in turn, works out to Rs 112.5 million per day for 10,000 containers. Assuming that the containers were requisitioned for a period of, say, five days (that is to say, for a couple of days before the 'Long March', the day of the 'Long March' itself, and for a couple of days after the 'Long March'), the total rental payable to the shipping companies comes to Rs 562.5 million, or more than half-a-billion rupees.

That's one side of the coin. The other side of the coin -- and there is always another side -- has to do with the question of whether the shipping companies that own the containers can reasonably expect to be paid the rental charges owed to them by the provincial and federal governments?

The shipping companies couldn't stop the government agencies from requisitioning the containers, for the simple reason that the law enforcement agencies have the coercive power of the state on their side. But this certainly should not mean that the agencies can requisition the containers for free. International law requires the agencies to pay the rent that is due on the containers, as in the case of any other party renting containers.

So are the shipping companies likely to get the rent for their containers? If past experience is anything to go by, the answer to this question is probably no. And even if they do get paid, it may be years before they see the colour of their money -- governmental red-tape in such matters being what it is.

If they don't get paid, or if there is an inordinate delay in their getting paid, the likelihood is that foreign shipping companies will refuse to bring their vessels to Pakistan. Where would that leave us given the fact that over 90 per cent of Pakistan's import and export cargo is carried by foreign shipping lines?

We can hardly switch to using vessels belonging to the state-owned Pakistan National Shipping Corporation. For one thing, PNSC only has 14 ships, and even some of those are in such a pathetic condition that it's a wonder that they even manage to stay afloat. For another, PNSC seems to be so busy putting out fires in its head office building and repairing the damage caused by the fires that it hardly has any time to run its shipping operation.

But the problems resulting from using containers to block the roads doesn't end here by any means. For one thing, it has been reported that most of the containers were full of goods meant for the export market or perishable produce meant for the domestic market. Most of the perishable produce has probably gone bad by now, while the ships that were meant to carry the containers full of export goods have got fed up of waiting for the containers to arrive at Karachi Port and have sailed away by now.

What is going to be the reaction of the foreign buyers of the export goods to this disgraceful state of affairs? One can just imagine a foreign buyer saying, "Where's the container carrying the goods I bought?" and being told by a sheepish shipping agent that the container in question had been requisitioned by the provincial and federal governments in Pakistan to block a road in Kamoke, say, or in Sohawa. The buyer's response to this piece of intelligence is likely to be unprintable, to say nothing of the fact that it's not likely to earn Pakistan much goodwill in export markets.

And who is going to compensate the owners of the export goods and perishable produce? Or will they, too, have to twiddle their thumbs for years waiting for their money?

To compound the problem, there is no provision in the government's budget for paying compensation to the owners of the goods or to the people whose trucks were requisitioned to transport the container to the barricade points. So even if, by some miracle, the government agrees to compensate them, where's the money going to come from?

Given all the unsavoury ramifications of this whole imbroglio, we can only console ourselves with the thought that every cloud has a silver lining. In this particular case, the silver lining has to do with the fact that the 'Long March' didn't need to go all the way to Islamabad. By the time it got to Gujranwala, word came down from Islamabad that the federal government had caved in and restored Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry and all the other so-called "non-functional" judges to their offices.

Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gillani's early-morning TV announcement to this effect was greeted by scenes of jubilation across the country.

Rukhshanda Naz had devoted her life to the cause of women's rights in the country, particularly in the NWFP.

Naz started her law practice in 1991 and during her early days got interested in research related to justice dispensed to women that later culminated in her extensive research work on family laws particularly related to marriage, dowry and divorce. She also did consummate research on Trafficking of Women and Children in South Asia and Pakistan, Local Government Ordinance in Pakistan and Habeas Corpus.

In 1993, she joined Aurat Foundation, working for the emancipation and empowerment of women countrywide. Ever since, Rukhshanda Naz has established and expanded the Foundation from a single person to 52 members with operations in 24 districts of the province. She is now the chief operating officer of the organisation.

She is also member of the NWFP chapter of Human Rights Commission of Pakistan. During 1994 she was member of 'National Tribunal for Disadvantaged Persons.' and worked as consultant for the Asian Development Bank (ADP) for three consecutive years. Rukhshanda remains a consultant for International Human Rights Law Group and Lawyers for Human Rights and Legal Aid. She was awarded the 1996 Chilten Award for best social worker and won the Quaid-i-Azam Millennium award for the leaders of the new millennium and Star Award in Human Rights in 2003.

It was her struggle for the rights of women that led her way to represent the Pakistani Women at the United Nations in 2007. The Harvard Kennedy School published a case study on her while the Tokyo University conducted another such study in 1998.

TNS interviewed Rukhshanda Naz recently. Excerpts follow:

The News on Sunday: What inspired you to raise a voice for the rights of Pakistani women?

Rukhshanda Naz: Soon after LLB and completion of apprenticeship, I started my career in 1991 as a lawyer from the Peshawar High court at the chamber of Justice Nasirul Mulk. My friends had warned me that it was a male-dominated field and pursuing it might prove difficult. Their assertions proved wrong. I was always encouraged, helped and motivated by my senior colleagues, particularly Qazi Jameel and Justice Nasirul Mulk. They were the people from whom I learnt a lot.

During the course of time I would visit the Peshawar prison in cases related to human rights abuse, juvenile prisoners and others related to criminal law. There I came across a woman, Shama Parveen, who was abandoned by her family while the jail authorities thought the woman was insane. I pleaded for her as her council from courts here to the Federal Shariat Court as she was not insane. Ultimately, with the aid of psychiatrists and legal help, she was saved. However, this was just the beginning. This experience with human rights and particularly women rights' abuse inspired me to raise voice for them.

In the start, senior women activists would not take me seriously, thinking that soon I would get married and my mission would be over. However, it was my consistent struggle that convinced my senior women colleagues about my potential. Back in 2000, I stopped court appearances and devoted myself to struggle solely for the rights of women. But my passion for legal profession is intact and my advice in the capacity of consultancy is readily available to new lawyers in the field.

TNS: What have the women activists achieved in terms of women rights so far?

RN: We could divide this struggle and achievements into phases having historical roots. Our struggle, which was not exactly linked with the struggle of women in the West, began long time ago and was heard for the first time during the Mohammedan Conference in the second half of the 19th century. Then during the codification of inheritance laws during the British era, they were not silent either. Thus started our quest of rightful place in society that continues to date.

Even the Founder of the nation Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah in 1944 spoke in favour of women emancipation and against segregation and the role of the women activists of the Pakistan Movement is no less a precedent in this connection.

The 1961 family law, too, was prompted by the role of women activists who contributed their due role in this particular time. Similarly, after the promulgation of the 1973 constitution, the activists rigorously struggled for more than three and a half decades. This struggle was also affected positively by the government's endorsement of the Declaration of the First World Conference on Women (WCW), 1975. Later, three other such conferences of the WCW, particularly the fourth one in Beijing in 1995, had a huge bearing on the saga of Pakistani women rights. In the meantime, Pakistan also signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) in 1996. The Pakistani women right activists had steered the flagship of their rights by dint of their abilities and hard work.

We were not exactly satisfied with the half-hearted measures like establishing of the women ministry, few women police stations, First Women Bank, a national plan of action after the Beijing WCW, Permanent National Commission on the Status of Women in 2000, reserving 33 percent seats in the local government, restoration of the lapsed reserved seats for women in the national and provincial assemblies in 2002, 10 percent quota in jobs and Women Protection Act besides several other steps. The government took all these steps because of the decades-old struggle of the civil society and women activists.

Today we are able to see the good work the women representatives were doing from the union council level to the two houses of the parliament and the provincial assemblies. However, we still have to go a long way and could not take things for granted. What we, the women, are striving for is institutional commitments and the implementation of legislations along with opportunities on the basis of being equal citizens of the country.

TNS: What are the main reasons for Pakistan to be at the bottom of UN Gender Development Index and the Women Empowerment Measures (WEM)?

RN: The foremost reason is that there was no sincere legislation for the development and protection of women. We may see procedural amendments and half-hearted commitments on the part of the government but substantial measures were yet to be taken for the 48 percent women in our society. The women were yet to be fully involved in the political decision-making. Illiteracy rate among the country's women is appalling (only 67.03 percent). The healthcare system could not properly evolve in the society for women. There is a lot to be done to win a respectable place for women in the country so they could contribute their potential for the prosperity of the nation. What women of the country needed the most is practical measures rather than academic and theoretical reports and commissions after commissions.

TNS: At present there are a good number of women in the assemblies. Do they represent women or their respective political parties?

RN: To stand for their respective party politics or ideologies could be a distraction or limitation for them but they never cease to represent women of the country. At present, the women parliamentarians in the assemblies -- including that of Pakistan People's Party (PPP), Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid (PML-Q), Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) and the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) -- are all supporting women rights. They are about to extend an all-out support to us in the upcoming bill about Protection of Women against Domestic Violence. I do not agree that women parliamentarians might always just represent their respective political parties. The resignation of Sherry Rehman as the information minister is a case in point in this regard. Principles do matter and one could agree to disagree.

We are also urging the women parliamentarians to use their good offices for the release of the national data on violence against women compiled in 2003. However, the women rights activists were satisfied with women parliamentarians' input in the working of the National Assembly and the senate. A journey of thousands miles begins with a single step and they have taken many steps by now.

TNS: As a women rights activists, do you expect substantial women development from the present political dispensation?

RN: I am hoping against hope that it delivers. The incumbent government could not even appoint a federal minister for the Ministry of Women Development after Feb 18, 2008, elections. This sheds enough light on their priorities. It is not a priority to allocate proper funding for women development besides equipping the ministry to stand right on its feet and devise ways and means to work rigorously for the women who no doubt remained underdeveloped and ignored for years.

Similarly, about the education of the women in certain parts of the country the government broke its silence when all of the girls' schools were either destroyed or partially damaged. The government instead of being firm went on the defensive. The civil society is worried that when it came to the right of girls' education, the government adopted compromising position and did not acted promptly to save our future.

On the other hand, the government had not came up with any plan to eliminate the feminisation of the poverty in the country that had hit hard the cottage industry, livestock industry and woman skill development in the rural Pakistan.

TNS: Is it true that you were offered ministerial slots in the former government but you refused.

RN: I could not be specific about any such offers, however, several political parties in the course of all these years did contact me to represent their respective parties as a woman parliamentarian but I could not leave half way the cause for which I have struggling with so many others of my colleagues for the last 16 years.

TNS: To what extent does violence in parts of the country affect your work?

RN: Violence does affect progress, development and prosperity in any field of work and the activities of the organisation working for the development of women were affected enough. If one could summarise, it restricted our area of work but hard times were not for ever and there is one thing permanent in life and that is change. We are hoping for the better amid challenges from the retrogressive segments that we have faced for a long time.

Sexual harassment is defined as unwelcome behaviour of a sexual nature that is explicitly or implicitly exploitative, intimidating or derogatory and unreasonably interferes with an individual's work performance, resulting in the creation of an intimidating, hostile or offensive work environment. Sexual harassment, which is often referred to as "Eve-teasing" in Pakistan includes, but is not limited to, unwelcome sexual advances, unsolicited requests for sexual favours or other unwanted verbal, visual or physical conduct of a sexual nature made against another person. In fact, in the broadest sense, any conduct of a sexual nature that makes an employee uncomfortable has the potential to be classified as sexual harassment.

Sexual harassment is far more prevalent in the workplace than most people realise and this widespread difficulty is faced across all income levels and all occupations in Pakistan, much like all other countries. No woman is free of this predicament, whether it is a labourer or a high-powered legislator in the National Assembly. The causes of sexual harassment at work can be complicated, and are often deeply rooted in social interaction and workplace politics.

In most instances, supervisors and employers can grow accustomed to the power they have over their employees. This can lead to an abuse of authority, which is owing to the fact that the nature of work relationships can quite often be intimate and intense and employees are dependant on each other for teamwork and support, and are dependant on their supervisor's approval for opportunities and career success.

A supervisor who is guilty of sexual harassment may only offer a subordinate a promotion or other honours in exchange for sexual favours or deny them job benefits if his inappropriate advances are rebuffed. Similarly, submission to or rejection of such conduct might be made a term or condition of a person's job, pay or career.

Working in close proximity can sometimes blur the professional boundaries delineating proper and improper workplace conduct and lead people to overstep this line. Politics can be a catalyst, and problems caused by poor management, workplace bullying, frustration, and job insecurity, etc., can create hostile environments that leak over into working relationships.

Sexual harassment leads to the establishment of a hostile work environment, which is a form of harassment that is less blatant and harder to define. Such a work environment is created by unwelcome sexual behaviour or behaviour directed at an employee because of that employee's sex that is offensive, uncomfortable and threatening and that adversely affects that employee's ability to do his or her job.

No occupation is immune from sexual harassment; however, reports of harassment of women are higher in fields that have traditionally excluded them. Men still hold on to most of the workplace supervisory positions, and they are the ones who decide whether or not a complaint of sexual harassment is justified. Because of this, if a woman complains about the man who is troubling her, for the most part, she is the one who will be considered the problem.

Gender discrimination also plays a role in this phenomenon, as women in Pakistan are not regarded as being equal to men in terms of their capabilities and prowess in their jobs. Women are stereotyped into traditional roles and are not accorded their due rights, based simply on their gender. Common claims of gender discrimination consist of unequal pay or unequal promotions.

The sexual harassment of women is a serious cause for concern as it causes both physical and emotional anguish to these beleaguered women. The more serious the nature of the harassment, the more harm will be inflicted on these victims. It also impacts their financial well-being as they might start taking time off from work to avoid dealing with the problem, or in more serious cases, leave their jobs altogether. It dissuades women from working in male-dominated occupations and unfortunately restricts women to the more women-oriented occupation, such as teaching, home based self-employment, working in factories that stitch clothes, etc. This in turn severely hinders the scope of the personal development and economic contribution of these women.

In Pakistan, a number of steps are being taken to counter this difficulty faced by the multitude of workingwomen in Pakistan. Humera Alwani, an MPA from Sindh belonging to the PPP, drafted the workplace sexual harassment bill in 2006 after a well publicised incident in the Sindh assembly in which a male member sent a note to a female member of the opposition which resulted in a furore after the recipient, Shazia Marri, claimed that it contained a number of indecencies. Alwani states that this is what spurred her into action and compelled her to think seriously about the bill, for if women were not even safe in the higher echelons of power, than their plight would clearly be much worse in other occupations.

According to her, this bill is mandatory, "Women need a secure work place where they can participate in efforts for their economic well-being and prosperity." The bill imposes stern warnings, demotions, terminations and fines on those found guilty of harassing women at work in Sindh, the second most populous of Pakistan's four provinces. In the most serious cases, sexual assault and repeat offences, perpetrators could face jail time as well as fines. Non-payment of fines can lead to imprisonment of up to 30 days. The law also recommends that the person who was harassed receive half the fine as compensation. Alwani was of the view that the other three provinces of the country should also draft similar legislation to curtail the issue of the sexual harassment of women in the workplace.

Another very important step that has been taken to combat this problem is the formation of Aasha, (Alliance Against Sexual Harassment) that came into being through the collaboration of a number of civil society organisations which joined forces with the International Labour Organisation (ILO) and Pakistan's Ministry of Women Development to initiate this pioneering organisation. The members of Aasha comprise of Action Aid Pakistan, Bedari, Hawwa Associates, Mehergarh, Interactive Resource Centre (IRC) and PILER. The basic principle behind the setting up of this organisation is to create awareness about this problem and to facilitate both the public and private sector in achieving a society free of sexual harassment of women.

Unfortunately in Pakistan, most employers display a surprisingly casual attitude towards this rampant problem plaguing most of the female workers. Such a course of action is highly unproductive, as all employers must take affirmative action to prevent harassment of these vulnerable females in the workplace. One good way to do so would be to encourage the female employees who might be the victim of any such persecution to come forth, confident in the belief that their claims would not only receive a fair hearing, but would also be redressed in the most expedient manner possible. In this regard, it then becomes the binding responsibility of every employer or supervisor to any complaint of sexual harassment seriously and to take the required appropriate action immediately. Additionally, it must be ensured that employees who bring charges do not face any kind of retaliation. This can be made possible through the provision of the strictest assurance of confidentiality to any female who registers a complaint against her perpetrator.

Employers should also lay down strict guidelines proclaiming that any person found guilty of any such behaviour that is deemed as sexual harassment would face strict disciplinary action or the termination of their services altogether. This is because perpetrators of sexual harassment need to understand that their lewd and unprofessional conduct would neither go unobserved nor unpunished. It is essential that all persons in an organisation, from the bottom of the hierarchy to the top, must be aware of the fact that their personal demeanour must be unimpeachable if they wish to continue with their employment.

trade

Globalisation has increasingly made trade diplomacy a significant feature in bilateral, regional and multilateral economic relations. Pakistan's present economic situation requires economic leadership to take the initiatives to accelerate bilateral as well as regional trade diplomacy which has not only the potential to bring economic prosperity but also peace in the region.

Bilateralism and regionalism got currency in trade relations after the deadlock between developed North and developing South over a number of issues under the World Trade Organisation (WTO) regime. Subsequently, State actors got busy in inking bilateral as well as regional Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) which have given desired results as the world has witnessed an upward graph in bilateral along with regional trade among trading partners, whereas Pakistan has been facing a mounting trade deficit for many years. For instance, during the first eight months (July-February) of the current fiscal year (2008-09), exports are $12.1 billion, whereas imports are $23.7 billion. Such a huge trade deficit is forcing Pakistan to re-invent its trade policy.

Without a doubt, the European Union (EU), the US and Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states are the major trading partners of Pakistan, however, South Asian, and Economic Cooperation Organisation (ECO) countries have immense potential for regional trade cooperation which needs to be channelised. The leadership of these regions should try to find common grounds in regional trade cooperation and diversify their economic relations in goods, services, labour and investment. They need to follow the suit of the EU and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) regional economic integration model for progress and prosperity of their people.

South Asian states, nonetheless, have a regional free trade agreement of South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAFTA) and the trade in goods is underway since Jan 2006, yet the member states need to cut down their respective sensitive lists and broaden their horizons in services and investment too. In this regard, the World Bank report has rightly pointed out, "to maintain huge sensitive lists mean actually denying required market access to members. Reduction or elimination of sensitive lists under SAFTA would give boost to bilateral along with regional trade in South Asia."

Similarly, the ECO member states signed the Economic Cooperation Organisation Trade Agreement (ECOTA) to enhance trade and investment in the ECO region and agreed to bring down tariff and non tariff barriers to encourage regional trade. However, American involvement in the region and the war on terror have eclipsed the immense potential of regional economic cooperation. However, in the recent tenth summit meeting of ECO in Tehran, the leaders of ECO reaffirmed their determination to establish free trade area in ECO region by 2015 as a priority task.

Indeed, there are some pre-requisite steps like political will, market access, liberal policies and improvement in infrastructure that need to be taken by regional state actors to accelerate regional economic cooperation. Economist Dr. Tahir A. Loqman stressed that the government requires stimulating economic diplomacy to come out from this economic crisis and that focus should be on regional cooperation.

While talking on regional trade diplomacy, Haroon Ahmed Khan, a political analyst, is of the view that Pakistan needs to speed up regional economic initiatives with South Asian and ECO countries, as this cooperation is essential not only for economic and social progress, but also development and stability in the region. Economist Dr. Jameel S. Peimani said that in economic diplomacy, the private sector must also be engaged in the decision-making process as the people in this sector know where to invest and when to sell their goods and services.

Nasir Janjua, a textile importer, maintained that Pakistan has all the ingredients like material resources, a large population, a strategic location and access to regional market via land and open sea but the issue is the government needs to launch an effective trade diplomacy campaign along with the private sector as economic issues are complex and it needs skilled personal. Kamal Nadeem, a rice exporter, said that like India and China, Pakistan should also provide tax relief and recompense its exporters in different ways to make this sector competitive.

Apart from this, the representatives of exporter associations are of the view that load shedding, inflationary cost of input, cross subsidies, protective duties, costly bank credit at home along with tariff and non tariff barriers abroad are the main stumbling blocks in exports. They stressed that the government should provide them with a safety net of facilities like availability of raw material, uninterrupted electricity supply and credit facility at minimum interest rate.

It is the need of the hour that the government should re-invent its ministry of commerce and export-friendly trade policies need to be adopted. Though institutional infrastructure is present under the umbrella of ministry of commerce, yet sincere and coordinated efforts are required for productive trade diplomacy. The issues of tariff as well as non-tariff barriers have to be addressed promptly in order to seek better market access. Moreover, corrupt trade officials at home and abroad must be brought to justice.

Certainly, the government of Pakistan while addressing the issues at home is required to launch proactive trade diplomacy at regional level. Pakistani embassies abroad should be equipped with necessary statistics, publicity material and skilled and resourceful staff. Exhibition of Pakistani goods need to be arranged in the big cities of regional trade partners in order to improve the country's business image abroad as well as to draw the attention of foreign buyers. Efficient and competent trade envoys need to be deputed who have the capability to handle trade related issues like tariff and non-tariff barrier, quality standards, intellectual property rights and resolve dispute settlements amicably in the best national interests.

In this regard, "trade not aid" approach should be adopted and our envoys need to fight for market access for Pakistani goods. Our top leadership needs to develop close interpersonal contacts with their counterparts like the ASEAN leadership who usually manage economic diplomacy through close interpersonal contacts. Furthermore, ASEAN model's Track I and Track II initiatives should also be employed for successful regional trade diplomacy.

Apart from this, a successful mechanism for inter-ministerial coordination is also required for effective economic diplomacy. Along with government channels, private sector should also be engaged in trade diplomacy at different levels especially at agenda setting. Actually, trade diplomacy requires all domestic and international stakeholders to be taken on board for achievements of objectives. The solution of Pakistan's economic problems lies in successful regional trade diplomacy not in aid and allied politics.

(Email: sibtainrazakhan@gmail.com)

The underlying economic structure of any economy is of immense significance. Whether the structure is based on industrial manufacturing capability backed by a well-functioning financial and education system or not determines a large portion of success and failure of an economy. What kind of manufacturers it produces for foreign and domestic trade is profoundly important too. This is the crux of political economy of industrial and trade policy which goes beyond the 'export-led growth' mantra of the Ministry of Commerce in Pakistan.

Dani Rodik, a brilliant economist based in Harvard, while emphasising the importance of manufacturing capability strengthened with export growth and export diversification argues that "what you exports does matter." It does matter whether a country exports potato chips or computer chips. The point is that a successful trade policy has to work in line with the industrial development objective enshrined in a well thought-out industrial policy.

In Pakistan, the reality of economic strategies is perching on an inverse logic. In Pakistan, according to the Economic Survey of Pakistan 2007-08, the over-arching principles of economic change are embedded in Washington Consensus approach claiming privatisation, stabilisation, and liberalisation as ideal panacea. It further claims that Pakistan does not intend to re-discover industrial policy.

Perhaps, economic managers of Pakistan want to prove that the economic development route of the UK and the USA as well as of the late industrialises in East Asia who staged a development miracle was wrong. They must have first liberalised their economies with the state taking a back seat and then see the "invisible hand" churning out "development" through increased competition in markets. In fact, the now-dominant economic managers in Pakistan believe that "planning and coordination" is less superior a strategy as compared to "market and competition."

The results of this economic policy are interesting. While the average tariff has been reduced from 77 percent in 1985 to 17 percent in 2004 and around 10-12 percent now, the share of Pakistan's world exports actually fell from 0.16 percent in 1990 to 0.15 percent in 2004. In addition, the growth of the manufacturing component of GNP has also declined from 6.9 percent in 2002-03 to 5.4 percent in 2007-08, which is showing further decline. These results show that industrial decline in Pakistan actually started much before the current global financial decline. Historical data also suggests that the output growth in manufacturing, in terms of annual averages, was 15.7 percent in 1950-60 and 13.4 percent in 1960-70, which declined to 4.5 percent in the years 1990-01.

Taking note of such strategies, Prof. Deepak Nayyar, has recently argued that economies are like springs. Hard springs (developed economies) when compressed with openness and cut throat competition, bounce back while soft springs (less developed economies) lose their strength and do not bounce back. Is Pakistan proving to be a soft spring? Answering this question may not be too difficult. However, in any case, the elected democratic government should try to avoid being a soft spring pressed too hard with liberalisation, privatisation, and neo-liberal type stabilisation. The solution lies in industrial policy aided by a strategic trade policy, which develops a framework of selective regional and global integration and local industrial capability.

Looking at from this angle, the issue is that the state of Pakistan needs to come back with economic planning for structural transformation of the economy. The planning should be able to develop a coherent industrial policy, which identifies the priority sectors and facilitates the development of relevant industries. The need is to identify those industries, which can have wide effects on the economy and shift gears of the whole economy, rather than a single industry.

In the last trade policy 2007-08, it was promised that industrial cluster development will be encouraged along with reducing the cost of doing business and creating a better business climate so that poverty eradication takes place. These are noble promises; however these ideals are placed in trade policy while most of these must have been part of national industrial development strategy, which the economic managers of Pakistan have simply refused even to initiate. What matters is that industrial development does not emerge automatically from general manipulations of tariffs, tax cuts, and subsidies. In fact, the industrial development, which has successfully reduced poverty in East Asia, China, and India, has emerged from industrial development, planning and coordination aided by strategic trade policies.

This is a historical fact that all of the now-developed countries have used, both the infant industry protection and promotion policies, to economically develop and transform their economy from agrarian to an industrial economic structure in their catch-up periods. In fact, they industrialised their agriculture sector as well. With the resultant productivity growth, while managing efficiency-equity concerns, they could reduce poverty. Pakistan needs to learn some lessons about "how to govern growth and poverty" with industrial and trade policies from the now-developed countries.

In Pakistan, in the absence of an industrial policy, large-scale manufacturing has recorded an overall negative growth as shown by the data from Federal Bureau of Statistics. Press reports show that overall data for July-Dec 2008-09 depicts a decrease of 4.72 percent over July-Dec 2007-08. Some analysts claim that the decrease in large-scale manufacturing is due to increase in interest rate and power outages, which tend to increase the cost of production. This may be partially true. Partially, in the sense that such analysis does not explain the institutional environment in which the industrial crisis has actually developed. In fact, the energy crisis in itself is a demise of industrial capability and infrastructure in Pakistan. Some enlightened analysts have argued that the decline in effectiveness of the state apparatus, especially the economic bureaucracy in terms of developing vision, establishing coordination mechanisms and accountable institutional arrangements have precipitated the industrial decline. This decline negatively affects the external trade sector, which cannot capture diversified markets with diversified products.

Interestingly, in one of the addresses at The Federation of Pakistan Chambers of Commerce and Industry, (FPCCI) the Secretary Commerce had announced that the Ministry of Commerce and FPCCI would be partners and not clients. This is a noble announcement and must be appreciated. At the same time, it must be realised that the state has to be sufficiently autonomous and sufficiently efficient so that it is not captured by special interests and can execute an equity-efficiency based public policy agenda.

One can learn from others in this direction. For example, the export promotion organisation in South Korea played a central role in making the Export Oriented Industrialisation (not export led growth which plagues Pakistan) a success story. Under the state and private sector arrangement, the protection and subsidisation was very closely monitored by the state. Monthly reporting from industry to the government was one of the key features. Peter Evans calls this feature as "embedded autonomy" of the state institutions meaning that they were autonomous but at the same time embedded in the private sector organisations so that the state could provide administrative guidance and remove information asymmetries needed for business success.

Another key aspect was that the state could control waste of capital accumulation by comprador class and make productive investments in the priority sectors a reality. In the words of Robert Wade, East Asians created "simulated markets" (as opposed to free-markets) and governed them. No doubt, it requires an efficient, effective, and reasonably honest economic bureaucracy. Pakistan sufficiently lacks a viable administrative infrastructure and is trying to plug the hole of economic waste through de-regulation and liberalisation. Recent researches, however, argue that wholesale liberalisation and de-regulation is neither a question nor answer to the trade and industry related problems of developing countries.

While Pakistan has announced that the next trade policy will be for three years, most of the critics are reluctant to accept the long-term positive effects of such steps. These are at best non-issues, which do not deserve to be headlines. What is required is to develop both the trade and industrial policy jointly with the help of Planning Commission of Pakistan and bring the hometown of neo-liberalism -- the Ministry of Finance -- on board. The case in point is that the financial system should serve the purposes of industrial development. Interestingly, Pakistan could witness during the last one decade a skewed kind of growth. The financial sector could grow at the rate of around 12-14 percent while industry at around 3-5 percent and agriculture sector at 2-3 percent. These trends necessitate that the economic managers come out of the delirium that services sector such as financial service can take the economy on a long-term growth path. A recent report by the State Bank of Pakistan says services sectors sustainability expands as a result of growth in industrial and manufacturing sector development.

Therefore, the economic managers of Pakistan should try to learn a couple of lessons. First, that an effective and efficient economic bureaucracy and "Weberianness" is required to establish industrial and trade development in developing countries. Second, that trade policy should serve the industrial development objectives of the state and be in line with industrial strategy. Third, that accumulation of capital should not be handed out (privatised) to the comprador class for waste but should be re-invested in a productive way. Last but not least, the state should know that a Washington Consensus based economic growth strategy is not a high road to growth. The state has to come back. Public sector development programmes should be on the forefront to tackle the global recession related issues as well as ensure Pakistan's long-term industrial development capability.

Keynesian economics has many solutions, which are now again being adopted by the US and the UK. Prof Fredrick I Nixon had argued many years ago that neo-liberalism (Washington Consensus) is neither irreversible not irreplaceable. Developed and powerful economies will change the strategies whenever they need. The current "growth stimulus" packages doling out billions of dollars in Europe, China, and the UK, and the US show that the state can come to rescue whenever it is required. It can help induce growth through re-allocation of capital beyond the dictates of free-market and free trade philosophy.

Looking at the past and the present of economic change strategies in Pakistan as well as in other countries, Pakistan's (isolated) trade policy will be inadequate to tackle the issues of export diversification and a sizable increase in both the volume and value of exports. Pakistan needs to re-orient its economic change strategy and bring the state back into pro-active action.

Despite a heroic struggle and morale-boosting victory for the lawyer's movement, there are little expectations for substantial structural changes in our society. At the grassroots level, despite the advent of the "independent" judiciary, there seems little trust in the lower courts and the judiciary is still viewed as part of the oppressive state apparatus which includes the police, the army, bureaucracy etc.

Little attention has been paid by the media to the resistance movements in central and southern Punjab as the peasantry in this region has been in a constant state of revolt. In order to better understand the problems faced in this region and the resistance to them, we reached Kot Addu (Southern Punjab) with a group of students and researchers. We were hosted by the Action Aid, Hirak Foundation and the Lok Party (a local Seraiki nationalist party), all of whom have been active in the local struggles.

The day we reached Kot Addu, we got into a heated argument with the locals over the Long March. Coming from Lahore, and being part of the movement for almost two years, it seemed impossible that any serious activist would question the legitimacy of this movement. However, progressive activists and thinkers from the Seraiki belt dubbed the Long March as a "Punjabi conspiracy against smaller provinces". One activist told me that people in Punjab (Seraikis do not consider themselves Punjabi) were against Zardari because he was a "son of the soil" (Sindhi).

Whether the locals were right in terming the movement a "Punjabi conspiracy" or not is beside the point. There are two important conclusions that have to be drawn from this analysis that you seldom hear in central Punjab. One, that the master narrative created by the media depicting Zardari as universally hated in all of Pakistan does not seem to be true as he continues to enjoy support from the smaller provinces (a fact noticed during the Long March when it got ignored in these provinces). Second, it shows how dangerously the country is fragmented along ethnic and linguistic lines as there is no longer a "national politics" in the country with the "popular" Nawaz Sharif having little base of support in southern Punjab or rural Sindh. This divide could prove to be the biggest challenge for the sustainability of the Pakistani State.

To come back to the issue in Kot Addu that brought us all together. The problems in the area are a result of the neo-liberal agenda of 'development' sponsored by international donors. The proposed re-aligning of a barrage and creation of water reservoirs built by the World Bank will result in flooding in the adjoining areas, destroying fields and forcing people to leave their lands. These projects have also been a disaster for the natural environment but such is the development discourse that the international donors remain insensitive to living beings.

There is precedence for such developmental projects in the region that have ruined the lives of the locals. Development projects in Chashma and Taunsa have resulted in massive flooding and water logging in the adjoining areas, ruining the livelihood of thousands in the process. All those families are being forced to live in camps around their devastated fields.

Internationally, such models of development have had similar results. If we look at Latin America, this neo-liberal onslaught has been extremely detrimental for indigenous populations like those in Bolivia, Venezuela, Chile, Ecuador etc. At the same time, resistance movements against this anti-people development have given rise to new forces that are now implementing an alternative model of development which is more sensitivity towards the locals as well as the environment.

The Seraiki belt is also witnessing a rebellion that is steeped in its local culture. It revolves around Sath, or a People's tribunal on the water issues. Such Saths have been formed as a result of the work done by local progressive groups in the region. These tribunals meet every month to discuss the issues confronting them and formulating strategies to further their cause. These tribunals have been able to bring the communities together to jointly struggle for their cause. In Chashma and Taunsa, these Saths remain an integral part of their resistance. Despite being thrown out of their fields, the peasants in the region have been regularly organising themselves against the international donors through these tribunals and once a consensus is reached, the resolution becomes binding on everyone.

Visiting one of these Saths in the villages around Kot Addu was a memorable experience. Those who had been wronged by the system and had been denied justice by the courts were now formulating alternative models to resolve their issues. Everyone was encouraged to come up to the mike and speak about their issues. Such an exercise has helped give voice and confidence to thousands who once felt that no one had the time to listen to their grievances. One important feature of this gathering was the large turnout of women from this conservative belt. In fact, as has been witnessed in Okara, the women seemed far more aggressive than the men and were extremely vocal against local politicians.

Representatives of the irrigation department were also present on the occasion and were grilled by the locals for all the broken promises of the government. It was decided in the end that the peasants would continue to organise demonstrations and rallies until the government accepts their demands. If this tactic fails, the tribunal decided to stage a sit-in in front of the Supreme Court, asking CJP Iftikhar Chaudhry to take suo motu notice to stop these projects. This would be a huge test for the newly restored Supreme Court to meet the expectations of the general public which helped restore it.

One reason why such forms of resistance and alternative set-up of courts is coming into existence is because of the dissatisfaction and resentment against the State apparatus. In this region, there are no hospitals, schools, infrastructure, jobs opportunities or industry created by the State. Hence, you only see the coercive arm of the State (Police, Army) in action in order to maintain "law and order". However, the State refuses to shoulder the many other responsibilities in order to create a sense of loyalty amongst the citizenry. In fact, while we were there, it was announced that the retired army officers have been allotted 13000 acres of land in Muzaffargarh. This will require the displacement of thousands of peasants who have been working on these fields for decades.

Such examples reflect the complete insensitivity of the Pakistani State towards its citizenry and its complete subservience to the global development philosophy. The resistance by local groups against the high-handedness of the State may prove to be its biggest challenge.

The lawyers' movement has met with historic success. The continuous support by the civil society organisations, liberal and conservative political forces, media and intelligentsia were instrumental in leading to the final victory. However, analysts give the greatest credit to the common people whose mammoth participation and show of solidarity on the streets on the so-called 'day of judgment' led to the buckling of strong men within the folds of the establishment.

This fact was not only acknowledged by our local media but also ratified by many shrewd strategists, who were watching the tumultuous circumstances of this country with a critical eye. The sheer numerical power caused an instant meltdown of human and physical barriers. Whether the metropolis of Lahore or the small town of Chishtian, the fervour was the same. The background and outcome of this heartening episode merits a focused analysis.

The crowds may have been predominantly fired with sincerity and singularity of purpose, the anatomy of processions and rallies bear very diverse contents. Political processions and rallies are of different kinds and depend upon the nature of the event, rank and profile of the political party; impact of leadership as well as resources available for the show. Pakistan has witnessed numerous political extravaganzas manufactured by the king's parties of the times. Different brands of Muslim Leagues have conducted public rallies and pseudo marches to show the popular strength commanded by them. The numerical count is actually boosted by the generous spending of state resources.

In many cases, the secret funds of sacred institutions eke for the purpose! A former prime minister of this country, who was simultaneously elected to National Assembly from two constituencies without direct pedigree to any of them, is a relevant example. Managers of his campaign brought thousands to the rally ground. However, these turnouts are the outcome of short contractual agreements between the organisers and participants. Good food, comfortable transport and often a small stipend per head are the elements of barter to muster the support. In a country with a populace of all colours and hues, gathering a few hundred thousand people is not a moon to venture!

Captive processions and rallies are the next visible type. Parties or pseudo-political gangs that have developed the acumen of controlling their constituencies fall in this category. After passing through a checkered process of evolution, some of these parties succeed to hold hostage the very people whose sufferings they claim to represent. By resorting to fascistic tendencies, they let loose a reign of terror and fear to make folks obey to the most ludicrous of demands. As happens in fascism, the discipline and detail of organisation of rallies is meticulous. Rallies scaling to hundreds of thousands of people are thus organised at the notice of hours.

The local and foreign leadership of such outfits now try to remain glued to the government in power. They care less for the complexion of government. Thus a nascent dictator is as dear to them as a down to earth democrat. By demonstrating street power on short notices to display their mobilisation capacity and nuisance value, such groups keep adjusting bargaining capacity in power sharing negotiations. The worst fallout of their power game has been the huge number of causalities suffered during clashes, crackdowns by state apparatus or internal strifes.

Ideological parties have conducted their politics with unabated support of their populist zealots. Interestingly, both right and left-wing camps have shown the talent of freezing normal daily life through procession power. Right-wingers are not short of issues to keep their followers busy. Whether it is the Israeli onslaught on Gaza or the infamous atrocities on Kashmiri Muslims, the right-wingers catapult to action within no time.

Despite the very thin vote bank that they possess, their network strength and consequent participation is outstanding. It is worthwhile to note that some of the "big" national parties are scared of them due to the proven tactics of 'sit-ins', wheel-jam exercises and boycotts of sorts. Liberals believe that conservative elements within the state apparatus extend clandestine support to these parties to promote their own stakes in the statecraft.

A recent phenomenon in mass rallies is the refinement and upscaling of religious processions and street activities. The large span of Moharram and Rabi-ul-Awal processions are examples. A sizable amount of funds and investments has gone into the organisation and conduct of these processions. With the sophistication in media techniques, coverage and outreach, these events are viewed worldwide. Thus, these activities automatically receive a multiplier effect.

It is obvious that each of the religious groups represented in these street shows carve out a niche in the power brokerage whenever the need arises. City and town administrations remain on their toes to facilitate their activities and prevent them from any act of terror, which are rampant these days. Capital investment in these activities are supposedly done by those interest groups who wish to see the comparative strengths of religious sects rise and even go beyond the actual number values.

Processions and rallies are a normal ingredient of our social, cultural and political life. They have impacted the power echelons on more than one occasion. The protest movement against the alleged poll rigging in 1977 elections by the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA), rallies by Movement for Revival of Democracy (MRD) in the 1980s against the Zia regime and the current wave of lawyers' movement are similar examples.

Checks and curbs on invisible finances in managing processions, civilised approaches by law enforcement agencies, internal code of conduct by organisers to refrain from damaging the property of state and people are some of the ways that can make procession power effective and useful. Once sophistication is attained by these activities, the number of otherwise inert middle classes will increase in these line-ups as a healthy tradition!

With the change of weather, the political temperature in and around Afghanistan is changing too. A new round of decisive offensive is on the cards and both sides are preparing for war. The ongoing policy revision drill in the United States is near completion and observers expect some drastic changes not only in its Afghanistan but Pakistan policy as well.

The US policy makers have started considering Pakistan a central front in the 'war on terror.' The policy has yet to be unveiled but the recent statements of US high-ranking officials suggest that the new policy envisages a tighter control of the Afghan-Pakistani border, raising non-military assistance to Islamabad and linking military aid to Pakistan's performance in fighting against extremism. Pakistan could face mounting pressure in the coming days over its role in the 'war on terror'.

Amid the US announcements of military and civilian surge in Afghanistan, one thing is crystal clear that the new US administration is poised to say goodbye to the Bush-era policies.

The US has recently ordered the deployment of 17,000 additional troops in Afghanistan on top of the 38,000 already positioned there. Other countries have about 30,000 soldiers helping the Kabul government in stabilising the country. The US is also planning to send hundreds of civilian officials to Afghanistan as part of the new strategy in a sort of "civilian surge." The focus is gradually shifting from military to political solution of the Afghan crisis.

The new Afghan policy will contain an exit strategy, reconciliation and greater emphasis on economic development. The strategy will also include boosting the size and quality of the Afghan police force for reducing the burden on the US and coalition forces over time.

The growing pressure for an honourable exit strategy from Afghanistan is visible not only in the US corridors of power but also in the capitals of its NATO allies. A key NATO meeting is scheduled in the first week of April and crucial and important discussion regarding Afghanistan is expected.

Talks with the Taliban and the withdrawal option, once considered unfeasible and outrightly rejected by the western countries, are being discussed at the highest policy level. Even a top United Nations envoy has advised US President Obama to start a dialogue with the Taliban in Afghanistan. "I am favourable to that. Reconciliation is an essential element. But it is important to talk to the people who count," Kai Eide, the U.N. special envoy to Afghanistan told France's Le Monde newspaper.

The strategic game, ensued for control over the natural resources in the region and its transportation routes, is entering into a new phase. Besides grand designs of global powers, regional actors have their own agendas. Afghanistan has turned into a battleground for proxy wars between global and regional actors. It is yet to be seen whether the results of new policies will drift towards more regional and international rivalries or reach some kind of accommodation of each other's genuine strategic interests.

The presence of suspected militant networks and bases in tribal areas and illegal cross-border movement, however, is inviting US and allies' anger and criticism and is putting pressurise on Pakistan for taking effective measures against militancy and extremism.

While narrowing the focus on Pakistani border areas, President Obama recently said that the "destabilising border" between Afghanistan and Pakistan was a big military challenge and the hiding al-Qaeda and Taliban operatives using the region as a staging ground for attacks in Afghanistan were a big problem. "This is going to be a tough nut to crack. But it is not acceptable for us to simply sit back and let safe havens of terrorists plan and plot," he said.

Officials in the USA and the UK did not rule out a 9/11 like attack on its positions emanating from these areas. British Prime Minister Gordon Brown disclosed that the core of al-Qaeda has shifted from Afghanistan to Pakistan and UK will take the war against terror "to a new level". He added that al-Qaeda is still active in Afghanistan, but the threat has crossed the border and that over two thirds of the plots threatening the UK were linked to Pakistan.

Recently, the US arranged extensive high-level deliberations between Afghan and Pakistani officials. Besides diplomats and ministry of foreign affairs' highups from US, Afghanistan and Pakistan, high-ranking military and intelligence officials also participated in these deliberations. It was aimed at increasing intelligence-sharing among Pakistan, the US and Afghanistan and boost border surveillance and improving coordination between all the stakeholders concerned. With US assistance, more Torkham-like "coordination centers" are expected to be built on the Pak-Afghan border. The results of these deliberations are still to be seen.

But the recent US announcement about the extension of drone attacks to Balochistan suggests that the US has so far failed to achieve the required level of cooperation from its non-Nato ally.

With the 'war on terror' entering into a critical phase, the US administration seems to be losing faith in the present political setup in Pakistan.

The disturbance and unease, demonstrated by some powerful western quarters during the recent political crisis and triggered by the disqualification of main opposition leaders by the Supreme Court, was worth-seeing. The western powers cannot tolerate instability in Pakistan where they need Pakistan's full attention and cooperation in the 'war against terror.'

Once again the US authorities' reliance on the military establishment has increased in this regard.

The new US administration is facing a dilemma; neither can it ignore the importance of Pakistan's role in the 'war on terror' nor is it satisfied with Islamabad's role in countering and rooting out the al-Qaeda. Also it does not want to push Pakistan to the wall by pressurising it to do more.

After getting disappointed with Pakistan's performance and growing suspicious about some of its "rogue elements" alleged links with militants, the US is reportedly developing its own channels rather than completely relying on Pakistani agencies. The precision rate of drone attacks has significantly increased. It is open secret now that two of Pakistan's air-bases, put under the control of US Special Forces, are being used for attacks in Pakistani border areas.

Apparently, the Obama administration is opting for a regional approach to the Afghan crisis and it envisages some kind of role for Iran, China and India. The US administration has invited Iran to a regional conference on Afghanistan expected to be held later this month. The Indian involvement in Afghan affairs remained one of the critical points of interest for Islamabad. Keeping its interest and potentials in view, the new American administration is asking the Indians to share some of the security related responsibility in Afghanistan besides reconstruction.

On many occasions in the past, Pakistan has formally and informally registered its concerns to US authorities over India's alleged role. Due to this, Washington has reportedly asked India to keep a low profile. Even the Afghan government has been advised by the US to keep its ties with India within certain limits.

Pakistan has not heartedly welcomed the appointment of special envoys by its western allies which excluded Kashmir from their agenda and mandate. Also, some of the countries did not even bother to consult Pakistan in these appointments.

Whether these new policies will bring the desired results or not, the emphasis on political options and favouring the regional approach are steps in right direction.