Why hasn't democracy strengthened in Pakistan is a question that agitates the minds of all thinking Pakistanis and concerned foreigners. Is it as some argue due to the preponderance of the military which does not allow politics to strengthen? Or is it because of incapable and devious politicians who always tend to invite the military to sort out their political problems? A debate on democracy or the lack of it has traditionally been framed in the larger context of civil-military relations. However, it is this narrow framework which disables most from understanding the depth of the political problem in the country.

Let's consider what are the two popular arguments and then how should we understand the absence of democracy in Pakistan.

First, numerous analysts and authors tend to see the lack of democracy as a direct result of the preponderance of the military in power politics. Pakistan's military, it is argued, is not a politically benign institution, but it is a rent-seeking organisation which draws its support from external powers such as the British and the US in exchange for certain services it provides to its foreign patrons. The institution benefits from keeping the political process and the parties subdued to provide services to its foreign patrons. The economic and military aid received in return helps in subduing the people and the political process. The military bureaucracy not only uses its power to influence the political environment, it also creates the impression that the political institutions are weak and, thus, incapable of governing.

The countervailing argument is that incompetent politicians who use the armed forces as a referee whenever they arrive at tricky bottlenecks vis-a-vis each other, drag the military into politics. Explained by an eminent political scientist Edward Feit, given the problem of the absence of a neutral political arbiter compounded with the issue of self-interests, the major societal groups begin to view the military as a political referee which could negotiate between the various political forces and help the ruling parties in furthering their interests.

While correct in their own right, these two opposing arguments are simplistic and do not capture the most important fact that the lack of democracy can be attributed to the very nature of the state and its socio-economic system. The Pakistani state is fundamentally a crossbreed between a Mughal military fiscal state and a modern vassal state with a pre-capitalist socio-economic structure. This basically means that authoritarianism is intrinsic and will be used by both military and civilian regimes. Secondly, the ruling elite is driven by its rent-seeking behaviour which is also the basic cushion from the demands of the working class or the poor masses in general. In fact, the elite benefit from poverty which is used to keep the masses dependent, and absence of a robust middle class.

Due to the state's dependence on foreign patrons, it never developed indigenous sources for capital formation which, in turn, would have allowed it to transform and streamline its internal relationships and attitude towards power. Given this drawback, the state is fundamentally a post-colonial bureaucratic state where politics is nothing more than a tool to legitimise policies, and occasionally, a method to communicate with the masses. This also means that the nature of politics and the economy remains highly elitist in which the larger ruling elite vie for greater dominance but to perpetuate their monopolisation of national resources.

After sixty years, in fact, there is a consolidation of elite interests with all co-habiting to promote their combined economic stakes. Glancing at Pakistani politics from this framework would actually render the traditional civil-military relations framework as flawed in understanding the political problems. The combination of elite interests also means that it is erroneous to look at the civil and military leadership as separate entities. The military has always served elite interests. But what has happened in sixty years is that the military too has evolved into an independent class which carved out a permanent role for itself in policymaking and state governance, as indicated by the formation of the National Security Council in April 2004, and now has the capacity to negotiate its interests independently along with the rest of the ruling elite.

The ruling elite in general does not subscribe to democracy or strengthening the rule of law. All members of the ruling class which include the military, large landlords, industrialists, businessmen and now the media barons as well like to use authority to their own advantage. The more traditional members of the elite such as landlords, industrialists or some from the business community tend to use force less creatively than others. Therefore, the Supreme Court is exposed to blatant coercion not just by Musharraf but also by the two political regimes of Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto. The relationship between military force and political power is symbiotic. Hence, the problem of the ruling classes is not with the use of the military but its propensity to take over the seat of power. Apart from this issue, many in the past have tried to use the military to their advantage including popularly elected Prime Minister, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto.

The past sixty years also denote a contest between the various elite groups for dominance of the state apparatus which has resulted in re-arrangement of comparative power every ten years. For instance, the primary group during the 1950s was the civil and military bureaucracy in partnership with the landed class. The 1960s saw the ascendancy of the military with the civil bureaucracy and landed feudal in toes. This was also the period when the military created a new class of indigenous industrialists and business entrepreneurs. The 1970s witnessed the increased influence of the landed class with the civil and military bureaucracy playing second fiddle and the industrial and business elite completely subordinated. The relationship changed again during the 1980s with the military becoming the most prominent with other groups trailing behind. In this decade the military also established the religious elite which remained in close partnership until the end of the 1980s.

The political development in the form of re-introduction of democracy brought in another arrangement. The landed feudal and the industrial/business entrepreneurial class continued to switch places with other classes following behind until another change took place during the end of the 1990s bringing the military to the top where it remains to date. However, a new change was in the form of the media joining the rank of the ruling elite. The recent contest between the military and the media during the CJ crisis was more than establishing freedom of expression. It was also about emphasizing the power of the media and its ability to protect its interests and its turf.

This sketch of the ruling elite was essential to illuminate the point that as long as the political space in Pakistan remains dominated by the ruling elite and no leadership from the working classes is produced, democracy will continue to have a single flavour and will continue to be debated as an inefficient system.

The writer is an Islamabad-based independent defence analyst and author of the book, Military Inc, Inside Pakistan's Military Economy

When four celebrated visual artists come together to celebrate Pakistani celebrities, it means a rare event. Photographers Tapu Javeri, Arif Mehmood, Amean J and Izdeyar Setna shot 15 celebrities ranging from artists to social activists to sportsmen. These famous 15 were: Abdul Sattar Edhi, Abida Parveen, Adeeb Rizvi, Ardeshir Cowasjee, Ali Azmat, Arif Hassan, Begum Nawazish Ali, Hameed Haroon, Hameeda Khuhro, Iraj Manzoor, Javed Miandad, Maheen, Meera, Naheed Siddiqui and Shahid Sajjad.

The exhibition was a unique offering because it brought together eclectic sensibilities and aesthetics of four different photographers on the same subjects. Among the subjects who made impact with all four were Shahid Sajjad and Ardeshir Cowasjee.

By far, it was Arif Mehmood's photography which stood out as a class of its own. In his work, part of the complexity stems from the fact that he includes the stories of his subjects in his photographs, which often transcends the popular connotations associated with his subjects; his photos of Edhi, Naheed Siddiqui, Begum Nawazish Ali and Cowasjee were splendid compositions. His work seems to favour the black and white medium, and manages wonderful things with the play of light: Arif Hasan's photo is a particularly illustrative of this particular feature.

Among the individual photographs, the one that stood out as a favourite in the exhibition was Tapu Javeri's 'Begum Nawazish Ali'. Richly sensual in its appeal, half-naked, Ali Saleem poses in the mirror, hand curved like a woman, holding a cigarette. The image was clearly the pick of the show. It was a composition that worked on multiple-levels: a pun on the censors because the subject's back was effeminate in every sense, while the frontal mirror reflection was a man.

Censors came in for another jibe in Meera's photo because he had manually drawn lines over her exposed thighs because earlier, in the Karachi exhibition, objections of obscenity were raised by exhibitors at Indus Valley School of Art. (I ask you.) But generally speaking, Tapu Javeri's work was second to none. His photo of Ali Azmat was also among the highlights of the show: Ali Azmat, sitting in a traditional barber shop, stares in the lens, with his head and face, freshly shaved -- blunt and cutting right to the subject.

Izdeyar Setna had his notables: Shahid Sajjad, Hameed Haroon, Adeeb Rizvi and Maheen. His work generally seems to do justice to a sense of balance between multiple elements and colours. Amean J also did some very interesting work particularly with Meera, Naheed Siddiqui, Begum Nawazish Ali and Javed Miandad. His photos are intimate and tend to treat their subjects in isolation.

Overall, the event is important for two reasons. One, it is extremely rare in this country to celebrate heroes in a manner which befits their contribution to society. Indeed, when an Indian interviewer asked General Musharraf to name a Pakistani hero after Jinnah, he was at a loss and after much deliberation uttered, Ayub Khan. Two, in Pakistan, the artist community is generally polarised to select ghettos and is usually perceived to be a different breed. In the same vein, art exhibitions do not feature as highlights in the media, and generally, there is a chasm between artists and general population.

This show, which was exhibited earlier in Karachi, was well-received in Lahore as well as in Karachi -- and sets the music on a correct note.

Let's hope for more, shall we say?

"Chinese culture is already infused in my blood and there is no need for me to stick a label on myself."

Gao Xingjian

All societies, heir to rich ancient heritage, face the issue of dealing with culture and tradition. There are more than one ways to approach tradition in the modern age, and cope with it according to present needs and current situations. Tradition is not a static body of rigid practices, as it can be a continuity of patterns of living in a society. However once (in the words of Octavio Paz) a people are disconnected with their tradition, they start becoming aware of its existence and significance.

If one examines the idea of tradition in our surroundings, one comes across diverse definitions and separate points of views. The concept of tradition for a lay person is different from what is perceived by an enlightened urban intellectual. For him morals, and social norms are more important than any abstract notion of tradition -- or the need to preserve and protect it. On the other hand it is the intellectuals, theorists and artists who are preoccupied with describing tradition and then establishing a conscious link with it. Through their efforts, they try to maintain a relationship with the past in their contemporary scheme of living. Often this results in creating contradictory situations.

Hence tradition as an entity poses a problem for many of our artists. They become pursuers of tradition and seek to find the right visual vocabulary that can represent their heritage. Among them one can find three distinct approaches. One, to comprehend the tradition and to contextualise it in/for the present circumstances. The other is to discard it altogether and strive for the new thoughts and techniques of image making. The complete rejection of the past is a means to identify not only with the present and future, but to associate with a global world, since tradition not only reminds of the past, it is identified with a particular area.

All three approaches exist in varying degrees in the works of several artists and often one position merges into other. In our context, it's the third approach -- of romanticising tradition -- that is most popular. Hence the revival of past forms in architecture.

In the world of visual art too, this is a regular pattern, if not a fetish. Probably the recent exponent of this trend was late Askari Mian Irani, who assembled a blend of Mughal miniatures, Muslim manuscripts and traditional tapestry in his oil paintings. Figures and motifs, picked from the past (mainly from miniature paintings) were drawn on dripping surfaces, thus the past imagery was presented as eroded objects. The tactful amalgamation of these elements was the key to his success, and the reason for the high prices of his canvases.

The 'brilliant' case of Askari attracted many others to focus on tradition and forge it in a decorative and alluring manner. For them, nostalgia is a viable idiom in today's aesthetics and art market. The recent work of Samina Ali could be categorised in the same group. She has chosen the portions of miniature paintings from various sources and placed these on the surfaces loaded with multiple colours and shades. In addition to miniatures, she has printed images from the ancient rock carvings and texts of Urdu poetry on top of her surfaces, which in some cases were built with textured paper and layers of gold and silver leaves.

Samina Ali has been painting for many years and in her latest body of works, one could discern her experience of creating interesting compositions and tactile surfaces with visually pleasing imagery. Despite this skill, all the pictorial elements in her art revealed the artist's decision to use the tradition, for the sake of nostalgia. This nostalgia (unlike the writings of Intezaar Hussain, Jorge Luis Borges and other such authors living away from their homelands or focusing on the past) was not to recreate a world that may be connected to past, yet it's relevant in the context of present conditions. Since, past in the work of those authors is not invoked for the sentimental purpose, it provides a deeper understanding of the contemporary world.

But the work of Samina Ali seemed more about concentrating upon the pictorial delight of the heritage. Thus the alluring hues, tarnished silver leaves, prints of miniatures in recessed frames, and the overlapping of various textures and marks, suggested that the painter was aiming to allure the viewers with images from our glorious, glamorous and golden past. Perhaps because of this, the visual details of the miniature -- in spite of their distinct content -- were all treated in an identical fashion. Thus the historical painting with soldiers holding decapitated heads of their enemies, and the work with a lovely maid holding musical instrument were dealt in similar manner merely for their decorative possibilities.

In this respect the work of Samina Ali (displayed from May 2-9 2007 at Nairang Galleries, Lahore) was not only a representation of the tradition, it was a reflection of our attitude towards tradition.

There used to be a time when artists and art lovers lamented the fact that there were no art galleries in Islamabad but now the visual art scene is blossoming as new galleries open their doors to cater to the taste of art aficionados, both local and foreign.

While the capital will take a long time to catch up with Lahore and Karachi on this score, for a comparatively new city it's doing rather well. The Pakistan National Council of the Arts (PNCA) and the Rawalpindi Arts Council (RAC) were established to promote art and artists but their contribution has not been as dynamic as it should have been as far as visual arts go. Since the long awaited, permanent, National Art Gallery has fallen prey to controversy and politics between the forces of visual art and the performing arts, the opening of the gallery has been put in cold storage.

In the meantime well-known galleries are doing fairly well while smaller, less known ones are struggling to put themselves on the map. Rohtas, owned by artist; architect and poet, Naeem Pasha, was the first private gallery to establish itself in Islamabad after a successful stint in Rawalpindi. They have exhibitions regularly and tend to feature unusual art work and artists who have different approaches.

Nageen Hyat says "the pure love of art" was the initial motivating factor to open Nomad Gallery in 1984. The environment in the early 1980s created an urgency to address the lack of cultural spaces and the need to create a platform to include wider audiences to explore art and activism at various levels, with an aim to articulate and express their individual identities. "Our gallery space created an environment which enabled people to share creativity, ideas and articulate through artistic expression," she says. It is now also a centre dealing with human rights issues and other concerns, especially related to women and youth. But its art gallery is still a very active part of the centre and has, over the years, showcased both international and national talent of many schools of art.

Hunerkada in the capital and Gujhrung in Rawalpindi run by Jamal Shah and Kauser Jehan exhibit paintings of its students and sometimes of other artists.

Khaas gallery is only about three year old and was opened by Zeeshan Afzal in partnership with artist Mobina Zuberi because they felt that the capital needed more space for exhibiting the works of Pakistani artists from all over the country. Khaas has a couple of exhibitions every month but takes a two months break during the summer.

A young woman with 'a passion for art,' Nosheen Qadir, opened her gallery, Tanzara recently She says she is convinced that art galleries have contributed a lot to the promotion of quality art in Pakistan but there are not enough of them, as a result of which artists with potential fail to get exposure. She is hoping that Tanzara will fill the gap somewhat and intends to promote not only established artists but promising new-comers as well, if their work "enlightens the residents of Islamabad."

The South Asia Gallery is the brainchild of Dr Adrish and as its name implies, is dedicated to promote art from the region. It is not so well known because of lack of publicity but does have regular exhibitions that promote the art of lesser known artists who are making a name for themselves.

Other places exhibiting art include those that showcase only the artists own works, mainly the one which belongs to Ghulam Rasul, an renowned artist who has been on Pakistan's art scene for as long as can be remembered and the gallery of Mansur Rahi and his wife who is an artist in her own right. The National Institute of Folk Heritage (Lok Virsa) also holds exhibitions either on its own steam to promote the art of a local artist or if someone hires its space. The National Arts Council, a branch of the one in Lahore which opened about two years ago is picking up nicely and displays work both by its students as well as foreign artists but again, these showing are not publicised very well.

Then there is the Alliance Francaise (French Cultural Centre) which exhibitions art of both local and foreign artists from time to time, while the cultural wings of other embassies sometimes have exhibitions of artists from their countries -- and sometimes a sale as well, the most recent was the one organised by the Argentinean embassy. The World Bank sponsors artistes and holds exhibitions in its large hall and the British Council also holds regular exhibitions which are not publicised much.

There used to be a time when artists hired halls in hotels and showcased their work for a day or two but that rarely happens anymore because of space being available in the various galleries and the fact that exhibitions can continue for a longer period of time. Though the artists can put in their bit, it will be the galleries that exhibit art appealing to a variety of tastes which will help in promoting the art scene in the capital.

The grandsons of Ustad Bare Ghulam Ali Khan appear to be behind most of the musical activity in Lahore. About three weeks ago the Bare Ghulam Ali Khan Academy organised a musical evening at the Rafi Peer Theatre Museum of Puppetry. They then performed at the annual and monthly programmes of the All Pakistan Music Conference and earlier this week they were totally involved in the barsi of Ustad Barkat Ali Khan held at the Alhamra.

Perhaps not so much by their musical ability but with their drive and enthusiasm they may be infusing a new life into the musical environment of Lahore. The fact that they are in a way new to Pakistan may be an advantage for they are not head deep in the sea of cynicism which most Pakistanis have sunk into. They still enthuse a childlike vigour which offsets the usual placidity of life in this society.

Naqi Ali Khan who with Mazhar Ali Khan and Jawad Ali Khan forms the trio of grandsons disclosed that Bare Ghulam Ali Khan's Academy is located in three places with offices in Toronto, Delhi and now it is in the process of making its presence felt in Lahore as well.

The family of Bare Ghulam Ali Khan hailed from Kasur but his father Ali Buksh had become the shagird of the Patiala gharana. While both Bare Ghulam Ali Khan and Ustad Barkat Ali Khan went about ruling the world of kheyal and thumri they were acknowledged as Patiala Gharana singers and not as Kasurwalas. This has often been resented by the Kasurwalas who have always taken great pride in being one of the centres of music in the sub continent. In the book on Kasur musicians written by Ghulam Haider and M.A Sheik (which was reviewed last week in the same column) this resentment was more than obvious.

When anyone related to Bare Ghulam Ali Khan sings in Lahore, he is treated with a veneration not usually extended to other performers. Bare Ghulam Ali Khan holds a very special place in the hearts of the Lahoris for they have always treated him as their own son. He spent the formative years in Lahore showing early promise in the musical soirees that were held in numerous baithaks of the city. It was in the narrow winding lanes and the relatively open expanse of the grounds next to the fort that he practiced ceaselessly to become one of the greatest kheyal, thumri and kafi singers of the 20th century.

He played the sarangi accompanying Inayat Bai Dherowali in the early decade of the 20th century before a wholesale switch to singing. With the natural gift of a great voice and virtuosity in its application, he soon became a dominant figure among the vocalists in the Punjab. It was not long before his name was taken in the same breath as the leading vocalists in the length and breadth of India.

Of the two sons of Bare Ghulam Ali Khan, Munawwar Ali Khan and Karamat Ali Khan, it was Munawwar Ali Khan who continued with the family tradition. After Bare Ghulam Ali Khan suffered a debilitating attack of paralysis in the early 1960s Munawwar Ali Khan started to accompany his father as a second vocalist. Till the Ustad's death in 1968, the father and son had become a familiar duo among the music circles of India. Munawwar Ali Khan died while performing a few years ago in the prime of life and his son Raza Ali wears the family's mantle now.

Raza Ali Khan, too, has visited Pakistan a number of times. When he came a few years ago, he was paid a great compliment when a concert was arranged in the courtyard adjoining Fort Road in the walled city where his grandfather often performed in the years before partition. His performance before a huge crowd which had gathered more in memory of his grandfather than actually to listen to him was a memorable occasion because it was totally immersed in nostalgia.

Bare Ghulam Ali Khan had three other brothers, Mubarak Ali Khan, Amanat Ali Khan and Ustad Barkat Ali Khan. The latter was a great thumri singer. He chose to stay in Pakistan and lived in Lahore suffering the mixture of apathy and ignorance, yet not ever planning to move to the country next door. Due to changing musical taste he gradually started to sing the ghazal, and is considered as one of the pioneers of modern ghazal gaiki as it evolved as a definite form during the course of the last century.

Barkat Ali Khan had been overshadowed by the brilliance and fame of the elder brother. Himself a great singer, the fact that he stayed behind in Pakistan did not open up as many doors as in the case of Bare Ghulam Ali Khan. He lived and practiced and sang in his baithak opposite the mazaar of Naugaza inside Taxali Gate in Lahore. Though Bare Ghulam Ali Khan is credited with establishing the Punjab ang thumri the laurels can easily be shared with Barkat Ali Khan for no one has sung the thumri with so much melodiousness as him. It is also a pity that so few recordings of this supreme craftsman are available but these few do give a glimpse of his immensely honed talent. .

It was tremendous that his barsi too was organised by Karwaan, a body made up of classical music lovers who have enthusiasm as their major asset. With almost no resources they have often over ridden many a hurdle by being passionate about what they believe in.

It is hoped that with greater musical activity and more opportunity the level of performance in festival and programmes will be uplifted. It may happen one day that another Barkat Ali Khan may appear from nowhere to rule the world of music on the strength of pure melody.