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On the cusp of identity loss
A tale of two nationalities
Indus Watch
Sufism and politics go hand in hand for Sindh
People's parliament for justice The Sindh police have cracked down on Afghan
refugees recently, and arrested hundreds of them. The current raids against Afghan refugees have brought many structural flaws under the limelight; law-enforcers are themselves unaware of the Proof of Registration (PoR) cards and indiscriminately arrest all Afghan refugees -- those with or without the PoR. They are also woefully unaware of the difference between a PoR and a CNIC. Once they were picked up by the police, many Afghan refugees showed them Computerised National Identity Cards (CNIC), forcing the police to release them. Many others showed a PoR card, to the same effect. It is important to note here that refugees who have PoR cards got these made genuinely; the CNICs, however, were obtained fraudulently.
Hundreds in jail In the couple of weeks since the recent crackdown against Afghan refugees began in the last week of October 2009, some 350 refugees have been booked by the police under Foreigners Act. Shahida Ghani, a lawyer associated with the Society for Human Rights and Prisoners' Aid (SHARP) -- an NGO that has been working throughout Pakistan since 1999 -- told Kolachi that out of the total refugees arrested in the city, 234 alone are in the Malir jail. "Owing to our early interventions, some 50 cases have been resolved already," Ghani said. SHARP is the only NGO in Sindh which provides legal aid to Afghan refugees and has been the implementation partner of the UNHCR since its inception. Ghani said that Afghan refugees who have PoR cards are immune and cannot be booked under criminal charges, because they are registered with the government of Pakistan. This piece of information, however, is known to few; even law-enforcement personnel have felt a serious communication gap between government agencies. Most importantly, refugees who do not posses PoR cards can be deported to Afghanistan. In order to not be sent back, many refugees have now tried to apply for PoR cards; this, however, is an exercise in futility, because the government has stopped issuing these cards. The police, Rangers, lawyers and even judges have not been taken on board with this information, and huge problems have thus engulfed the government departments concerned as the crackdown progress. After the fall of Taliban regime in Afghanistan in October 2001, the Pakistan government, in 2002, had decided to send Afghan refugees back to Afghanistan. A "Voluntary Repatriation Programme" was launched, in collaboration with the UNHCR. This was done at a time when an interim government had emerged in Afghanistan, and the structure of the Afghan government was undergoing a major overhaul. In May 2005, the Pakistan government collected the data of Afghan citizens living in Pakistan; the total came to 3,000,000. After this, the government began to issue PoR cards. Some 2,700,000 cards were issued; 92,000 cards in Karachi alone.
What is the PoR card? PoR cards were issued by NADRA in the year 2006, to some 2,150,000 Afghan refugees throughout Pakistan, to maintain a proper data of refugees. Between 2002 and 2006, a large number of them were repatriated to Afghanistan, and the number of PoR cards went up to 2,874,000. A large number of unregistered refugees still live in Pakista, however. Some 78,000 Afghans have PoR cards in Karachi now; these figures have been reduced from total of 92,000 a couple of years ago, after many refugees were repatriated voluntarily. Out of these 78,000 PoR card holders, a majority are Pushtoons, followed by Tajiks, Uzbeks and Hazaras. According to Haji Sohrab, the chief community elder of Afghan refugees in Sindh, some 150,000 Afghans in Karachi do not have PoR cards.
Carpet-weavers and daily-wagers Shahida Ghani said that most Afghan refugees work as carpet-weavers, as daily-wage labourers, butchers and carpenters. Since many of them are vulnerable, the police extort money from them easily. There have been cases in which the police have been known to visit factories in the first week of month to mint money. Some cases have also been reported where police visited Afghan settlements and extorted money. Ghani said that people who employ these refugees also abuse them; some are even deprived of their basic labour rights. Afghan refugees are hired on lower wages than other workers. The industrial zone of Federal 'B' Area is unique, owing to its proximity with Sohrab Goth, where a large population of Afghans live. Former Federal B Area of Trade and Industry (FBATI) chairman, Idrees Gigi, told Kolachi that they have clear instructions from law-enforcement agencies to not employ Afghan citizens without proper documents. Gigi, who also represents his industrial zone in the Citizens-Police Liason Committee (CPLC), says that they decided in recent meeting with the police that only Afghans who have CNICs will be allowed to work in factories. Recently, some Uzbeks were caught from some factories working without CNIC; the police took stern action against the owners of these factories, Gigi said. It is pertinent to note here that Idrees Gigi has never come across a PoR card. Most Afghans show their CNIC upon request for employment. This shows that Afghan refugees who work in industries in FBATI are not registered with the Pakistan government, because the government believes that only refugees who have PoR cards are genuine and registered.
Afghan settlements Sohrab goth, Al-Asif Square, Landhi, Korangi, Banaras, Sheeren Jinnah Colony and Keamari are the prominent settlements of Afghan refugees in Karachi. Gadap Town tops the lists by hosting 80 per cent of all Afghan refugees in the city.
Phases of arrival Afghans migrated to Pakistan in four different waves. The first phase of Afghan refugees arrived in Pakistan in 1979 on account of the Cold War which stretched to 1989 -- until the withdrawal of Soviet forces from Afghanistan. The second phase commenced in 1989 and ended in 1996. This was the time of the civil war in which Mujahideen were fighting against each other and the government. The third phase started with the emergence of the Taliban regime in 1996 and ended in the year 2001. The fourth phase started with the American attack on Afghanistan in year 2001.
Who is a refugee? A refugee is a person who has a well founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion outside the country of his or her nationality, and is unable to or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country. What rights does a refugee have? A refugee has the right of safe asylum, freedom of thought, movement and torture and degrading treatment. Economic and social rights are equally applicable. Refugees should have access to medical care, schooling and the right to work. Moreover, Refugee Convention of 1951 is an internationally recognised convention that provides and safeguards rights of refugees. Since, Pakistan is one of the countries that have not acceded to this convention; the UNHCR in Pakistan protects the rights of refugees as mandated by the General Assembly of the UN to ensure refugee rights.
0.15m Afghans living in Karachi without PoR cards Despite the registration of thousands of Afghan refugees in Karachi, a large majority are still not registered with any government agency, which is a persistent loophole in the wake of anti-terrorism measures taken by the Government of Pakistan. The Afghanistan authorities themselves claim that there are over 0.15 million Afghans living in Karachi without PoR cards. This burgeoning figure speaks volumes of the urgent need to of register such a large number of refugees living in the financial capital of the country. In Karachi, the total number of PoR cards holders is around 78,000 and if Afghans without PoR cards is added, then the total figure would hit around 0.25 million. The data of government agencies is limited which is evident from the above mentioned figures. Another pertaining question is that where is the data of hundreds of thousands of Afghans refugees living in Karachi with fraudulent National Identity Cards (NICs)? Because the government itself says that only Afghans with PoR cards are genuine refugees while the rest are illegal immigrants. Under such circumstances, how can the government deal with the growing numbers of Afghans? How will it identify and distinguish between genuine refugees and illegal immigrants and how will they collect and compile the proper data of Afghans having Pakistani CNIC? --FZ
What the Govt of Pakistan is doing Ministry of States and Frontier Regions (SAFRON) is a federal government agency which is looking after Afghan refugees problems in Pakistan. Kolachi has also taken the government's stance on Afghan refugee issue. Imran Zaib Khan, Joint Secretary, Ministry of SAFRON told Kolachi that those Afghan who have been living in Pakistan without Proof of Registration (PoR) card are illegal immigrants and government of Pakistan would deal with them strictly. When asked which ministry has the mandate to deal with Afghan Refugee problem, he said that Ministry of SAFRON has the mandate and we are managing all the matters regarding Afghan refugees in Pakistan. In this regard, we have also made a strategy which we soon submit in federal cabinet for approval. Government of Pakistan when issued PoR cards some three years back had informed Afghan refugees that those who fail in acquiring these cards would be entitled as genuine refugees in Pakistan. After the deadline, Government has also given three months amnesty to the refugees and communicated that after this amnesty they will be on their own, and all who do not posses PoR cards will be considered illegal immigrants. Najam uddin Warya Kheel, President, Afghan Refugees Solidarity Association Sindh told Kolachi that Afghan refugees are facing serious problems since the recent crack down in Karachi. There are some 5 lac Afghan refugees in Sindh, out of which at least 2.5 lac are in Karachi, now Government of Pakistan intends to deport those who do not have PoR cards. These afghan refugees would face severe cold on their return to Afghanistan, since most of these refugees are poor and have very no money to build homes; their problems are huge and unending, he said, adding that we request Government of Pakistan to resolve these grave problems on humanitarian basis. --FZ
What is the 'Foreigners Act'? Foreigners Act came into force on November 23, 1946. This Act extends across Pakistan, which entitles the federal government to exercise certain powers in respect to the entry of the foreigners into Pakistan, their presence and departure. Under the same Act, refugees from Afghanistan were granted temporary political asylum with certain restrictions on their movements and to drive them back to specified areas set up for them. Sikandar Mehmood (Advocate), a field manager in Society for Human Rights and Prisoners' Aid (SHARP) told Kolachi that Afghan refugees living in Pakistan have certain emancipation under international conventions. Afghan refugees whether they have PoR cards or not, enjoy certain liberties under international conventions while the Government of Pakistan and the UNHCR accept their refugee status. "We have to protect Afghan refugees," he said. --FZ A tale of two nationalities Afghan refugees have witnessed their country being torn by war for decades. During the period, many have obtained Pakistani national identity cards; the conundrum is whether to assimilate as Pakistanis, to have hyphenated identities, or remain Afghans By Samia Saleem and Rabia Ali Holding a heavy laden
pull-cart full of Kandhari pomegranates outside Empress Market,
middle-aged Faiz "I am a Pakistani now," beamed Muhammad as he flashed a Pakistani national identity card (NIC). "My forefathers migrated from Afghanistan about 30 years ago. Ever since, we have been living in Quetta, which is like a first home to us now," he said. Muhammad acquired his Pakistani NIC in 1991, and became involved with his business of selling fruits as a fruit vendor. "When the appropriate season arrives, we go back to Afghanistan to get Kandahari pomegranates, apples and grapes to sell here in Pakistan," he said. Movement across the border for Muhammad, and those in the same position as him, is a simple matter: Pashtuns across both sides of the Pakistan-Afghanistan border maintain close relationships and liaison with each other, a phenomenon aided by a porous boundary. "For us Pashtuns, it is easy to roam on either side of the border," he said. "I never miss Afghanistan as it is easy to go there anytime I want," he smiled. Life is not so simple for 12-year-old Sabir and his brother, Sher Khan. Sabir told Kolachi that he was unable to sleep at night as echoes of police officers charging him of being a terrorist keep reverberating in his ears. "The police trouble me a lot these days. They demand money from me, and when I refuse to pay, they beat me up and keep me locked up in the police station," he said. Sher Khan nodded in agreement and told Kolachi that the police have been bothering them for over a month now. "They (the police) demanded Rs2,000 from us, saying that if we wanted to stay out of prison, we had to pay this amount. When we show our refugee identity cards, they refuse to acknowledge them and throw them away," he said. Sabir's parents had migrated to Quetta from Kandahar several years before he was born. While their mother and sisters continue to live in Quetta, both brothers earn their livelihood by picking up garbage and scrap, clearing it, and then selling it to earn a meagre Rs100 per day. Sabir told Kolachi that he also wanted to live a somewhat normal life, like most other children, but the financial condition of the family dictated otherwise. "I would love to go to school, but who would take me and who would finance me? Then I have to keep in mind that I have to earn a living for not only myself. but also for my three sisters and mother," he said. Though Sabir's face was smeared with dark stains, his innocent smile remained unconcealed as he showed his little living space in Kachra Khana, their area of residence. The tattered garbage that Sabir collects everyday serves as his bed and his pillow – many others live in similar conditions at Kachra Khana. Sher Khan explained that Kachra Khana proves to be a bastion of sorts, and many prefer to stay within its premises instead of venturing out. "There are nearly 300 Afghan refugees languishing in the Landhi Jail alone. Previously, we used to go to local restaurants, where we would get free food, but now we are afraid to stand in line in fear of being captured by the police. We'd much rather stay hungry," he added. Another former refugee, Bahrat Khan, told Kolachi that he had migrated to Pakistan in 1988. Standing among heaps and bundles of cardboard and solid waste, he is happy to earn Rs200 per day. Now spending his life legally on the government's Pakistani Afghan refugee passport, Khan believed that his life in Pakistan had not been that bad. "Although Afghanistan is our home but still Pakistan is not much different from Afghanistan. We have our Pashtun brothers here too just like Afghanistan," he said. The only problem, he said, was the regular intrusion of the police into their lives. Similar to Sabir and Sher Khan, Bahrat Khan said that the police creates problems for them despite seeing their valid identity cards. Muhammad Saifuddin, another former refugee, traced his origins to Mazar Sharif in Afghanistan. He now lives in Gadap town with his wife and two daughters. "We have good living here, and the basic amenities of life are provided by the government," he claimed. He did complain of the low wages that many Afghanis are paid. Saifuddin earns between Rs150 and Rs200 a day by collecting crumbs of dried bread from roads, houses and local restaurants. "In this meagre sum, I have to run my family and other expenses. Transport alone costs about Rs60 to 70 per day, and then there are other essentials which are necessary," he said. Saifuddin also feels that education is something the young Afghani children are deprived of. "Unless Afghan children go to school, there they would not have a future any better than ours," he said. Being one of those Afghanis who have lost their loved ones and home in permanent wars in Afghanistan, Saifuddin clearly remembers the bloodshed and carnage in his country. He misses home, but said that he could not move back as he did not have the required capital to set up a new home and business.
Indus Watch A couple of weeks ago,
a number of leading Sindhi dailies reported on a protest in Johi,
district Dadu, The 100-plus participants of the protest in Johi were all women. The rally had been organised Nari Development Organisation (NDO), a local not-for-profit group, led by Azra Memon. Today, the NDO claims to have a vast portfolio, having worked in the areas of human rights, gender equality, violence against women, child rights, women's rights, health, education, environment and agriculture. "Violence affects the development and mental growth of women, thus inhibiting the role that they can play for social change," NDO President Azra Memon, a soft-spoken young woman, maintains. "The people who perpetrate violence against women should be given aggressive punishments." The Nari Development Organisation was formally established on January 1, 2009, but Memon says that the group has been working in the field for the past two years. "All of us work with various non-governmental organisations (NGOs)," she told Indus Watch. "Before we started working, it was a crime for women in our village to even step out of the house. We fought against those taboos, and broke them. Of course we take care of the house, etc. I have a child of my own; other women in our group are also married, and have families." Eventually, the group realised that they needed to form a loose organisation to work for the women in their village. "We maintain the finances for NDO on our own," Memon said. "A portion of our salaries goes into NDO activities. We started off with small projects." Today, the group has come a long way since its humble beginnings. It can issue calls for protests, and women from the village step out of their houses and participate wholeheartedly. Their participation is not merely token -- they understand the issues that they are fighting for, and are determined to break the walls of silence that have been imposed upon them. "The NDO is purely comprised of women, working for women and children. Currently, our operational area is district Dadu -- Johi, specifically," Memon says. "We hope to increase the circumference of our work eventually. We have a long way to go." Education "In our field work for our employers, all of us realised that the standard of education in the area is stuck in a downward spiral," Memon told Indus Watch. "We decided that we needed to do something about it under the NDO." On August 22, the group organised a talk on the causes of the downturn in the standard of education, and tabled suggestions for improvement. Educationists, local political activists and leaders, social activists, and intellectuals participated in the small programme, and added their points-of-view to those of the NDO members. "There is no tradition of improvind the quality of education that our children receive," Sain Bux Rind, an assistant professor at the Government College Johi, has said. "Only 2.1 per cent of the Grass Domestic Product (GDP) is utilised for education in Pakistan; other countries utilise up to seven per cent of their GDP." Rind, who is also a political analyst, columnist and social activist in his area, had added that a former minister had even admitted corruption in the education department, and the fact that Rs8,000,000,000 were expended improperly. "The literacy rate of Pakistan 56 per cent) does not qualify for the international standard of literacy. The present Sindh education minister claims to have handed over a large number of educational institutions to private organisations, proving that the government itself is incapable of running those institutions," Rind maintained. At the time of Partition (1947), the literacy rate of Pakistan was 20 per cent. "If this had increased annually, we would have had 82 per cent literacy by now," he said. "This shows that instead of improving, our standards of education are actually on a downward spiral. None of the top 500 universities of the world are from Pakistan. The State is responsible for the havoc that has been wrecked in the education sector in Pakistan. As per UNESCO recommendations, we need to spend at least four per cent of our GDP for education; otherwise we can stop thinking about improving anything." Privilege of the elite Another speaker at the event, former additional district officer (education) for Johi, Abdul Fattah Dahri, had stated that quality education in the province is the privilege of the elite. "The lower-middle class is intentionally denied this opportunity," Dahri, who currently serves as an educationist, said. "Ninety per cent of teachers do not perform their duties and job responsibilities. According to international standards of education, one teacher should only serve 25 students." Shifting responsibility to teachers and parents Pakistan People's Party Tehsil Johi General Secretary Nakad Thaheem had also attended the programme. In his opinion, teachers are the major cause of the havoc in the education sector of the province. Parents are also responsible for the low literacy rate in the province, Ghulam Nabi Rustamani, a social activist in the area, had said. "One, very few people really care about the education of their children. Fewer still care about the education of girls," he said. Institutional corruption Wafa Birahmani, a local social activist from the area, had said that "influential people" in villages are involved in financial corruption of funds for School Management Committees (SMCs). "Social contacts" are also major barriers in the provision of quality education, Birahmani said, adding that at private Urdu- and English-medium schools, children are taught only in Urdu or English. "Children in rural Sindh can therefore neither learn the national language (Urdu), nor can they learn the international language (English). They can't even learn their mother tongue (Sindhi)," he said. Make Johi green(er) In October, the NDO organised a tree-plantation campaign at the Makhdoom Bilawal Public Park in Johi. "Tehsil Johi is classified under Barrage and Non-Barrage areas," Azra Memon told Indus Watch. "There are 10 union councils (UC) in Tehsil Johi; six of them are in the non-barrage, rain-fed (semi-arid) area called Kachho. A majority of the livelihood sources and resources in these UCs are connected with rainfall. Most of the residents are therefore involved in farming and agriculture." Due to continuous deforestation, however, the area has received scanty rainfall in the past few years. "We realised that tree-plantation is a good solution for deforestation, because trees reduce soil salinity. Tree-plantation supports rainfall, minimises environmental pollution and thus helps in economic development," Memon said. "We wanted to inform the stakeholders concerned regarding the hazards of continuous deforestation being practiced in Kachho; sensitize them regarding tree-plantation; initiate a creative, environment-friendly activity; and cultivate local flora," she added. "Moreover, a majority of the farming work is done by women -- tree-plantation therefore fell under the NDO's domain." The campaign was fairly successful, and the group managed to coax a number of local residents, activists and intellectuals into planting local trees, such as Acacia, Anilotica, Talhi Dalbergia, Latofolia and Neem. 'Miles to go' Although happy with the progress of her small group, Memon firmly maintains that they have a long, long way to go. "Our job has just begun. We cannot rest until violence against women is history; every child has access to quality education; everyone respects the environment, and so on. There are so many things that we have to work on! We really have miles to go," she said.
Sufism and politics go hand in hand for Sindh Jam Saqi's 65th birth
anniversary was celebrated recently in Hyderabad. Jan Khaskheli reports
on how Former Karachi-based activists of the Communist Party of Pakistan (CPP) were surprised to see religious people and communists dancing together to Sufi songs at the sixty-fifth birth anniversary of former CPP Secretary-General Jam Saqi. The function, which was organised recently in Hyderabad, attracted communists, Pakistan People's Party (PPP)-backed legislators, academicians, nationalists and religious scholars, all of who thronged the venue to express solidarity with the respected veteran communist, Comrade Saqi. Looking at the communists, nationalists and religious scholars dancing together, one intellectual quoted the words of late progressive writer, Rashid Bhatti, who once wrote: "Sufism is in the mind of every Sindhi, regardless of their political ideology and association. If you look deeply into them, whether they are communists or Mullahs, you will definitely see a Sufi hidden inside them." At the ceremony in Hyderabad, a seven-member group of Sufi singers, led by Faqeer Niaz Ali, a follower of the Mahdi Shah Shrine in district Khairpur, performed the songs of Sachchal Sarmast and other sufi poets. Niaz Ali's son, Saith Ali, wore a traditional Sufi dress and performed a particular dance on the occasion. Interestingly, Sindhi political activists and writers now believe that promoting Sufism is the only way to discourage religious extremism in the province. Sufism teaches tolerance, harmony, brotherhood and coexistence. Besides the shrines of Sufi saints such as Shah Abdul Latif Bhitai, Qalandar Shahbaz and Sachchal Sarmast, there is a large number of shrines affiliated with different Sufi schools of thought, which attract a large number of followers. The caretakers of the shrines of Sufi Khush Khair Mohammed Heesbani, Budhal Faqeer, Badil Faqeer,, Shah Inayat Shaheed, Manthar Faqeer, Rohal Faqeer, and Sufi Anwar Shah of Ghotki organise traditional musical events regularly to spread the message of the spiritual leaders of their time. Some people maintain, however, that major shrines such as those of Shah Abdul Latif Bhitai, Qalandar Shahbaz and Sachchal Sarmast, are now being exploited by the political establishment for their gains. That is why during era of Gen. Ziaul Haq, a volume of the poetry of Shah Abdul Latif Bhitai was dedicated to a military general. Smaller shrines, however, are still playing an inspiring role in spreading the message of love in the province. The late G.M Syed, the founding leader of the nationalist Jeay Sindh Tahreek, had formed the Bazm-e-Sufia-e-Sindh in the late fifties, during the President Ayub Khan era. These activists had adopted a method of spreading their political thoughts through Sufi songs and poetic gatherings. They used to organise poetry and music events at the shrines of Sufi saints, and used this tool effectively to mobilise people, and train political cadres who were fair, broad-minded, non-pedantic, non-violent and tolerant. In the 1970s, nationalists used to organise gatherings to link art, literature and music with politics to mobilise the masses for the right of the self-determination of Sindh, while preserving the values of coexistence and harmony in the province. After a long time, these tools are being used again, and one hopes that they will be effective in countering extremism and sectarianism in the land of the Sufis.
People's parliament for justice Hyderabad is the hub
of media-related activities in Sindh, and is also known as the political
gateway to The HPC is the oldest press club of the country; its history dates back to more than 50 years. In the absence of an effective justice system, the HPC is known across the province and elsewhere as "the place to go" to lodge complaints. Citizens from Kashmore to Thatta and Tharparkar come to the HPC every day to register their protests over various issues, in an effort to make the authorities concerned take notice of their complaints and problems. From peasants to opposition parties, the press club of Hyderabad gives space to everybody to share their problems. This is a place where records of various kinds have been set, through a whole variety of protests. One example is that of Mannu Bheel, whose nine family members are yet to be recovered, despite the fact that he has been on a hunger strike for more than 1,000 days outside the HPC. The road outside the Hyderabad Press Club hosts hundreds of protest demonstrations and rallies every month, and thousands of press conferences are addressed per annum within the press club premises. Malik Azizullah, a
senior journalist, told Indus Watch that the building of the Hyderabad
press club was "To me, this press club is the 'oracle of Delphi,' because the people are sure that they will find a solution to their problems and difficulties here. They have a firm belief that their issues would be resolved," Azizullah said. "These people come to the Hyderabad press club with their complaints against the police, local influentials and landlords. They come all the way here because of the fact that journalists in the interior of Sindh work under immense local pressure," he said. Women belonging to different areas of province also come to press club for raising their voice so that policy makers and authorities take notice of the injustices against them. Minorities, labourers and civil society activists also flock to the press club of Hyderabad because of its credibility and its role in highlighting issues. Iqbal Mallah, a print journalist, said that people come to the media because no other forum listens to their complaints and grievances. The Hyderabad press club, has, to date, maintained autonomy, and claims to be free from the influence of feudal elements (both rural and urban), Mallah said, adding that the media in Hyderabad raises issues "in real terms without making any additions." Mallah refers to the Hyderabad Press Club as the "peoples' parliament" where they can express their feelings and share their problems freely. The press club has hosted protests such as those against the alleged murder of civilians by the Army in Tando Bhawal; the incident of a mother selling her children; bonded labour; and violence against women, to name a few. On account of the credibility developed by the press club, the authorities concerned and the powers-that-be take note of the events that are occur inside or outside the press club. "The people who come to the HPC from far-flung areas pay a lot of money in terms of transportation, etc, to get here. They are desperate, because their local authorities fail to pay attention to their issues," a young journalist, Rashid Shafi, observed. Even after former president, Gen. (retd) Pervez Musharraf imposed an emergency in the country (on November 3, 2007), it was only the Hyderabad Press Club which saw a horde of protestors coming out to condemn the dictator, even in the presence of law-enforcement agencies. Interestingly, the effectiveness of the HPC can be gauged from the fact that the press club premises are constantly monitored by personnel of the intelligence agencies. "Nothing that goes on here is unknown to them," one journalist said. However, in the absence of an effective justice system and with authorities paying no heed to the grievances and complaints of the citizens and oppressed people, the Hyderabad Press Club provides an opportunity to everyone, without discrimination, to raise their voice against injustice, whether real or perceived. |
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Farhan Zaheer reports on how the National Database Registration
Authority (NADRA) allegedly issued fraudulent Computerised National
Identity Cards (CNIC) to millions of these refugees, thus shielding them
from criminal charges on their arrest, and rendering the crackdown
mostly futile
Muhammad's face lines seem to tell a story of their own. Originally from
Afghanistan, Muhammad acquired Pakistani citizenship some years ago,
thereby shedding the tag of being a refugee in Pakistan. 
against the alleged sexual assault of a student in Faiz Ganj, district
Khairpur. Urooj Zia writes about the fledgling group which organised
this protest
the ceremony was an eye-opener for many
the interior of Sindh. The role of the Hyderabad Press Club (HPC) cannot
be discounted in this context.
allotted in the name of Syed Akhtar Ali Shah, who was the general
manager of the Associated Press of Pakistan (APP). Even the utility
bills of the press club have been issued in Shah's name since 1955.