feature Taal
Matol issue Playing
on the same pitch RIPPLE EFFECT
feature Displacement and its related matters aside, the real issue remains the rape of the girls, and the fact that they are not getting justice. If they and their families were to agree to a 'compromise', their troubles would be over in a flash By Beena Sarwar "The most difficult thing is to ask for something," said Tasleem, sudden tears in her eyes overshadowing her determined cheerfulness. On Jan 10, 2007, local thugs gang raped Tasleem's sister-in-law Kainat Soomro, then 13 years old, in village Meharh in Dadu district. In an unrelated case shortly afterwards, a landlord and his henchmen gang raped young Naseema Lubano, around 16, in village Ubaro, district Ghotki on Jan 27, 2007. The girls' families had to flee their homes after managing to get criminal cases filed against the influential assailants. Later, Chief Justice Sindh High Court Sabihuddin Ahmed ordered the cases transferred to Karachi where hearings could be held in relative safety. These cases are not unique. Rape takes place with alarming regularity in Pakistan. The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) recorded 755 cases of sexual harassment in 2007, including 377 cases of rape (166 minors) and 354 cases of gang rape (92 minors). These cases are estimated to represent the tip of the iceberg -- most are never reported due to social, legal and economic repercussions. Naseema and Kainat's cases fit the pattern of the accused in rape cases tending to be predominantly influential people or landlords in the community, a trend observed by the HRCP. Not surprisingly, most cases end in compromise. The alternative is stigma, long drawn out legal procedures and even being forced to leave your home, your friends and neighbours, and your means of livelihood, as these families found. Since coming to Karachi over a year ago, they have had to rely on 'the kindness of strangers' for sustenance. Family members with earning potential have been jobless or stuck in low-paying jobs due to physical insecurity, mental anxiety and depression, and lack of contacts. Meanwhile, volunteers have been raising money on an ad hoc basis. When it runs out, they scramble for more. It is a constant battle. "We need to chalk out a long-term plan to deal with these issues," notes advocate Faisal Siddiqi, who has been working pro bono on these cases on behalf of the War Against Rape (WAR), Karachi. At a recent meeting with the survivors and their families to give them a realistic picture of the situation and impress upon them the need for self-sustenance given WAR's limitations, he told them to be prepared for a long haul -- "at least seven or eight years." Once the sessions court hands down its judgement (acquittal or punishment) after the trial which is currently in its initial phase, there is typically an appeal regarding the judgement before the High Court, then another appeal, and a review, before the Supreme Court. These main legal proceedings are further held up by the "collateral legal proceedings" like the bail of an accused and appeal against it. As for the humanitarian angle, WAR is not a social welfare organisation. But its workers and volunteers find themselves having to go beyond the legal help and counselling that they are equipped to provide, and help the displaced family with shelter, food, health, schooling, and even contacting potential employers. After taking on Kainat and Naseema's cases, WAR found it necessary to start a Crisis Fund. It has also increased efforts to forge institutional linkages, for example with Indus Hospital which is providing the families with free medical aid and the Rahnuma Trust (which works with Indus Hospital) which pays for their prescription medicines. Efforts are afoot to send the displaced children back to school, including Kainat who was in class 8 when the incident happened. Another charitable foundation is paying for books, uniforms and other expenses. Kainat's family (eleven of them) lives in a bare two-room rental in Karachi. It is a far cry from their own place ("the best in our neighbourhood," says Tasleem) but it's secure, situated below the absentee landlord's top floor apartment. Back home, Ghulam Nabi Soomro was a respected citizen, president of the transporters' union, able to support his family comfortably. He now updates a WAR worker, Kainat sitting by him on a mat on the floor, eyes downcast, clasping and unclasping her hands. Their economic situation is precarious despite the number of family members with earning potential. Both Tasleem and Kainat's other sister-in-law are qualified Lady Health Visitors. Tasleem, a first division pass, applied for a transfer to Karachi that has been stuck at the Health Ministry for months. "You know that nothing happens without 'Quaid-e-Azams'," she says wryly, referring to the bribes required to 'move the file'. She has applied to various schools and institutions for employment. Tasleem's breastfeeding baby Muskan clambers around her mother who shows us the embroidered cloth pieces they want to sell. So far, there are no buyers. Tasleem's husband Noor Nabi, the only earning member of the family, brings in a paltry Rs2000 a month as a driver. A recent donation has enabled another brother, 17-year old Bilawal, to rent a pushcart and buy cosmetics to sell on the street below. "We don't like him going further because they (the perpetrators) are still around," says Kainat's father Ghulam Nabi Soomro, adding, "I always wore crisp white shalwar-kurta and held my head high. Now, my head is like this, low. The political leaders are fighting among themselves while we are stuck in the middle. I feel driven to the point of wanting to commit suicide..." This is how the rape survivor's trauma envelopes the entire family, particularly if they file a criminal case, forced displacement and lack of security adding to the psychological trauma and the long drawn out legalities. Mukhtaran Mai was an exception. In her high-profile case in 2002, supported by the media and local and international NGOs, the government had to provide police protection at her doorstep. Six years later however, despite her celebrity status, even she has yet to receive justice, her case still pending in court. At the fifth floor apartment in Karachi that Naseema's family has taken refuge in, a tangled mass of children, barely awake, huddle in one corner of the verandah. There are seven children in Naseema's family, including the eldest Naseema herself. Her mother's younger brother and his wife also live there with their six children, including a new baby. The families are inseparable, but the children often squabble, tensions exacerbated by being constantly cramped together. Brought up in a rural setting, they are afraid to step out (not that there are any open spaces nearby where they could get some fresh air). Some developed a vicious looking skin disease, now under control, that volunteers arranged treatment for. They are grateful to the political worker who provided this partially furnished place, gratis. "Otherwise, we would be out on the streets. We can't thank him enough," says Naseema's father Hamza Gaman Khan, a grizzled, sturdy 50-something. The constant din of buses in the street five floors down nearly drowns out his voice. Naseema, like Kainat, twists and untwists her thin fingers constantly. She has lost much weight over the past few months. She stopped going for the psychological counselling that the NGO had arranged during the tension-filled time when her case along with Kainat's was re-transferred to Dadu. They were later re-transferred back to Karachi after much effort. The oldest literate person here is Naseema's younger brother, Ali Asghar, 16, a student of class eight who tutored younger children in Sindhi before being uprooted. Naseema and her mother try to take pride in their skills, showing us the incomplete rillis (patchwork) they have made to sell. They are too afraid to go to the market to buy more material. There is no money, in any case. They cannot afford to pay for electricity, gas, or water -- they have to haul up buckets from a community tap downstairs; the 'stove' consists of two bricks fired by plank-wood. Donations raised are needed for the more essential food items. The day we visited, food had just run out -- they had been subsisting on tea since the day before. "We can bear anything but we can't bear to see the children hungry," said Hamza, his eyes welling over suddenly. Nasreen Siddiqui, a WAR volunteer who has been following the case for over a year, and is impressed with his courage and forbearance, said she had never seen him weep before. "We are not beggars, we want to work," said Hamza, showing a thick file of documents certifying his experience and reliability as a driver working on contract for a multinational company in Ghotki for almost thirty years. (The company subsequently employed him at their Karachi office). Jamaldin works as a daily wage labourer at a shipyard. That day, he was home with a back injury. Ali Asghar had a job at a restaurant kitchen in Clifton. Work started at 10 am and ended at midnight. With no money for transport, he walked the eight kilometres there and back every day. Shortly afterwards, he cut his hand while slicing onions and quit. A generous citizen has since offered to sponsor his education and pay a stipend. The parents have agreed but are afraid to send the younger ones to school. "If they kidnap a child, we would be terribly weakened," said Hamza. With Hamza's job and Ali Asghar's stipend, their lives may now be limping back to normalcy. But the trauma will remain. Charity destroys self respect. Even helping people find employment is band aid -- necessary, but band aid nonetheless. The real issue remains the rape of these girls and the fact that they are not getting justice. If they were to agree to a 'compromise', their troubles would be over in a flash. They could go home and resume their lives. That is not an option they are willing to consider, despite all the difficulties.
By Shoaib Hashmi Have you seen the new five rupee note yet? Has anyone! It seems millions have been printed and are being handed out by the State Bank, one wad of a hundred notes at a time to whoever is prepared to stand in line in the sweltering heat for a few hours, and whoever gets a few is selling them right there -- as ten rupee notes -- to whoever is not prepared to stand in line. Actually they are not being sold as ten rupee notes, that would be illegal, but a five hundred rupee wad is selling for eight to nine hundred rupees which comes to the same thing. The State Bank replaced the fiver with a coin, which lasts fifty times as long and is very convenient. Only the people who spend them for Eid or for showers at weddings, suddenly realised that kids who would readily accept a crisp new note would throw the coin back in your face, and a shower of coins at a wedding could cause a few bloody foreheads. So they started using ten rupee notes -- and even more suddenly realised they were spending twice as much! Cheapsters! So the bank has had to go back to notes all over again. Meanwhile I am having my own troubles. It is the Eid season, in fact by the time you read this Eid will have been and gone. But here it is still about a week to go, and I have my hands full trying to convince my four-year-old grandson that we can't go to the Grand Mosque of Lahore yet, and wait for Eid there! This will be his second time, see, he went last year and has spent the year filling the house with drawings of the mosque, all complete with three domes and four minarets. And now he can't wait. I too remember awaiting Eid with anticipation, but then many things have changed too since then. Back in my childhood we knew all about the 'royal' mosque of Lahore built three centuries ago and big enough to contain 100,000 people -- the largest in the world. It was later overtaken by the Merdeka Mosque in Jakarta; and still later by the Faisal Mosque in Islamabad. Ho ho! As the population of Lahore, or at any rate the 'Walled City' was about the same, the whole town congregated there for Eid Prayers which was very nice. Since then, Lahore has grown seventy or eighty times in people, and a hundred local venues for Eid Prayers have grown up all over town. Even thus the Grand Mosque threatens to burst at the seams each Eid. There is still the 'fair' in the streets around but it has changed. It used to be doll's kitchen utensils made of clay, and trumpets fitted with a reed, and animals made of saltpetre which we couldn't resist tasting as they were sour, and we went round with split tongues for weeks. Now it is all cheap plastic stuff, guns and planes. There are deeper changes! Each year there is a furore because the old fashioned 'Eid cards' are being replaced by email and SMS messages and little girls used to revel in getting Henna patterns for Eid on their palms. Gradually it grew into an industry with young women who could paint the most intricate arabesque designs on the little palms, and all the way to the elbows, and it took hours. Now I am told they have invented plastic stencils for the patterns, and they cover your forearm with one sweep of the brush, and make a fortune in half a day serving an entire neighbourhood. It gets worse! There are actual ads in the papers offering Henna coloured tattoos in whatever pattern you desire! The original patterns used to fade and wear off in about a week, the tattoos are guaranteed to last for years! Oh the good old days! And the five rupee coins and even more so when we had a one rupee note, and we thought it was a fortune if we got a crisp new one at Eid. Eid Mubarak!
The Punjab government initiates inquiry against the doling out of generous supplementary grants to media organisations by the previous setup, mostly through one advertising agency By Waqar Gillani The former Punjab government released supplementary but extraordinarily generous grants worth Rs2.73 billion to media organisations in the past five years. Almost 80 percent of this grant was given to only one private communication and advertising agency. Following the Feb 18 general elections and the swearing in of Mian Muhammad Shahbaz Sharif as chief minister of the province, a probe was ordered into the matter. A tribunal was formed for detailed investigation. However, the tribunal could not start the investigation immediately after its formation because certain elements moved the Supreme Court, urging it to stop this inquiry. The Supreme Court decided in favour of the new Punjab government. Following the verdict, the tribunal resumed work after the induction of an additional member. The tribunal has started its work on a day to day basis, a Punjab government official told TNS. The members include Additional Inspector General of Police Aftab Sultan (President), Chartered Accountant Viqar Ahmad Khan, AIG (development) Punjab police Mehr Abdul Khaliq Daad, who is the newly appointed member. The new Director General Public Relations (DGPR) Mohiuddin Vani is coordinating with the tribunal. The grant from public money was massive during the fiscal year 2007-08 when Rs1.77 billion was given to one media organisation. This was done by 'borrowing' funds from various departments and projects, TNS learnt from reliable government sources. According to these sources, the advertising agency receiving the largest share also ran the election campaign of former chief minister Punjab Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi. Sources added that the personal staff of Pervaiz Elahi, coordinating with the media even after the completion of his term as CM, kept drawing its salaries through the same advertising agency. These allegations have been refuted as "baseless" by the affected parties -- the agency as well as the staff of former chief minister. The agency claims it was awarded advertisements on merit while it won the bid to run the media campaign of PML-Q separately. According to details available with TNS, in the fiscal year 2007-08, a total of nine supplementary grants were released worth Rs1.770 billion. The details of these grants are as follows: first grant was worth Rs300,000; second Rs2,08,97,578; third, Rs4,63,03,000; fourth, Rs14,42,47,250; fifth, Rs19,40,000; sixth, Rs9,43,86,075; seventh, Rs14,66,24,000; eighth, Rs1,23,00,00,000; and ninth supplementary grant was worth Rs8,53,41,000. In total, the government released Rs358.738 million supplementary grants in 2006-07. In 2005-06, total amount of released grants was Rs119.872 million. In 2004-05, it was Rs69.498 million while in 2003-04 the amount released in different grants was Rs200.382 million. Director General Public Relations (DGPR) Mohiuddin Vani, who is also coordinating with the tribunal, told TNS that the tribunal would complete the task by the end of this month. After repeated attempts to get the advertising agency's version, a key official in its administration and finance department, on condition of anonymity, told TNS that the investigation through a tribunal was nothing but "political exploitation." He asserted that the release of grants to the agency was on merit "because it was the most qualified." "It seems that the new government is aiming at victimisation of 'certain elements'," the official said. He added that as far as the election campaign of PML-Q and Ch Pervaiz Elahi was concerned, the organisation won the bid to run this campaign. "Since, there was no other competitive organisation, so we were given this contract and it had nothing to do with other grants released by the government." The chief executive of the agency was not available for comments. Former chief minister Ch Pervaiz Elahi has already told the media that all such probes started by the new government are part of "political victimisation." The commission has been set up in exercise of powers conferred by section four (II) of the Punjab Tribunals of Inquiry Ordinance 1969. The purpose of the tribunal is an inquiry into the matter of Public Importance related to the release and utilisation of government money or public funds during the financial year 2006-2007 and 2007-2008 for running a massive print and electronic media campaigns of political advertisements. The tribunal has been sanctioned the authority to question any person or organisation. The tribunal has also been authorised to order a police investigation into any matter coming before it. The tribunal, in its detailed terms of reference and functions, has been asked to determine whether an effective mechanism of the advertisement release and performance evaluation was in place. Moreover, also to assess whether tangible results were achieved by the advertisement campaign, by incorporating using both qualitative and quantitative approaches. The tribunal's ToRs According to the ToR, the government has also empowered the tribunal to: • Verify the specific advertisements grants for specific purposes. • Verify electronic spots aired on various television or radio channels. • Verify the bids or quotations for production charges of films or advertisement meant for telecast or broadcast on electronic media. • Ascertain the consent of advertising departments of the Government for conversion of regular advertisements (IPL) into specific advertisement (SPL). • Verify increase in the numbers of newspapers without formal request of the newspapers and requirement of advertising departments of the Government. • Enquire about the observance of codal formalities, publicity and transparency before engaging the advertising agencies for various departments of the Government. • Verify about the judicious release of advertisement to national and regional newspaper. • Enquire and ascertain the fact that grants released by the Government to clear outstanding dues of national and regional newspapers were misappropriated and who were the beneficiaries of such misappropriation. • Enquire and ascertain the fact as to whether 5 percent quota of advertisements was released and equitably distributed to all linguistic newspapers, or otherwise. • Assess as to whether policies, procedures and rules were kept in view while releasing the Government campaigns to the media and whether funds or grants were utilised for the specific purpose or otherwise. • Highlight fraudulent or corrupt practices in the payments of these grants. • Inspect the documents such as vouchers, bills, invoices, approvals and all other relevant documents for the purposes of this inquiry. • Analyse as to whether the relevant receipts and release record pertaining to the issuance of advertising was properly maintained. • Verify if the standard book of advertisement sections was prepared in accordance with the relevant accounting standards so that the financial position of the same can be checked at any time. • Verify as to whether the standard book of account such as cash book, bank book, ledgers were maintained as per rules. • Inquire the process of the advertisement release and appointment of advertising agencies by checking the cooperative statement through which appointment work was done along with checking of the terms and conditions of the task. • Determine as to whether an effective mechanism of the advertisement release and performance evaluation was in place. • Assess as to whether tangible results were achieved by the advertisement campaign, by using both qualitative and quantitative approaches. • Inquire about adherence to transparent and merit based criteria for selection of newspaper, advertisement agencies and various television and radio channels, and; • Highlight any other matter pertaining to transparency or incidental to any of the functions specified above. -- W. Gillani If the US electorate chooses jingoistic nationalism as a response to the present outcry against US imperialism, it could mean a more aggressive implementation of the Bush doctrine The US presidential elections, to be held in about four weeks, are being described by analysts as one of the most crucial elections in the country's history. Not only does the future of the US depend on the American electorate, but the outcome of these elections will have an impact on the geo-politics of an intensely volatile world we live in. The US is facing one of the worst economic recessions in the past 30 years, with unemployment at over six percent and a mortgage crisis threatening many American households. The Wall Street meltdown, which saw major corporations like Lehman Brothers and AIG go bankrupt, has pushed the world towards an unprecedented economic crisis. The Iraq war is deeply unpopular and there is a general perception that the US is losing the 'war on terror'. Barack Obama (Democratic nominee) was able to inspire millions with his message of change, describing his Republican rival John McCain as "out of touch" with the lives of ordinary Americans. However, the tables are now turning. The entry of Sarah Palin, a little known Governor from Alaska, as the vice presidential nominee of John McCain has changed the dynamics of the Presidential race. Her close links to the Christian right has fired up the Republican base who was suspicious of McCain's intent on social issues. A self-described "hockey mom" she has brought excitement to the Republican camp as a possible first woman Vice President. Her attractive looks and star power have helped boost McCain's poll ratings as many white female voters are switching to the side of America's latest celebrity. However, Sarah Palin's knows little about crucial world issues and many of her views are outrageous. Palin's church believes that the war in Iraq is being waged on the orders of God. She has never been outside the US except Canada and has only visited US troops stationed in Kuwait once in 2007. In an interview with ABC's Charlie Gibson, Palin did not know about the 'Bush doctrine', a doctrine that gives America the right to a pre-emptive strike against a nation it deems to be dangerous. It has been the cornerstone of America's foreign policy and Governor Palin's ignorance about it raise concerns about her lack of knowledge on foreign policy issues. She even talked about going to war with Russia (was she serious?) if Georgia and Ukraine are attacked by Russia again. In her defense, Cindy McCain (John McCain's wife) stated that Governor Palin has the required foreign policy experience as "she can see Russia from her home in Alaska." Despite this nonsensical defence, the media has been very critical of her, yet polls show that she keeps on increasing the popularity ratings of the Republican ticket. This is ample proof of the degeneration of mainstream American politics. Both the presidential candidates are trying to act tough in order to prove to the American public that they will be the right choice for the commander-in-chief and to win the war on terror. This hawkish attitude has meant that Obama has consistently moved towards the right. He was an ardent supporter of the Palestinian cause and a fierce critic of the war on terror. However, during the campaign, he has declared himself a "close friend of Israel" and has asked for increasing the attacks inside Pakistan in order to win the war on terror. This is where the problem for Pakistan begins. The recent attacks on the Pakistani soil, including a ground incursion, are linked to the American presidential campaign. Obama has criticised the Bush administration's war in Iraq, which Obama says was a distraction from the 'real' war in Afghanistan and the tribal areas. This prompted the Bush administration to increase the troops on the Afghan border by shifting many of them from Iraq in order to fend off the criticism from the Democratic Party. This could mean more trouble for Pakistan. The mainstream US media has been criticising the Pakistani government for playing a double a game with the US. In June, Admiral Mullen accused the ISI of helping extremists in Afghanistan. In a recent editorial, The Washington Post called upon the US government to ignore protests by the Pakistani government and increase its attacks on Pakistani soil. Christopher Hitchens, an ex-Marxist who has converted to neo-conservatism, wrote in his recent article that Pakistan is enemy number one and is destabilising friendly regimes in Afghanistan and India. Hitchens also supported the war in Iraq and now says that confrontation with Pakistan was inevitable. Even Ahmad Rashid, who happens to be a close friend of Christopher Hitchens, in his latest book states that al-Qaeda leadership is based around Quetta and the US would have to put more pressure in Pakistan in order to defeat the Taliban. This sentiment is widely reflected in the presidential elections of the US. John McCain, who had initially supported diplomatic solutions with Pakistan, has also changed his tone. Sarah Palin, when asked about attacks inside Pakistan, stated that the US should do "whatever is necessary to protect the US." It is ironic that the US supported a dictatorial regime in Pakistan for seven years despite repeated allegations against it. However, within six months of the present civilian government, the US has started pressurising it like never before. This has further flamed the anti-American sentiment, something that has been a weak point of the American policy as it has consistently lost the war for the hearts and minds of the people. However, the US media is keeping up the hype on national security and both the mainstream parties are willing to play on that pitch. What the powerbrokers in Washington are failing to realise is that the world has changed since 1991. The end of the Cold War and the emergence of the unipolar world meant that the US basically had a free ride in the world. Recent events show that the US has lost that hegemony in the world. In South America, Bolivia and Venezuela have kicked out the American ambassadors against alleged US attempt to overthrow Evo Morales' government. Honduras has also refused to accept the new 'Yankee' ambassador while Chile has threatened to send the ambassador back in solidarity with Bolivia. All countries of South America have supported Evo Morales in a recent conference held in Chile. This is unprecedented for Latin America that falls under America's 'sphere of influence' and has been the laboratory of the neo-liberal agenda since the 1980s. The Russian invasion of Georgia has been the first act by a major power challenging the US authority and all Washington could do was observe as Russian tanks rolled into Georgia. The pro-US government in Ukraine has also collapsed while the Iraqi and Afghan governments remain as unstable as ever. For the first time since the end of the cold war, America is losing its traditional grip over strategic regions around the world. Thus, these American elections are crucial for the future of the US, and consequently, for the world. One choice for the American electorate is that it accepts the mistakes made by the American government and view it as the main reason for the anti-American sentiment around the world. Such recognition may result in mutual respect amongst countries and will also improve the international standing of the US. On the other hand, if the US electorate chooses jingoistic nationalism as a response to the present outcry against US imperialism, we might see more of the same with an added vigour. This could mean a more aggressive implementation of the Bush doctrine, more bloody wars and a possible new front against Pakistan!
RIPPLE
EFFECT •You are abnormal in Pakistani society if you follow the traffic rules and regulations. •You are abnormal in Pakistani society if you drive sensibly, use your vehicle's indicator lights properly and display a solid civic sense. •You are abnormal if you keep the lift door open for someone about to enter it. •You are abnormal if you thank the person who has kept the door of the lift open for you. •You are abnormal if you warn someone who is about to enter a lift that it doesn't work properly. •You are abnormal if you are considerate enough to respect the privacy of your neighbours. •You are abnormal if you are considerate enough to respect the right of your neighbours and not listen to loud music or have television sounds coming from your flat. •You are abnormal if you train your young children to not create a ruckus and admonish them if they do when the whole family is in a public place such as a restaurant or a cinema hall. •You are abnormal if you explicitly tell your children that they must litter and dispose of waste in a designated waste-collection bin such as a waste-paper basket (when in the home) or a car ashtray or waste dispenser (when inside a moving vehicle). •You are abnormal if you don't throw litter on the road and make sure that you do it at home so that it can be disposed of easily. •You are abnormal if you don't smoke in a 'no-smoking area'. •You are abnormal if you don't try and break the line at the bank/airport/utility bill counter. •You are abnormal if you speak out and reprimand staff at the bank or airport who entertain those who cut the line and take your and everyone else's turn. •You are abnormal if you stop anyone else from breaking the line at the bank or airport. •You are abnormal if you don't spit after walking every metre or so, and don't scratch you know what -- all the while leering at a group of women walking by. •You are abnormal if you don't ask your colleagues how much they earn, why they haven't yet married and/or why they haven't had their second child yet. •You are abnormal if you do not have iftari in a hotel or a restaurant as if it were the last meal of your life. You are abnormal if you are a woman and don't cover your head when you venture out of your home. •You are abnormal if you are a woman and deal with the plumber/AC technician/electrician and so on in the absence of your husband. •You are abnormal if you don't exhibit/display outward signs of your religious inclination and feeling. You are abnormal if you don't say 'Allah hafiz' (you say 'Khuda hafiz'). •You are abnormal if you don't ask others whether they kept all their rozas. •You are abnormal if you believe in the philosophy of 'live and let live'. •You are abnormal if you don't call the Ahmedis and other non-Muslims kafirs. •You are abnormal if you think that America is not behind everything bad that happens inside Pakistan. •You are abnormal if you think that Muslims are primarily responsible for the suicide bombings and attacks taking place inside the country. •You are abnormal if you think that Pakistan actively supports the Afghan Taliban, that their shura is indeed based in Quetta and that some of Pakistan's intelligence agencies are still actively supporting such groups by providing them funds, training and/or logistical support. •You are abnormal if you think that the Pakistani Taliban are remnants of the jihadi outfits that were used by Pakistan's intelligence agencies to fight its proxy wars in Indian-held Kashmir and Afghanistan, both before and after the fall of the Taliban government in Kabul. •You are abnormal if you don't blame every politician that comes along for all the ills of the country. •You are abnormal if you don't lionise the military and do not overlook the many years of military dictatorship and its disastrous effects for Pakistan's economy and society. •You are abnormal if you don't think that General Zia was a good ruler who had his heart in the right place and under whom Pakistan became Islam's gehwara. •You are abnormal if you question what is taught to you in your textbooks. •You are abnormal if you think about some of the inherent contradictions in some of the country's founding fathers, especially between how they lived their lives and how textbooks and the state-owned media say they did. One can go on and on. For now, it can be concluded by saying that in this country, you are abnormal if you follow the law and respect the rights of others. The writer is Editorial Pages Editor of The News. Email: omarq@cyber.net.pk
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