Towards a sustainable Asia
Countries throughout the region need to save degradation of their natural resources if they want to move forward
By Nasir Ali Panhwar
Asia's phenomenal growth in recent years has brought forth a formidable and unusual task of achieving sustainable development, with a focus on poverty reduction and efficient use of natural resources. The poor in the region are often both the cause and the victim of resource degradation. The situation is exacerbated by natural disasters and climate change being observed in a number of countries in the region.

analysis

If nothing else, the events of the last seven months have brought together those elements of the Pakistani society in a common cause -- opposition to the military regime -- that had become increasingly alienated from one another. In particular, a significant segment of the English-educated, urbanised upper-middle classes has slowly but surely acknowledged its fallacy in supporting the Musharraf junta following its coming to power. The working classes had been suspicious of the regime from a much earlier stage, broadly coinciding with the onset of the United States-led 'war on terror' and the undisguised support offered by the Pakistani military to the imperial America's geo-political designs.

The sociological differences between these two groups cannot be more stark. Indeed, their respective reasons for opposing the military regime are quite different. The upper-middle classes have little gripe with the government economically, in the sense that they are very much beneficiaries of the 'economic revival' that the Shaukat Aziz-led team of economic managers has triumphantly spearheaded. When Musharraf proclaims that Pakistan is marching ahead on the road to development, what he really means is that the rich are doing more business (typically non-productive) and buying more luxury cars.

On the other hand, the growing disillusionment amongst the working classes reflects the acute nature of the squeeze to which the 'economic revival' has given rise. Jobs are not being created to offset the long-term process of marginalisation of the underprivileged masses associated with the agrarian economy. As urban areas grow exponentially, the precariousness of those who attempt to make their living in the informal service sector becomes more and more pronounced.

Even the so-called white-collar elements that earn salaries from employment in the public and private sectors are unable to put an end to the rapid erosion of their purchasing power, as inflation soars and the magnetic pull of a consumerist ethos compounds the pressures to expand the stock of cultural capital or what is so often invoked in our society under the rubric of izzat.

While the dissatisfaction of the working classes can be understood, the question remains that why are the upper-middle classes becoming increasingly less tolerant of the regime? At the most basic level, the explanation can be found in their liberal sensibilities -- in the fact that they find it increasingly difficult to justify to themselves (during the course of social chattering) that a regime that was initially so attractive on the basis of its seemingly modernist, liberal posture has clearly not come through on many of its commitments. Some amongst the upper-middle classes, of course, have more pragmatic reasons to be annoyed -- they have been crowded out of the accumulation stakes by an increasingly exclusive clique of military men and their civilian cronies; what Ayesha Siddiqa-Agha calls "the military fraternity".

Thus these two very different social forces, for very different reasons, are apparently on the same anti-government boat. Beneath the surface, however, they remain poles apart. The upper-middle classes remain susceptible to the moderate / extremist dichotomy that the government has tried its hardest to project, particularly in the aftermath of the Lal Masjid fiasco. They continue to believe that this is the most significant faultline running through the Pakistani society and, ultimately, are always liable to renege on their anti-dictatorship commitments if they feel that the mythical threat of Talibanisation reaches a certain point.

Meanwhile, the working classes continue to be appalled at the manner in which the government shamelessly toes the American line, which effectively means the waging of war on the erstwhile jihadi proteges that are located on the porous Pak-Afghan border. The 'collateral damage' in this war is what really incites anger. For the sake of argument, if one was to take the moderate / extremist dichotomy seriously, most working people would likely be on the extremist side -- not because they necessarily ascribe to any Islamist political ideology per se, but because they stand opposed to the aggression of the American-Pakistani axis that they feel has no interest in moderation, peace or any other such ideal.

Viewed from this perspective, the apparent bridging of gap between the two social forces is anything but a fallacy. The alienation which has existed in the Pakistani society between these two groups since the Zia era is reflected in the vast cultural gap that exists between them. The children of the upper-middle classes do not share any cultural space with the children of the working classes. They go to different schools, have different cultural referents and aspire to different futures. Even if they accidentally find themselves in the same physical space, they would likely have nothing to say to one another, if for no other reason than they speak different languages.

This polarisation is alarming to say the least. It is the cause of the stereotyping that has become commonplace in Pakistan. If someone from the upper-middle classes sees a prototypical shalwar kameez-wearing man with a beard, or a burqa-clad woman, the immediate inclination is to label them as a different creed with whom it is impossible to reason. By the same token, the women who do not conform to the prototypical image of piety and modesty are immediately labelled as Westernised and the very epitome of all that is wrong in the society.

One would be hard pressed not to put the burden of blame for this state of affairs on the working classes, even though it is important not to romanticise the poor or to overlook the forms of domination and exclusion that exist even at the bottom rung of the societal hierarchy. On the other hand, it was the upper-middle classes that voluntarily withdrew from the wider public sphere during the Zia period to the comfort of their walled ghettos in posh residential areas of big cities. This was the best available option at the time, as overt opposition to Zia's Islamisation would have meant risking a revival of populism that had persisted throughout the Bhutto period -- a risk that the upper-middle classes with the most to lose from the political empowerment of the working classes were not willing to take.

While it is important to temper the insights of simplified models of class struggle that posit the complete irreconcilability of the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, it remains indubitably true in today's world -- and particularly in Pakistan -- that the modern society is characterised by a zero-sum game between contradictory social forces. In the post-World War II period, in some societies -- including some in the post-colonial world -- the zero-sum nature of this game was tempered by the successful experiment with welfarism. Pakistan's state and the upper-middle classes, which have been the beneficiaries of the prevailing social structure, have not undertaken any such experiment. Due to their self-absorbed and myopic worldview, and the whims of regional geo-politics, the upper-middle classes today stand totally alienated from the rest of the society.

Unless their belief that the so-called moderate / extremist divide is the single most important faultline in Pakistan is vindicated, this alienation will grow, as will the default influence of Islamist forces that invoke apocalyptic scenarios in which Muslims will have to defend themselves against the violent impositions of the Western culture. Instead, what is required is a thoughtful recognition that the working classes in this society have real sensibilities and real needs, and that the configuration of power as it is currently constituted totally precludes the possibility of social cohesion of any kind. The upper-middle classes would do well to break with their past hypocrisies and keep the anti-dictatorship boat afloat, lest we all go under with it.

Newswatch

Food-related expressions sometimes serve as metaphors for political situations. One such expression, which comes to us from America, is: "If you can't stand the heat, get out of the kitchen."

This expression is particularly apt in the context of Pakistani politics. Opposition politicians in this country often find themselves facing a lot of heat at the hands of the minions of the law. In recent months, the ambit of this heat has been extended to include lawyers too, as we saw in the events of September 29.

Another food-related metaphor with political connotations is one that comes to us from France. The French, who are very fond of good food, say: "You can't make an omelette without breaking eggs" -- meaning, you can't get something for nothing.

For once, however, the French are wrong about something involving cooking. In fact, there is not a single egg in an omelette, linguistically speaking, that is. All an omelette tells us is its (supposed) shape. The chief ingredient of the omelette is lamella -- the Latin diminutive of lamina.

An omelette, therefore, if properly cooked, according to the rules of language, should never be fluffy but thin as a blade. But one never knows how wrong one can go when things get heated, as Dr Rudolph Brasch tells us in his fascinating book There's a Reason for Everything.

Gourmet chefs tend to get very upset if -- horror of horrors -- their omelette falls flat. If only they knew how true to the language their cooking is.

Man, it is said, is a creature of habit. That's why people tend to frown upon and suspect anything that is new. When in 1585 Sir Francis Drake brought the potato from America to Britain, the people of Elizabethan England shunned the strange tuber. For a long time, in fact, they decried it as a dangerously unhealthy vegetable. And thereby hangs a tale concerning the linguistic root of the word spud, slang for potato.

Following the arrival of the potato, food fanatics in England went so far as to establish special associations to warn and discourage the population from eating it. They called themselves the Society for the Prevention of Undesirable and Dangerous Species or, according to another tradition, the Society for the Prevention of Unwholesome Diets.

"Too much of a mouthful to be remembered, these societies soon came to be referred to colloquially by their initials alone -- the SPUDS. It did not take long for the name to be identified with the potato itself," says Dr Brasch.

According to some other scholars, however, the real, linguistic root of the spud is the instrument used to dig it up. A short knife, generally employed as a weeding tool, was known as spudde. And out of it, slightly shortened, grew the (potato) spud.

This latter version probably also explains why people in the oil industry talk of spudding in a well, as in drilling (digging) a well and striking oil, even though the multimillion-dollar oil-drilling rigs of today are a far cry from the humble weeding tool used to dig up potatoes.

Then, there is the word posh. Its linguistic root derives from the fact that English civil servants and army officers coming out to postings in India by ship in the nineteenth century would reserve cabin-space with the P & O Shipping Line in advance for their outward-bound and homeward-bound passages, stipulating that the cabin should be: "Port Out, Starboard Home." Because port-side cabins, in those pre-electricity days, were supposed to be cooler on the voyage out and starboard-side cabins cooler on the voyage home, they cost more. So the initials POSH soon came to stand for superior quality.

So what's the origin of the word dessert, then? Again, as Dr Brasch tells us, it comes to us from France. In former days, once the main course had been served and eaten, the table was completely cleared to make room for the sweets; and that is what the dessert, from the French desservier, says. It refers to the removal of all plates and dishes from the table.

I, for one, however, have an aversion to the word dessert. Even though its origin is French, it has always struck me as something of an Americanism. I prefer the traditional English word pudding. But if you were to ask for pudding in a restaurant in America, they wouldn't know what you were talking about. "Don't you speak American?" they would say, rolling their eyes heavenwards.

On the subject of pudding, the lamington is a 'dinkum' (honest) Australian cake. A square piece of sponge, coated with a soft chocolate icing and rolled in desiccated coconut, once it belonged to every garden party and church fete not only in Australia but also in England. Even so, its name has no connection with the English town of Lemington Spa. Even the spellings are different.

In fact, the word honours a person: Lord Lamington, the Scottish-born eighth Governor of Queensland, who was appointed to the office in 1895 and was so well-liked by the populace that they named their favourite cake after him.

We all know the song Home Sweet Home. When the Labour Party came to power in Britain after the World War II, then prime minister Clement Attlee announced in the House of Commons that his government planned to build two million 'rehabilitation units' for working class people whose homes had been destroyed by the German bombing.

Rising to respond to Attlee's announcement, Tory leader Winston Churchill -- a stickler for the proper use of the English language -- said that while he welcomed the plan, he could not, for the life of him, imagine a working class family gathered around the fireplace at home singing Rehabilitation Unit Sweet Rehabilitation Unit. The term was quickly dropped.

But why is the Six Mile Bridge near Dublin, in Ireland, called the Six Mile Bridge? Because (wait for it) it is 10 miles from Dublin. I kid you not --that's the official explanation given in the Irish Tourist Board's guidebook.

The Pakistani drug mafia is financing opium production in neighbouring country Afghanistan, according to International Narcotics Control Report 2007 of the United States State Department. "Of course, opium production in neighbouring Afghanistan is at an all-time high, which could be attributed to the choice of Pakistani criminal elements to finance opium production there," the report alleges.

According to the US Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), "Pakistani traffickers are an important source of financing to the poor farmers of Afghanistan, who otherwise could not afford to produce opium. Since poppy cultivation continues to rise in post-Taliban Afghanistan, Pakistan remains a significant transit country of heroin, morphine, opium and hashish, particularly as a conduit to Turkey, and to Iran by land and sea," the report adds.

This is despite the fact that the government of Pakistan is trying its best to eradicate poppy cultivation in the country and has already reduced it by 39 per cent. "After seeing a steady increase in poppy cultivation from 213 hectares in 2001 to 7,571 hectares in 2004, Pakistan reversed the trend in 2005 and in 2006 reduced poppy cultivation by 39 percent," the report admits.

In 2006, the law-enforcement agencies of the government of Pakistan reported seizing 2.7 metric tonnes of heroin, 37.7 metric tonnes of morphine base, eight metric tonnes of opium and 110.5 metric tonnes of hashish. Other drugs seized by the Anti-Narcotics Force (ANF) include more than 1,630 kilograms of poppy straw; 50 kilograms of synthetic drugs; 1.7 kilograms of cocaine; and 301,995 units of morphine injections, buprenophine injections, Ecstasy tablets and other synthetic drugs.

There are strong indications that a significant section of the elite in Karachi, especially the youth, as elsewhere in urban centres, has find refuge in drugs. Sadia (name changed to conceal identity), 25, is an educated girl who first experimented with hashish (charas) at the age of 17. Sadia's elder brother used to smoke hashish and this also prompted her to try it.

Though Sadia no more smokes hashish, she still experiments with other drugs. She views that the young people indulge in drugs because they help them in 'disconnecting' from the harsh realities of life, such as problems related to broken families and the 'age gap' with parents, who are usually too busy and have no time to devote to their children. "When you don't have anybody with whom you can talk to, you use drugs. If I have 200 friends, at least 150 of them use drugs," Sadia informs. These drugs include hashish, cocaine, heroin, Ecstasy tablets and various tranquilisers.

"The most preferred drugs in upper class youth are cocaine and Ecstasy tablets. Cocaine is available in Karachi for Rs 7,000-10,000 per gram, and is usually used in groups on weekends or once a month. An Ecstasy tablet is available for Rs 700-1,200," discloses Sadia, adding: "There are four to five dealers in Ecstasy tablets and cocaine, and they would either provide the stuff at your doorsteps or you can contact them at their homes." She further tells that the use of Ecstasy instantly dehydrates you. "You need to take small sips of water, but taking too much water instantly can prove to be fatal," Sadia informs.

The Ecstasy tablets act as a stimulant and produce an energising effect. They also produce distortions in time and perception, and provide enhanced enjoyment from tactile experiences. Cocaine is both a stimulant of the central system and an appetite suppressant, giving rise to what has been described as a euphoric sense of happiness and increased energy. Hashish is a form of cannabis, produced by collecting and processing the most potent material that female marijuana plants naturally generate as a part of their growth cycle.

"Hashish is available in the Karachi city across the board. It is used because it is cool and easily accessible. You need only Rs 500 to have the stuff for two weeks," Sadia says. What is the impact of its use on mental health? "A good number of people who consume hashish either suffer from acute psychotic disorders or a condition called 'motivational syndrome'," says Professor S Haroon Ahmed, an eminent psychiatrist and president of the Pakistan Association for Mental Health.

Dr Syed Ali Wasif, another psychiatrist, confirms that a considerable number of students in some elite schools of Karachi use Ecstasy tablets and other drugs. "These children get unchecked allowances from their parents and peddlers exploit them. Seventy per cent of the youth experimenting with drugs have signs of depression and most of them are poly drug users," he informs.

A large number of young people are also using different types of pills that are easily available in the market. "Many young people use Ketamine, because it is even cheaper than hashish. It results in hallucination for 15-20 minutes. Its liquid is burnt and as soon as it becomes powder, it is snorted," Sadia says.

Ketamine hydrochloride is a powerful hallucinogen and causes profound hallucinations, which include visual distortions as well as the loss of sense of time, sense and identity. "The drug experience is called a trip. The moment you start eating, the trip is gone. And once you stop using these drugs, you get depressed again," she says, adding: "The social fabric of the society has been destroyed. The moral fabric is also eroding fast. In such circumstances, one wants to release his or her frustrations."

"Ecstasy, Bumorpriphine and other psychotropics are smuggled from Europe, India and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) for the local Pakistani market," according to International Narcotics Control Report 2007 of the US State Department. But opium, hashish and heroin are smuggled from Afghanistan for local consumption, as well as for onwards journey for which Pakistan acts as a transit country.

Given the fact that Afghanistan currently produces 93 per cent of the world's supply of heroin, estimated to be worth $500 billion, and bearing in mind that the war-ravaged country has porous borders with Pakistan, one can imagine the impact of narcotics trade in Pakistan.

Asia's phenomenal growth in recent years has brought forth a formidable and unusual task of achieving sustainable development, with a focus on poverty reduction and efficient use of natural resources. The poor in the region are often both the cause and the victim of resource degradation. The situation is exacerbated by natural disasters and climate change being observed in a number of countries in the region.

In the backdrop of this, the World Conservation Union (IUCN) recently organised the fourth Asia Regional Conservation Forum (RCF) on the theme of Synergies for a Sustainable Asia in Kathmandu, Nepal. The Forum was the premier environmental event to address the sustainable development issues of the dynamic and biodiversity-rich region. The fourth RCF specifically deliberated on three thematic priority areas --conserving biodiversity for life; climate change and energy; and poverty, environment and greening the economy.

The event brought together more than 400 delegates from IUCN's member countries, commissions, secretariat and council in Asia; besides major stakeholders, including those belonging to the donor community as well as the private sector, from 30 Asian countries. The delegation from Pakistan comprised both members and partners of the IUCN --- ranging from federal and provincial government officials to the staff of research institutions and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) -- so that they can work together for the shared objective of sustainable development, and for the promotion of environmental values and best conservation practices.

Nepalese Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, who inaugurated the fourth RCF, reiterated Nepal's commitment to the conservation and sustainable use of natural resources. "As a party to various environmental conventions, we promise our development partners to reinforce our partnership on conservation and sustainable development --- based on the democratic principles of cooperation, shared responsibility and mutual benefit -- to formulate appropriate strategies for a better Asia," he said.

Highlighting the challenges faced by Asia in mitigating climate change and other natural disasters, Julia Marton-Lefevre, director general of the IUCN, said there was increasing concern within the region that the benefits of its spectacular growth had not been shared equitably. "It is time for us to take stock of the environmental issues that confront the world. It is time to take stock of the links between our well-being as humans and the well-being of our natural environment," she added.

Surendra Shrestha, regional director of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) Regional Office for Asia Pacific, delivered the keynote address, in which expressed the hope of building political commitment to address some of the pressing environmental issues facing Asia today. Aban Marker Kabraji, regional director of IUCN Asia, lauded the role of Nepal in demonstrating some of the region's most innovative conservation practices. "As the peace process continues and democracy flourishes, Nepal faces both opportunities and challenges in moving towards the path of sustainable development, growth and conservation," he said.

Robust economic growth in parts of Asia is transforming social life, natural resource use patterns, and the relationship between human and non-human habitats. Citing example of the changing course of Bagmati River, Anne M Rademacher, professor at New York University, commented that alternative models of development needed to be anchored on the conservation of the river, adding that there are many ways of linking development with conservation issues.

"The livelihoods of people around the region are under increasing pressure owing to environmental degradation, rapacious economic development and implications of global processes, to name just a few. As a result, natural resources are being depleted -- some irreversibly," warned IUCN Regional Councillor Abdul-Muyeed Chowdhury. He was speaking on the successful development model of the Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC), the world's largest NGO.

Speaking on the Future of Sustainability and Challenges to Asia, Dr Ashok Khosla of Development Alternatives, an Indian NGO that is also an IUCN member, stressed the need for developing capacities to identify priority issues confronting the region and for coming up with effective solutions to create sustainable livelihoods. "Most of the current environmental and human problems cannot be understood or solved in isolation from each other, and should be seen holistically," he added.

The session on Alternative Models of Development examined how some countries in Asia view development, and raised questions about their ways and means of balancing economic development with environmental and social concerns. During the Forum, the private sector's role in ensuring sustainability was also discussed. The current scenario in Asia relating to climate change and energy was also reviewed, as both are significant concerns not only for the region but also for the rest of the world.

The session on Poverty, Environment and Greening the Economy provided an opportunity to exchange information, best practices and lessons learned on making the links between ecosystem conservation and human well-being. It focussed on mechanisms for promoting participation of the marginalised and vulnerable groups in conservation processes, and on ways of using financial and economic incentives to foster pro-poor conservation.

The fourth RCF dedicated an exclusive session to the member's business, which provided an overview of the steps being taken to operationalise the new membership strategy of the IUCN. Professor Purificacio Canals, global vice-president of the IUCN, briefed the participants on the next World Conservation Congress to be held in October 2008 in Spain. Ukesh Raj Bhuju, chairperson of the Nepal National Committee of the IUCN, briefly shared the activities being undertaken by the Union's national committees in Asia.

The Forum concluded with renewed energy and commitment to integrate conservation imperatives into the heart of decision-making. Delivering his concluding remarks, Tirtha Raj Sharma, secretary of the Nepalese Ministry of Forests and Soil Conservation, put biodiversity conservation into the larger context of the development agenda, and stressed the importance of events such as the fourth RCF in promoting and contributing to sustainable livelihoods. Sharma noted that he looked forward to the Forum's results being integrated into mainstream conservation programmes across the region, adding that the issues discussed during the current event will be taken to the 2008 World Conservation Congress. On this occasion, the participants also renewed their commitment to work together for developing synergies for a sustainable Asia.

Title: The New Asian Power Dynamic

Editor: Maharajakrishna Rasgotra

Price: Rs 595

Pages: 307

First Edition: 2007

ISBN: 978-0-7619-3572-8

Publisher: Sage

Publications, New Delhi

In the last century, the decade that followed the end of the Cold War and the break-up of the USSR saw old alliances being strengthened and new global linkages being forged in the South and East Asian region. The New Asian Power Dynamicexamines the emerging nexus of sorts among the five power players in Asia -- China, India, Japan, Russia and the United States. Including contributions by prominent Indian policy analysts and academics, the book has been edited by Maharajakrishna Rasgotra, chairperson of the India's National Security Advisory Board.

The volume kicks off with Alka Acharya's piece that evaluates China's progression from a conflict-ridden state to one that has embraced the economic aspects of globalisation. Hence, "China's decision to 'open up to the outside world' was thus part of its strategy to both learn and benefit from the capitalist world -- obtain technology, investment and market access." Despite the current phase of relative stability in the region, with regard to positive relations between China and the the United States in the post-September 11 scenario, he notes that the former has to constantly tackle mushrooming complications at home due to the contradictions in its domestic and foreign policy.

The next essay by Gurmeet Kanwal shifts the focus to China's technological enhancement of its People's Liberation Army (PLA). With the aid of modern tactical missiles, upgraded combat aircraft and virtual pinpoint accuracy, courtesy the nascent Beidou satellite navigation, the PLA's 'active defence' philosophy intends to expand China's global military presence. From an Indian strategic perspective, Kanwal points out that China has been involved in military technology and hardware transfers to other Asian states such as Iran and Pakistan. Hence, he contends, India should fully realise the increasing divide in its military ties with China and move ahead with developing deterrence methodologies.

The next two pieces by D S Rajan examine the fickle relationship that China and the US have with regard to bilateral trade relations, regional presence and the 'what-if' scenario of a military engagement. However, in the short-term, China's role in the South and East Asia does not hamper American war designs to further sustain its global supremacy. Notwithstanding this, there are groups on both sides -- for instance, the Chinese Communist Party -- who believe that the Sino-US ties in the long-term have indications of a locking of horns over energy-related matters, as well over America's relations with India, Japan and Taiwan.

Jayshree Sengupta lends further focus on the Sino-US relations, albeit vis-a-vis relations between India and America. He details how the US has been flexing its sanctions muscles to counter China's abounding exports and free-trade agreements with countries in its part of Asia. The US is keen on not just boosting its trade in Asia, but also on limiting Chinese firms from acquiring American corporate entities. The India-US relations, on the other hand, are strengthening due to a lot of American investment pouring in, besides a considerable amount of business being outsourced to, the South Asian nation.

Nonetheless, India is concerned about the various limitations being imposed on such technology-driven ventures as well as non-tariff barriers on its exports to the US. Sengupta, thus, states that India "would like to see the US open its markets to Indian agricultural, industrial and service exports"; as well as "allow greater freedom of movement for IT personnel" to ensure the smooth flow of remittances.

Harinder Sekhon produces another assessment of the India-US relations, which he feels are directed only towards empowering India as a possible Asian superpower. He also exposes the dichotomous stance that the US has maintained vis-a-vis India and Pakistan -- it wants only the former to develop into a stable and successful state.

D S Rajan evaluates the improving of sorts of the Sino-India relations. He dismisses assumed productive outcomes on the basis that China is only attempting to stall America's strategy of curtailing its rise as an economic and military power. Furthermore, China also expects to gain access to fossil fuel reserves and strategic positions in the Indian Ocean region. Pushpita Das follows up with a list of the recent agreements signed between the two Asian neighbours.

Arjun Asrani offers a unique insight into Japan's security, in the context that the country has been disturbingly following China's burgeoning naval defences. Even though Japan has incorporated this element as a key determining factor in its defence policy, Tokyo's ties with Washington and New Delhi are central to checking Beijing's strategic advance.

The study by M K Bhadrakumar gives an overview of the souring of the relations between Russia and the US, especially as they had somewhat improved in the wake of the so-called 'war on terror'. He points out that Russia is once again feeling threatened by America's hegemonic designs, especially because of the latter's influence on the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), and is therefore fostering stronger alliances with its Asian neighbours like China, India and Japan.

K Raghunath rounds up the volume with views on the 'win some / loose some relationship' dynamics of the countries in question, and brings into focus the wooing games that they play in order to economically and strategically outsmart the other(s). His paper lends further credence to the wealth of information and analyses that this book offers, thus establishing it as a valuable resource in comprehending the shape of things to come in the present century.

The significance of meaningful school education cannot be overemphasised. Today, all nations -- rich and poor alike -- pay homage to the right of and access to the benefits of basic school education. In fact, school education is considered indispensable, both for the individual and the society in contemporary civilisation. Let us remind ourselves that the word 'education' is derived from a Latin word that means 'to draw out'. The development or the drawing out of mental faculties is the very essence of education. The objective of school education, then, ought to be the training of the latent powers of observation, reasoning and thought in children; and, thence, awakening their intelligence. Also, school education is the pillar on which rests the whole edifice of learning / education systems. "School houses are the republican line of fortifications," declared Horace Mann, the famous American educator.

Are the schools in Pakistan doing their job? Are they playing their part in nation-building and in creating an aware citizenry? Is the school education, as it stands today, sufficiently capable to tap the sources of the creative energies of the children and to adequately channelise them? To find satisfactory answers to these critical queries, it is imperative to have a survey of what is actually a part of the curricula at the school level in Pakistan at present. Careful research reveals certain broad trends of the curricula / textbooks being taught at various levels in both government and private schools. These trends merit particular emphasis to evaluate the quality of education being imparted.

Islamisation of textbooks

The teaching of Islamiat in preference to pure Ethics at all levels is in itself an indicator of the desire to ingrain a distinct identity among the Muslim children in Pakistan. Our Islamiat textbooks bring out the similarities in the beliefs, modes of worship, and social and practical life of the Muslims; and declare that the Muslims dwelling in every part of the world constitute a single brotherhood. Even more interesting is the claim made in a number of textbooks that all the non-Muslims (by default?) constitute a single nation. This stress on Islamic identity is carried over to the curricula for Social Studies and Urdu language, as right from the first grade one comes across lessons about Islamic rituals and beliefs in the textbooks of these subjects.

The Islamisation of textbooks picks up as the child moves to higher grades, with essays on religious personalities frequently adorning the curriculum. Inevitably, this quest for the Muslim identity has led to the Islamisation of the curricula for Social Studies and Urdu language at all levels and in all schools, barring the elite English-medium educational institutions. Some textbooks of these subjects are so highly representative of Islamic personalities and concepts that their first half is hardly indistinguishable from an Islamiat textbook. The overwhelming religious content inevitably phases out a number of essential topics of Social Studies that would have done much more to shape the character and socio-political / socio-cultural perceptions of the children. For instance, useful topics pertaining to geography, history, culture, economy and society do not find enough space in most Social / Pakistan Studies textbooks.

Adding insult to injury is the sad realisation that the damage is happily inflicted merely to accommodate religious lessons that already stand repeated ad nauseam in the Islamiat and Urdu language textbooks. The results of Urdu language instruction are not admirable either. The emphasis of school textbooks ought to be on enabling understanding and analysis at a specific level of vocabulary. However, in many cases, it appears that language has been rendered subservient to religious instruction. As a result, the children are missing out on true language training -- as evident from their poor verbal skills despite studying Urdu language throughout their 10 years at school. Many educationists ascribe the ill to the 'pushing out' of literary pieces of prose and verse to accommodate religious essays, which do much lesser in terms of improving language skills.

Pakistan as an Islamic state

The curricula for Social / Pakistan Studies attempt to borrow directly from the founder of Pakistan, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, in a bid to prove that the country was originally meant to be an Islamic state: "Wherever you are and whoever you are, you are a Muslim first and last. This land does not belong to Punjabis, Sindhis, Pathans or Bengalis." So the Quaid wanted the inhabitants of Pakistan to be Muslims and also that they gave up provincialism on this basis (and not because they were Pakistanis?). The Quaid's assertion that "Everyone of us should think, feel and act as a Pakistani; and we should be proud of being Pakistani alone" only finds a place in the O' level textbooks exclusive to the elite English medium schools.

A number of textbooks, however, do find room for another extremely ambiguous quote from the Quaid: "We are Muslims and have faith in one God, one Prophet (PBUH) and one book; so it is binding on us that we should be one as a nation also." It is obvious that our policy-makers, in order to promote a theocratic set of mind, do not hesitate to quote out of context even the very founder of the country. Many textbooks claim that Pakistan is the "fort of Islam" and all efforts should be aimed at making it an "Islamic welfare state". The deliberate and blatant promotion of a very questionable logic as the very raison d'etre of Pakistan's existence certainly does very little to promote responsible citizenship among the future generations, while simultaneously distorting their vision of historical events / personalities for the rest of their lives.

Such attempts at Islamising Social Studies have efficiently deprived the subject of its utility, which can be of invaluable significance in explaining to the children the world around them in a simple, interesting and classified manner. It is a discipline that can provide them a peep into the world affairs; as well as the political, social and economic structure of their native country. All this facilitates the development of children into adults who can think for themselves and who possess the power of critical analysis. The heavy doses of religion and manufactured history, however, transform the very framework of Social Studies from a modern, liberal and progressive one to one with strict taboos and unquestionable assertions. In total opposition to what true education envisages, school textbooks appear to be encouraging tendencies among the children to be dismissive of highly debatable issues.

Relations with non-Muslims

Accepting the debatable premise of Pakistan being an Islamic state does not in any way condone or connote that non-Muslims are not entitled to find a peaceful abode in Pakistan -- it is not too much to expect that school textbooks communicate to the young minds in no uncertain terms the relevant Islamic teachings regarding relations with the non-Muslims. Interestingly, however, only the Islamiat textbooks exclusive to the elite English medium schools seem to convey the true tenor of the Islamic teachings regarding relations with the non-Muslims -- for example, they cite incidents of the hospitality that the Holy Prophet (PBUH) extended to the non-Muslims; or highlight the fact that he ensured complete security of life, property and practice of religion to them in the Islamic state of Medina.

The non-Muslims were called zimmies (protected people), because they lived in peace and tranquility under the protection of the Islamic state. In fact, in safeguarding the rights of non-Muslims, an Islamic state has gone to such extremes as to give them the liberty of maintaining even those practices that are entirely opposed to the teachings of Islam. For example, the consumption of alcohol is forbidden for the Muslims in Pakistan; yet the government itself issues permits to the non-Muslim to use alcohol. These are facts and religious teachings that have been omitted in their entirety from all Islamiat curricula, except those taught at most of the elite English medium schools. Some Islamiat textbooks go the extent of labelling all the non-Muslims as kafirs (infidels). Also, the Quaid's opposition to religious intolerance is almost entirely overlooked by all the school curricula in Pakistan.

National integration

The task of providing a national identity to the Pakistanis is mystified by the alternate pursuit of the curricula for a concocted Muslim identity and Islamic recognition. The least that the curricula must do in these circumstances, in order to stimulate the process of national integration, is to encourage the people of all the four provinces to better understand each other. To what extent do the curricula accomplish this task? The Punjab Textbook Board's Urdu language textbook for the grade 8 delves only into the Pakistani literature produced in Punjabi language. Similarly, the Social Studies textbook for the grade 4 totally ignores the geography and the history of all provinces except Punjab. So, it is only in the grade 9 that the children at government schools learn about the culture of the country in a comprehensive manner and an organised form. In addition to culture, most textbooks also miss out on the geography and the economy of the country.

The luxury of comprehending the entity that Pakistan is seems to be reserved exclusively for those fortunate enough to be educated at the elite English medium schools. The O' level textbooks, for instance, elaborate in detail the geography and the economy of the entire country -- its climate, agriculture, industry, means of communication, natural resources, occupations, etc. There is also a chapter entitled The struggle for a cultural identity, which incorporates the history and growth of the various regional languages of Pakistan as well its national language Urdu. Similarly, the Urdu language and Social Studies textbooks being taught at the elite English medium schools describe the life and works of famous personalities from other provinces. For instance, essays on Pushto poet Rehman Baba and Sindhi poet Abdul Majid are included in the curriculum being taught at the elite English medium schools of Punjab. The curricula in these schools also adequately cover the culture, lifestyle and famous places of all the provinces.

Democratic values

Democratic values and systems find almost no mention in the textbooks and in the curricula. A quote from Quaid-e-Azam can, however, be found in the Punjab Textbook Board's Pakistan Studies textbook for the grade 10: "I believe that the final shape of the constitution will be democratic and based on the fundamental Islamic principles." Otherwise, even the slightest mention of the meaning and the functioning of a parliamentary democratic system is rare, even in the case of the curricula being taught at the elite English medium schools. So is the case with the description of a federal system of government and its prerequisites.

Similarly, the concept of universal human rights is yet to find a place in our school curricula; and, as a corollary, the class perspectives and socio-political demands pertaining to basic human rights have also not been found worthy of mention. What is noticeable, instead, is degradation of the democracy and eulogising of the military -- an institution widely acknowledged to have repeatedly sabotaged the democratic process in Pakistan on one pretext or the other. The Urdu language textbooks are immensely helping the Social / Pakistan Studies textbooks in this task. A particularly favourite discussion topic of the Urdu language textbooks for the grades 7 and 8 at the government schools is the martyrs of the wars with India and those bestowed with military honours like the Nishan-e-Haider.

To play down the repeated military interventions in the history of Pakistan, all textbooks overlook the latest episodes of the national history. The worst being the Punjab / NWFP Textbook Board's Pakistan Studies textbook for the grade 10, which totally overlooks the national history beyond the promulgation of the 1973 Constitution. What type of aware citizenship can be promoted by virtually hiding the better part of the country's history? And how is it possible to prepare the youth for the challenges of the modern age without providing them with the barest idea of either the concept of democracy or the need for a democratic political setup?

Perception of the West

No Social / Pakistan Studies curricula being taught at the government schools makes any attempt to study the international geography / history, except for that of the Muslim countries. This is a strange grouping to study given that the only commonality is religion, which has nothing to do with geography and climate. The underlying message (explicitly stated at places) is that the Islamic countries (somehow) constitute a single block with common interests and hence the need for cooperation. Compare it with the curricula being taught at the elite English medium schools, most of which are teaching both medieval and modern world history, as well as international geography. For a vast majority of the Pakistani children, however, the sole introduction to the West remains the alleged 'evil alliance' between the Hindus and the English to jeopardise the existence of a newly created Pakistan. The theme of Hindus as 'the enemies of Islam' recurs in both Social Studies and Urdu language curricula.

Recap

Summing up, it is evident that the curricula being taught at both English medium (mostly private) and Urdu medium schools (mostly government) are riddled with striking biases and omissions. Sparing the extremely elite, the school education in Pakistan is burdening our future generations with distorted perceptions and ideals. First, the products of our Urdu medium schools are likely to misconceive Pakistan as an Islamic state where religion and politics are inseparable. Second, it is improbable that they have adequate knowledge of the geography, culture and history of their own country, except for perhaps their home province. Third, even more misleading are their perceptions of the world at large apart from maybe a handful of Muslim countries. Fourth, they are not likely to have much faith in the democratic process and/or an understanding of its dynamics and necessity.

It is fair to assume that before the students reach the college level they have been substantially deprived of the abilities to think and observe. Their mental growth stands stunted, thus undermining their capacity to acquire higher education and be able to truly benefit from it. The didactic approach towards history and social studies at school level is certain to hamper the vision of children. Everything around the children has been branded as so sacred that there is no room left for an objective analysis directed at some sort of variation / improvement. If the curricula could at least encourage the children to think for themselves, the intolerance and obscurantism in the Pakistani society might see a decline.

Presently, the textbooks are cultivating a mental outlook among children that has its basis in the reinforcement of certain stereotypes and creating fear. The children are encouraged to ponder in terms of absolutes -- they conceive every scenario as a picture of absolute good or else as a caricature of absolute evil. Their mindset fails to appreciate that differences -- whether they pertain to beliefs, culture or ideology -- are natural and often historical. They, instead, have fantasies of the eternal struggle between their favoured creed and the 'enemies', who are always busy conspiring and colluding to stall the ultimate triumph of the 'truth'. I am tempted to conclude with an observation by eminent historian K K Aziz: "The failure of democracy, the long spells of military dictatorship, corruption, moral laxity, deterioration in character, decline of moral values, sense of irresponsibility, inefficiency, cynicism, indifference to what the future holds for us -- all this is the bitter harvest from the seeds we use in the cultivation of the minds of the young. As you sow, so shall you reap!"

(Email: goldenstar2005@

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Why do we risk the most important capital of all: our children's lives? The International Day for Natural Disaster Reduction is celebrated every year on the second Wednesday of October and it seems an appropriate occasion to ask a vital question: why do we put children's lives at risk in those places that are expected to be the safest -- their schools?

In the last few years, tens of thousands of children have perished because their schools did not protect them. These unfortunate children died in earthquakes, floods, windstorms, mudslides and wildfires. They died because their schools were not built properly -- on the right kind of land or higher than the flood plain. The fragile bodies recovered from the wreckage of a fallen school represent not just a human tragedy, but evidence of thoughtlessness or needless ignorance in the communities around them.

Therefore, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) and the UN International Secretariat for Disaster Reduction (UNISDR) have, for the last two years, led a worldwide effort to make schools safer; and to make them places to begin education about safety, resilience and risk reduction. The UNISDR launched last year a biennial campaign under the theme of 'Disaster Risk Reduction Begins at Schools' with two main objectives: to make school safer and to integrate disaster risk reduction into school curricula.

What can make more sense? First, protect the children for the hours of every day in which they are all together. Second, begin to teach them how to react when danger threatens -- what to do when the ground begins to shake, where to run when the river bursts its banks, where to take shelter during a hurricane or typhoon, and how to develop a culture of prevention.

And because lessons learnt at school are taken home every night, the education continues. Parents -- struggling to make ends meet, to ensure security, to provide for their children's education and future -- themselves begin to learn another lesson: awareness of natural hazard is itself an investment in the future. This is because it helps to secure the family against natural dangers and reduce the risks of future disaster. If parents become interested in safety at school, then the pressure begins to build upon the elected politicians and the local civic authorities to take steps to make sure that all schools become safe, and all children become aware of ways to secure their own safety when the skies darken or the ground begins to tremble.

That, at least, is the principle. So far, 55 countries have enrolled, so to speak, in the UN's two-year campaign to take disaster reduction directly to the classroom. More than 20 countries report 'highly visible' successes in pioneering initiatives to bring disaster awareness to the schools, both by using local knowledge to make the buildings safer and by taking the subject itself into the classroom.

For instance, an earthquake safety programme that began in one school as an experiment eight years ago involved 14 million students and 130,000 schools in Iran in 2006. In India, 100,000 students, 2,500 teachers and 200 schools have school disaster management plans. There are lessons in disaster reduction being conducted in Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cape Verde, the Republic of Congo and 10 other African countries. There are lessons to mark the International Day for Natural Disaster Reduction in at least 18 countries in the Americas.

All these things sound encouraging, but there is a long way to go. Nowhere in the world is completely safe -- children died and schools were destroyed by Hurricane Felix in the Gulf of Mexico in September, children were at risk during Peru's earthquake in June, communities were threatened in Greece in August by uncontrollable forest fires, etc. More than 50 countries have launched school safety programmes, but we should remember that 168 countries agreed the Hyogo Framework in 2005, in the aftermath of the catastrophic Indian Ocean tsunami on December 26, to build disaster risk reduction and a culture of prevention into their communities at every level. Where better to start than the schools?

The benefits can be huge. At the most basic level, steps to make schools stronger will save young lives. Similarly, steps to teach children safety drills will serve as a kind of invisible life insurance, not just at school but also at home. And simple lessons in the realities of earthquakes, windstorms, floods and fires will also provide the beginnings of instruction in the wider fields of geography, economics, environmental science, physics and engineering.

Disaster awareness need not be a very expensive lesson, but whatever it costs the price is nothing, when set against the loss of a school full of children, buried alive in a mudslide or crushed by falling masonry. We all still have a lot to learn.

October 1, 2007, was a historic day for the subcontinent, as the governments of Pakistan and India decided to allow trade through a 50-kilometer road link at the Attari-Wagha border for the first time in 60 years.

Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz and Punjab Chief Minister Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi were expected to arrive at the Wagha border in order to mark the occasion. Invitations were also extended to leading businesspeople in Lahore. However, both the prime minister and the Punjab chief minister failed to show up because of the rising political temperature in Islamabad. So, the Chief Minister of Indian Punjab, Parkash Singh Badal, was alone at the Attari checkpost to flag off a truck-load of Indian tomatoes coming from India into Pakistan. This was a symbolic commissioning of trade through movement of the trucks along the Attari-Wagha border.

Meanwhile the dancers from Punjab performed the traditional Bhangra at the Attari border amid protest by the Indian porters, who were deprived of their livelihood. Just before the flag-off ceremony, Parkash Singh Badal went to the zero line at the Attari checkpost.

The absence of Pakistani prime minister was noticed by the Indian media and that might be the reason why Baadal kept his speech short. He stated that the service had just begun and hoped that Pakistan would progressively show good response to the bilateral trade. This is where the whole issue of Indo-Pak trade has been stuck up. Perception, on both sides of the border, is different than reality -- the two governments are taking two steps forward and one step back on the issues very close to their hearts. None of the countries is ready to put its political considerations on the backburner and look at the new opportunities under the Free Trade Area regime.

A new era of cordial relations between Pakistan and India started in the mid-1990s, when the latter, in principle, granted the Most Favoured Nation status to the former in 1995-96, while issuing no list of restricted items of bilateral trade. Pakistan, on the other hand, abstained from reciprocating the gesture and instead preferred to restrict the bilateral trade up to 600 items initially under the positive list, mostly containing metals or chemicals, with India. It was revised later on to 772 items in 2006.

Trade is no more the biggest missing link between India and Pakistan in the present day free market regime. The cumulative population of both the countries is 1.295 billion (Indian 1.13 billion and Pakistani 165 million) and their total international trade amounts to $347.55 billion, out of which the trade between the two countries amounts to only $1.095 billion, which is only 0.315 per cent of their total international trade.

The Indian Council for Research on International Economic Relations said in a report on India-Pakistan trade that India's exports had increased by 157 per cent to $428.1 million and imports by 143 per cent to $82.1 million in the first quarter of 2006-07 as against the corresponding period last year. While Pakistan's imports from India through proper channels had increased from $382.2 million to $802 million during the last three years; Pakistan's exports to India had increased from $93.8 million to $293.3 million.

Pakistan has always experienced a deficit balance of trade with India, which had increased from $288.4 million in 2003-04 to $508.7 million in 2005-06. The deficit would increase manifold if the trade through third countries such as Dubai and Singapore were taken into account.

The trade between India and Pakistan can increase to a phenomenal level of $6.6 billion if barriers are removed and India implements the South Asia Free Trade Area (SAFTA) agreement. It is estimated that it can touch the $10 billion mark by 2010, if SAFTA agreement is observed in the letter and spirit.

India and Pakistan signed SAFTA in January 2004, after long negotiations and undue delays. As per the plan, SAFTA trade provisions should have been operative in January 2006, followed by a full-length implementation by December 2016. In the meantime, agreements like SAPTA and other regional trade agreements (RTAs) would continue side by side. It is worth noting that both India and Pakistan have been aggressively pursuing other regional partners for free trade agreements while avoiding each other.

A gradual improvement of relations has resulted in fora like the SAARC Chamber of Commerce and Industry (SCCI), and India-Pakistan Chamber of Commerce and Industry (IPCCI). In 2005, nine areas of trade -- cotton industry, engineering products, leather, food processing, fisheries, educational institutions, services, information exchange and tourism -- were identified, but many a slip remained between the cup and the lip.

Earlier, many exchanges of delegations of businesspeople from either side provided the opportunity to both sides to understand each other. Business community, on both sides, firmly believes they can lead the initiative from the front. It has been highlighted from both sides that government officials are not following the recommendations of business fora in the letter and spirit. For example, issuance of visas has always been a thorny issue during the interaction between the business bodies from India and Pakistan. The businesspeople have been criticising the governments for not expediting the visa applications and the embassy officials are of the opinion that they have what they call a 'reciprocal' approach.

Issuance of city-specific visas is another hurdle in building up confidence level among the businesspeople from either side of the border. Neither of the two governments is ready to offer multiple city visas and instead grant city-specific visas that further complicate the trade links.

Similarly, it has been pointed out on a number of occasions that individual companies and firms are not honouring commitments to promote bilateral trade. Some years back, Pakistani businesspeople presented a detailed case in front of the Indian delegation at the Lahore Chamber of Commerce and Industry, where they stated that India's Reliance Group of Companies dishonoured the commitment of supplying consignment of a particular item once prices jumped in India after the agreement. It was strongly pointed out that the businesspeople on either side have no specific arbitration forum where they can refer their disputes and get them settled immediately.

Then, the governments on both sides of the border are following a biased approach towards those industries of the other country that enjoy a competitive edge. For example, an attempt to import cement from Pakistan by Indian importers was thwarted by the Indian Commerce Industry officials, by issuing a 200 page pro-forma for Pakistani exporters. Pakistan reciprocated and its quality control authority dubbed Indian sugar, imported recently by a select group of importers, as injurious to health.

Since the size and economies of different industrial sectors, and also the cost of dollar at the machinery installation date, vary, it is really a test case for the policy-makers and peace advocates on both sides to draw equilibrium in trade links.

There is no doubt that each sector of economy has peculiar advantages and disadvantages when it comes to bilateral trade. It is thus difficult to bring the players on a par for mutual benefit. What suits the textile industry of Pakistan is deemed as detrimental by the sugar industry of Pakistan. And what is in the advantage of Pakistan's cement industry is harmful to the bicycle industry.

Last but not the least, the two government should realise that economics and politics reciprocate each other throughout the world. It is impossible to isolate one from the other. It is high time to initiate sincere efforts to mend the economic and political fences simultaneously. A recent holding of a fashion show by the Afghan government and the entry of Indian trucks into Pakistan are enough to kick start the process of change vis-a-vis regional trade, provided Indian movie makers stop portraying a Pakistani girl with an Indian boy in their movies, like they have done in the case of Veer Zara and Awarapan, and vice-versa.

At present, the country is in the grip of anarchy of sorts. And it is not limited to the political scenario. Glimpses from the streets depict evidences of various forms of anarchy in several ways.

Speeding vehicles that move way beyond allowed limits; shop encroachments that completely occupy the footpaths; irregularly parked vehicles that virtually stop all kinds of movements, monstrous publicity hoardings and heaps of garbage are all reminders of the fact that the cities and towns in Pakistan need to do their utmost to put the basics in order.

According to a well known saying, the street scene is barometer of the social behaviour and level of cultural development in a society. If one uses this statement as a hypothesis and attempts to test it through the common observations, many important analytical references can be drawn.

To imagine societies as egalitarian is absolutely utopian. It is more than evident that all human beings are not equal. The privilege of using city roads and streets is an obvious determinant. When the motorcades of heads of government or state are planned, not only the concerned roads but also the connecting roads are frozen. There are many cases where patients on the way to hospitals have died due to blockades but the pattern of street/road management has not changed.

In the ancient times, the clan lords would demand human sacrifices as a part of mythological rituals to stamp their hegemony on commons. It appears that the present rulers have not modernised at all -- despite claims of enlightenment and moderation -- and the same savage practice is repeated again and again.

Driving attitudes, with few exceptions, are erratic and dangerous. Use of forbidden number plates, tinted glasses and prohibited interiors in motor cars are common sights in every large and small city of the country. Private cars are swarming along Pakistani streets, thanks to the liberal auto loan facilities extended by nationalised/private commercial banks. The categories of drivers is spread out into an extremely diversified group. One thing reads as common in this group -- lack of understanding and regard about traffic rules and regulations.

The most acute issue is the state of pedestrians. Of all the traffic accident casualties, two thirds are pedestrians. The road-pedestrian interaction shows a clearly downtrodden and sub-low status of the walking breed all across the urban areas. In medium and large cities, where some basic form of pedestrian infrastructure is provided, it is very conveniently encroached or converted to some other usage by local influential. Shopkeepers, residents, Police, Rangers and other utility agencies illegally occupy and construct upon footpaths, completely unabashed.

According to one study, more than half of the police posts in Karachi are established entirely blocking the roads/streets. The rights of pedestrian movement are denied through various illegal acts. Dumping of rubble, construction material and props during any kind of infrastructural works, demolition of footpaths under road-widening schemes are some glaring examples. The motorists, truck, van, bus and taxi drivers make it a usual point to scare off the pedestrians attempting to walk on the road edges (in the absence of footpaths). The attitude is such that the power of vehicle is stronger and immune from any kind of legal binding.

The haughty approach of such arrogant and anarchic road-users is not checked by the traffic police. One often finds the traffic cop saluting the invisible driver of fast cruising jeeps as a routine. Thus the anarchy lives on.

Road and traffic management now confronts the uphill task of dealing with a swarming number of motorcycles. At times they can be observed riding on the wrong side of the road with full speed, unnerving the motorists and pedestrians. The problem does not lie with the motrcyclists per se but the law enforcement activity on our streets which is not a priority of administration for several reasons.

There are evidences of political workers of ruling parties abetting crime. Police force in such situation is asked to adopt a 'go-slow' policy. They can be found resorting to minimum effort. Whenever they have attempted to launch any campaign to improve the situation, they have received a setback from the higher officials.

Few months back, Karachi police launched a campaign to remove illegal tinted glasses from cars. When they stopped a car which was driven by a federal minister belonging to the ethno-political party from Karachi, the cop was severely admonished. The next day, the campaign was called off. Internal corruption of monumental scale within the police force, inadequate number of trained cops, lack of immunity from perpetual political interference, existence of other agencies such as Rangers without well-defined segregation of jurisdiction and responsibilities and de-motivation amongst the ranks are few factors that severely hamper the performance of police force.

Neither automobile technology nor any product or social attitude born out of globalisation is inherently negative. What is needed is creation of a responsive and aware society which can make the best use of available material resources. If cars and other vehicles operate on the street according to specified rules, they can become mobility assets. Similarly if the rights and privileges of all the user groups are safeguarded in a just and rational manner, the street will become a happy place for all.

Pedestrians, street children, petty vendors, motorists, cyclists, beggars, public transport operators and traffic cops are all common stakeholders of streets. They must be allowed to positively co-exist under rules and regulations in an equilibrium. No one should be allowed to overpower the other group or usurp the spatial rights of other interest groups.

If we have just and happy streets, our attitudes and efficiency levels will improve. Perhaps a time will come when our ruling cadres will be able to move without haughty-looking motorcades, a practice they followed till not too long ago.