factsheet
It’s a hard life

It’s high time both the federal and the provincial legislatures responded to the state of child rights in the country and enacted all pending bills related to child rights
By Arshad Mahmood
The Universal Periodic Review (UPR) Working Group’s 14th session was scheduled to take place from October 22 to November 5, 2012 in Human Rights Council, Geneva, Switzerland. Pakistan’s review is scheduled from 09:00 to 12:30 hours on Tuesday October 30, 2012 while the report on Pakistan will be adopted on Friday November 02, 2012.The UPR is a United Nations review mechanism of the overall human rights situation of all UN Member States, by all UN Member States. This includes child rights issues. The review is based on three reports: 1) the State’s national report, 2) a compilation of UN information on the State prepared by the Office of the High Commissioner (OHCHR) and 3) a summary of other relevant stakeholders’ information, including NGOs’, prepared by the OHCHR. 


The ABC of primary education
Focusing on primary education should form the basis of our debate on improving education standards
By Irfan Mufti
The ratio of children dropping out of schools is increasing at an alarming pace. The phenomenon has many reasons mostly related to poverty, poor quality of education, and resistance to girls education, etc.Pakistan is among the few countries of the world where school drop-out rate at primary level is big. According to Annual Status of Education Research (ASER) 2011 released by South Asian Forum for Education Development (SAFED), more than 20 million children from the age 6 to 16 are out of school and of them 15 million never enrolled and about 5 million are dropped out at grade one.  Ironically, 60 percent of these are girls. Out of 5 million drop-outs, mostly in the age bracket of 14 to 16, 60 percent are from government schools, 18 percent are from private schools and about 1.7 percent come from madrassahs.

 

governance
The poverty challenge

Despite their commitment to the poor, successive governments have contributed to inflation
By Tahir Ali
Life for Fazal Malik of Mardan, 60, has been tough. Uneducated and without any assets or business, he did manual labour for years to earn livelihood for his wife, four daughters and two sons. He is now too old and weak to work. One of his daughters is mentally retarded. His elder son is uneducated and jobless and the younger did his matriculation but failed to find job and is now an addict. Worse, they had sold their ancestral house to treat his addict son and account for other domestic expenses. One of his daughters, who receives about Rs10,000/month from a private job, is the only bread-earner for the family. But the monthly rent and health, food and other expenditures are too big for her meagre income. With no help from any pro-poor programme, Malik has started begging.

Being accountable
Introducing social accountability in education service delivery at the local level can bring improvement in the quality of education
By Gulbaz Ali Khan
Community inclusion in the governance of education at the local level is present in the devolved system through Parent Teacher Councils (PTCs) and Citizen Community Boards (CCBs). The purpose of community involvement is to share ownership of schooling, facilitate the planning process, prioritise education at the local level, monitorg and evaluate, and ensure transparency and accountability. However, the local community could not be engaged properly in the system as the mandate of these community-led initiatives are limited which do not offer practical powers to hold the local education management accountable. 

heritage
Development in reverse

Development, population growth and a certain mindset are some of the factors that are destroying the rock art of Swat
By Rafiullah Khan
The past is not only a scarce resource but it is also the most threatened one. The threat is largely posed by the process of ‘development’. Pakistan is not an exception to this situation. This is an alarming situation because in this way the material sources of human history are being destroyed.All the rock art sites of the Swat Valley are vulnerable to destruction. And there are certain reasons behind it. It ranges from the obscurantist mindset of the people (obviously due to the education system, role of the media and some puritanical missions) to the trends of development and modernisation, the issue of the population growth and, in turn, the contraction of space.


A better formula
A mix of old and new farming techniques can increase production considerably
By Dr. Ghazanfar Ali Khan and Dr. Babar Shahbaz
We are mostly entrapped in a situation that innovators (the people who first of all adopt the innovation) are the best categories of farmers in the perspective of adoption of agricultural innovations and the laggards (who are resistant to change) are criticised. There remains a paradoxical situation to decide whether there is any place for the people having traditional ideas. These people do not want to adopt change at once and try to thrash out new things with the strength of their experience. However, they have to face the music in this context.Young people, sometimes, are having a superiority complex and look down upon the old people. Can we move on the road of sustainable agriculture with this obsession?


At the higher level
Universities in the public sector find it diffcult to manage with
lack of funds
By Dr Noman Ahmed
Public sector universities in the country are facing a tough financial situation due to limited or no funds supply from the Higher Education Commission (HEC).It has been found that the HEC has in turn received grants far below the scientifically calculated funds communicated to the Finance Division of the federal government. Rumours of various flavours are abound in this respect.Some observers believe that both the HEC and universities are paying the price of their task of degree verification work that adversely affected the tenure and status of many a parliamentarians and senators. Others consider that there is lukewarm support from key decision makers towards higher education sector.Funding is diverted to either those sectors where a quick political dividend is ensured in the form of better election results or petty development works to satisfy political power wielders. 



firstperson
Academic value

The recent shooting of Malala Yousufzai showed us two things.
Pakistanis— especially girls — are determined to acquire education come what may. It also showed us the real and present dangers in society
By Tahir Kamran
Professor Akbar S. Ahmed is the Ibn Khaldun Chair of Islamic Studies and professor of International Relations at American University in Washington, D.C. Born in Allahabad, Dr. Ahmed is a distinguished anthropologist, writer and filmmaker. He has taught at Princeton, Harvard, and Cambridge Universities and has been called “the world’s leading authority on contemporary Islam” by the BBC. Dr. Ahmed first became interested in Muslim leadership and its impact on Muslim society in the 1980s — when he was Pakistani Commissioner in Balochistan. The study of global Islam and its impact on contemporary society has been the major focus of his work since. His books include:

 

 

 

factsheet
It’s a hard life
It’s high time both the federal and the provincial legislatures responded to the state of child rights in the country and enacted all pending bills related to child rights
By Arshad Mahmood

The Universal Periodic Review (UPR) Working Group’s 14th session was scheduled to take place from October 22 to November 5, 2012 in Human Rights Council, Geneva, Switzerland. Pakistan’s review is scheduled from 09:00 to 12:30 hours on Tuesday October 30, 2012 while the report on Pakistan will be adopted on Friday November 02, 2012.

The UPR is a United Nations review mechanism of the overall human rights situation of all UN Member States, by all UN Member States. This includes child rights issues.

The review is based on three reports: 1) the State’s national report, 2) a compilation of UN information on the State prepared by the Office of the High Commissioner (OHCHR) and 3) a summary of other relevant stakeholders’ information, including NGOs’, prepared by the OHCHR.

From Pakistan a number of stakeholders’ reports have been submitted by different civil society organisations focusing on different areas such as human rights, women’s rights, minorities’ situation, labour rights, right to information and child rights. I’ll briefly discuss the concerns and recommendations raised by the Child Rights Movement (CRM), a coalition of 108 national and international organisations working for child rights in Pakistan in its report.

The CRM report highlights the fact that there is no an independent body at the federal level with a statutory status for reporting, coordination and monitoring for the implementation of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) and its Optional Protocols and have recommended that the Government of Pakistan should establish an independent National Commission on the Rights of Children (NCRC) by passing the long pending NCRC bill.

While highlighting the issue of malnutrition, the civil society report states that malnutrition is contributing to 35 percent of all under-5 deaths in Pakistan. According to UNICEF, 32 percent of infants have low birth-weight (recorded in 2006 and 2010). In 2010, the infant mortality rate was 70/1000 and under-5 mortality rate was 87/1000.

As a result, Pakistan is at risk of failing to reach its MDGs targets on maternal and child health. Pakistan should take all legislative, administrative and other appropriate measures to develop and implement comprehensive food security and malnutrition prevention and response programmes recommended the CRM.

The report further states that Pakistan has ratified three conventions related to children: UNCRC and ILO’s Conventions 138 (the Minimum Age Convention) and 182 (Convention on the Worst Forms of Child Labour) however, little progress has been made in amending existing or introducing new legislation to comply with the provisions of these conventions. The report also highlights cases of severe torture and abuse of child domestic workers.

The civil society report recommends that Pakistan should introduce new laws and where required amend existing laws to implement the provisions of these conventions and to ban child domestic labour under the Employment of Children Act (ECA) 1991.

The report also highlights child protection issues like corporal punishment and child marriages and recommended to immediately enact the long awaited Prohibition of Corporal Punishment and the Child Marriages Restraint (Amendment) Bills to prohibit corporal punishment in all its forms and raise the minimum marriageable age for girls from 16 to 18 years, along with strict penalties for violations.

The CRM report highlighted stark statistics related to the number of child sexual abuse cases (1,839 in 2008, 2,012 in 2009, 2,595 in 2010): On average, six children are sexually assaulted every day, but reported cases are only a fraction of all cases due to social taboo. CRM recommends that Pakistan should ensure that professionals working on the front line with children, such as teachers, medical professionals, school counselors, and police personnel, are sensitized and trained to appropriately respond to child sexual abuse, including prevention, detection and management.

There are an estimated 1.2 million children living and or working on the streets in major cities of Pakistan. Following the floods in 2010 and 2011, and ongoing conflict in the tribal areas, there has been a surge of street children. The federal and provincial governments in Pakistan should support mechanisms for rehabilitation and reunification of children living and or working on the streets recommended the CRM.

The civil society report further states that the Juvenile Justice System Ordinance (JJSO), 2000, is little recognised or known among law enforcement agencies, and officials are generally not sensitized or qualified to deal with children’s issues. Furthermore, the law does not override, but is in addition to, several laws such as         the Army Act, Frontier Crimes Regulation, Action (in Aid Civil Power) Regulation, Anti-terrorism Act, Control of Narcotics Substance Act, Punjab Prohibition of Kite Flying Ordinance and the Railways Act to name a few.

Under these laws, harsh punishments including death sentence and life imprisonment can be imposed upon children. The Government of Pakistan should take measures to ensure that the JJSO overrides other laws in cases involving children and take solid steps for the implementation of the JJSO including the establishment of exclusive juvenile courts, appointment of probation officers and budgetary allocation.

Similarly, the minimum age for criminal responsibility that currently stands at 7 years under Section 82 of the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) should be increased immediately to an internationally accepted level i.e. 12 years. A Child Protection Criminal Laws (Amendment) Bill has been pending since 2009 in which the minimum age of criminal responsibility was proposed to increase from 7 to 10 years under Section 82     and from 12 to 14 years under Section 83 of the PPPC.

National birth registration average is at a dismal 29.5 percent as Pakistan has not taken sufficient measures to remove structural obstacles to birth registration and harmonize birth registration systems across the country.

The CRM recommended that Pakistan should take legal and administrative measures to remove obstacles to birth registration (particularly for marginalized segments of society, e.g. single parents children, children out of wedlock, street children and orphans) and harmonize laws related to birth registration across the country by 2015.

While highlighting the state of education in the country, the report stated that about 7 million children are not attending primary school in Pakistan; approximately 60 percent of these are girls. Accordingly, more than 50 million Pakistanis above 10 years of age are illiterate.

Through a positive constitutional amendment Article 25A was inserted in the Constitution of Pakistan in 2010, where education has been made a fundamental right of every child from 5 to 16 years of age however; neither the federal nor provincial governments have introduced laws to implement the Article. Both the federal and provincial legislature should enact laws Pakistan that should comply with Article 25-A (the Right to Education).

Pakistan ratified the Optional Protocol to the UNCRC on Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography in October 2011; however, the Child Protection (Criminal Law) Amendment Bill 2009, which would provide for preventive and protective measures against sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography is still pending to be placed before the National Assembly of Pakistan for enactment. Pakistan should translate ratification of the Optional Protocol on Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography into national laws.

Pakistan has introduced the Action in Aid for Civil Power Regulations (AACPRs) for the Federally Administrated Tribal Areas and Provincially Administrated Tribal Areas. These regulations allow for the confinement of an individual for 120 days without the authority of the magistrate.

Furthermore, the Regulations state that for 120 days, there will be no legal representation or trial, and a single statement by an official from the Law Enforcement Agencies is sufficient to prove a suspect guilty of an offence and set a death sentence, which cannot be challenged at any other legal forum. Pakistan should immediately abolish the AACPRs and proper administrative and judicial procedures should be applied in accordance with the Constitution of Pakistan in FATA and PATA.

The issues raised and recommendations made in the civil society report clearly highlight the state of affairs in the country as for as child rights are concerned. Pakistan’s periodic report being party to the Convention on the Rights of the Child is also due later this year.

Therefore, its high time for both the federal and provincial legislature to respond to the state of child rights in the country and immediately enact all pending bills related to child rights. Similarly, budgetary allocation should also be made to ensure that the laws are not limited to law books only and a visible change is witnessed in the child rights situation in the country.

 

The writer is a member of the Child Rights Movement and tweets @amahmood72

 

 

The ABC of primary education
Focusing on primary education should form the basis of our debate on improving education standards
By Irfan Mufti

The ratio of children dropping out of schools is increasing at an alarming pace. The phenomenon has many reasons mostly related to poverty, poor quality of education, and resistance to girls education, etc.

Pakistan is among the few countries of the world where school drop-out rate at primary level is big. According to Annual Status of Education Research (ASER) 2011 released by South Asian Forum for Education Development (SAFED), more than 20 million children from the age 6 to 16 are out of school and of them 15 million never enrolled and about 5 million are dropped out at grade one.  Ironically, 60 percent of these are girls.

Out of 5 million drop-outs, mostly in the age bracket of 14 to 16, 60 percent are from government schools, 18 percent are from private schools and about 1.7 percent come from madrassahs. 57 percent of these children are less than 5 years of age. It is also important to note that only 80 percent of enrolled children finish primary school education and roughly 20 pc are dropped out at different stages. These figures speak volumes about the quality of public school system in Pakistan.

The ASER report also highlights some of the key challenges facing the education sector in Pakistan. In rural areas, one out of every five children between the age of 6 and 16 is not enrolled in school. The numbers jump to almost 60 pc when it comes to access to pre-primary education. Even the children who attend schools are not gaining the skills schools are expected to teach them.

Only 41 percent of Class 3 children are able to read a sentence in Urdu. The numbers are much lower when you look at the data from government schools. According to World Development Index 2010, the total enrollment at primary level is 74 percent as opposed to an estimated world average of 90 percent which means 26pc children are out of school. Percentage of children from the age of 3 to 5 is very high. Ratio of children out of school or dropped out is very high in Sindh, Balochistan and FATA. It is 62.4pc in Sindh, 64.7pc in Balochistan and 65pc in FATA.

The has also been dismal, particularly in government schools and in rural areas. Government schools are often characterised by severe limitations, such as a lack of basic facilities, inadequately trained and often absent teachers, and a severe shortage of learning materials and books.

Similar to the trends of other countries, the primary school system seems to be failing children right from the start. Of children who do enroll in school, less than half complete primary school. The drop-out rate is highest in the first grade — with approximately one out of every six children who is enrolled never makes it to the second grade.

The gender ratio in education is also disturbing. There is a great difference in the rates of enrollment of boys, as compared to girls in Pakistan. According to ASER 2011 figures, primary school enrolment for girls stands at 34 percent as compared to 66 percent for boys. The secondary school enrolment rate stands at a lower rate of 32 per cent for females and 46 per cent males.

Regular school attendance for female students is estimated to be at 41 per cent while that for male students is 50 per cent.  These figures also vary sharply from province to province. In Punjab, against 59.2 percent boys enrolled in primary schools only 40.8 pc girls are school-going. In Sindh, male/female ratio is 65:34, Balochistan 71:29, KPK 65:35, and in FATA the contrast is sharpened with 78:22.

Female to male ratio of enrollment in primary education has improved in the last two decades. In 1990-91, the female to male ratio of enrollment was 0.47 for primary level of education. It reached to 0.74 in 1999-2000, showing some improvement. For the middle level of education it was 0.42 in the start of decade and increased to 0.68 by the end of decade, so it has improved almost 62%. In both cases, the gender disparity is decreased but relatively more rapidly at middle level.

The gender disparity in enrollment at secondary level of education was 0.4 in 1990-91 and 0.67 in 1999-2000, showing that the disparity decreased by 67.5% in the decade. At the college level, it was 0.50 in 1990-91 and reached 0.81 in 1999-2000, showing that the disparity decreased by 64pc. Gender disparity has decreased comparatively rapidly at secondary school.

However, gender disparity is affected by the Taliban enforcement of a complete ban on female education in the Swat district, as reported by authentic sources. Some 400 private schools enrolling 40,000 girls have been shut down. At least 10 girls’ schools that tried to open after the January 15, 2009 deadline by the Taliban were blown up by the militants in the town of , the headquarters of the Swat district.

More than 170 schools have been bombed or torched, along with other government-owned buildings. Similarly, hundreds of schools in other strife stricken areas of FATA, PATA, KPK, Balochistan are either destroyed or are dysfunctional due to unrest.

The other factor behind poor performance of education sector is mainly caused by low level of public investment. Public expenditure on education has been 2.2 percent of GNP in recent years, a marginal increase from 2 percent before 1984-85.

In addition, the allocation of government funds is skewed towards higher education, allowing the upper income class to reap majority of benefits of public subsidy on education. Lower education institutes such as primary schools suffer under such conditions as lower income classes are unable to enjoy subsidies and quality education.

As a result, Pakistan has one of the lowest rates of literacy in the world, and the lowest among countries of comparative resources and socio-economic situations.

Recently, in the 18th constitutional amendment, a new article is added to the Constitution. Article 25-A of the Constitution of Pakistan obligates the state to provide free and compulsory quality education to children of the age group 5 to 16 years. “The State shall provide free and compulsory education to all children of the age of five to sixteen years in such a manner as may be determined by law.”

With these fundamental rights now enshrined in the constitution, the government must fulfill its constitutional duty by providing free and quality education to children upto 16 years of age.

This long-awaited constitutional provision provides hope for all those deprived of access to educational opportunities, due to poverty, gender, ethnic and religious discrimination, or geographic immobility.

As a first step in June 2012, the Right to Free and Compulsory Education Act 2011 has been passed by the Senate of Pakistan for Islamabad Capital Territory (ICT). While this is, indeed, a positive initiative, more efforts are required to expedite the process in other provinces, FATA, PATA and Gilgit Baltistan.

There is an active campaign of citizens to collect one million signatures from out-of-school children (5-16 years) for the implementation of Article 25 A and demanding education shall be acknowledged as the highest priority. Parliamentarians and political parties must ensure new laws and policies to support education and allocate at least 4pc of the GDP for education.

Pakistan should also learn from other countries putting emphasis on quality education. In most countries of the world education is considered a basic human right and appropriate resources and arrangements are being made to ensure that right to education reaches to all in this age bracket.

The mission of Malala becomes extremely important in the backdrop of education status in Pakistan. By risking her life she has raised our consciousness on education and that too for those living in conflict areas. Her mission is clear: that the war against hatred, extremism, terrorism and bigotry can only be won through quality education for all.

 

The writer is Deputy Chief of South Asia Partnership Pakistan and Global Campaigner

irfanmufti@gmail.com

 

 

 

governance
The poverty challenge
Despite their commitment to the poor, successive governments have contributed to inflation
By Tahir Ali

Life for Fazal Malik of Mardan, 60, has been tough. Uneducated and without any assets or business, he did manual labour for years to earn livelihood for his wife, four daughters and two sons. He is now too old and weak to work.

One of his daughters is mentally retarded. His elder son is uneducated and jobless and the younger did his matriculation but failed to find job and is now an addict. Worse, they had sold their ancestral house to treat his addict son and account for other domestic expenses.

One of his daughters, who receives about Rs10,000/month from a private job, is the only bread-earner for the family. But the monthly rent and health, food and other expenditures are too big for her meagre income. With no help from any pro-poor programme, Malik has started begging.

With widespread poverty and few pro-poor programmes, Pakistan is prone to ethnic and religious extremism and has become a difficult place for the poor like him.

Despite their commitment to the poor, successive governments have increased the burdens of the poor. While unrestrained price-increases have been allowed, surcharges and taxes on gas, electricity, petroleum and other items of general consumption have also been multiplied that invariably add to the cost of living and throw millions beneath the poverty line. Enormous but untargeted subsidies have aggravated the poverty conundrum.

Article 37(a) of the Constitution of Pakistan says that “the state shall secure the well-being of the people, irrespective of sex, caste, creed and race, by raising their standard of living, by preventing the concentration of wealth and means of production and distribution in the hands of a few to the detriment of general interest,”.

And Article 25 (1) of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights stipulates that everyone has a right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and his family.

There is a difference of opinion on as to what constitutes poverty and who is poor. There is no standard formula available to measure poverty. It is measured by the household income expenditure by the Pakistan Bureau of Statistics. According to some, people living without certain level of incomes or calories (2350 calories per person) are poor but others measure it by multiple indices and say poverty entails multiple deprivations such as lack of access to education, health and electricity etc.

According to the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP), poverty is a multi-dimensional concept and is defined either narrowly on the basis of income or broadly by lack of access to opportunities for raising standard of life. The extent and depth of poverty measured through different approaches varies depending upon the indices used and definitions adopted.

However, there are some common characteristics of the poor namely, but not limited to, low literacy level, large family size, no or fewer physical assets, joblessness or a heavy reliance on daily manual labour for sustenance, are unskilled, thus work in the informal sectors and live mostly in rural areas or slums.

According to ONE organisation, an international advocacy group on poverty reduction, women are the worst affected by poverty. They work for longer hours earning less money, have fewer educational and political opportunities and are more vulnerable to failures of weak health systems and diseases than their male counterparts.

The present regime for the first time in Pakistan’s history didn’t include the chapter on poverty in the economic survey of Pakistan 2010-11. It reveals two things: one, fighting poverty is either low in its priorities; second, poverty incidence has gone up.

The Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI) reported recently that poverty incidence is 33 per cent in Pakistan or that around 59 million persons are living below the poverty line.

The SDPI report says 52 per cent population in Balochistan, 33 per cent in Sindh, 32 per cent in KP (that KP is less poor than Sindh is debatable) and 19 per cent in Punjab lives below the poverty line. It says that 20 districts in the country –16 in Balochistan and 4 in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa –have an acute poverty incidence with Kohistan in KP the most vulnerable district.

According to a research of the Higher Education Commission, poverty has increased to 40 percent in Pakistan in the last decade. The State bank of Pakistan puts the number of the poor at 62mn.

The Mahboobul Haq’s Centre, based on official data from the last six years, estimates that 29.2 per cent or 52.5mn persons live in poverty in Pakistan and thus adds that poverty ratio may have gone up.

The World Bank estimated in 2008 that 60.2 per cent of Pakistanis earn $2 a day in 2008, which often is the yardstick for measuring poverty, but in 2005 it had said that 73.8 per cent were poor in the country. These figures are questioned by economic experts.

The UNDP’s Human Development Report, 2011 ranks Pakistan at 145th with HDI value of 0.504, up from 0.503 in 2010 and 0.499 in 2009, through Pakistan’s rank has slipped a little during 2011. Pakistan’s Inequality Adjusted Poverty Index is 0.346 and multi-dimensional poverty index is 0.264.

It was in 2005 that the official poverty statistics were last released showing a decline in the calorie-based income poverty from 34.5 per cent in 2001 to 22.3 per cent in 2005. In 2007-08, the figure came down to 17.2 percent. The figure was accepted by the WB, IMF and ADB but the PPP regime didn’t release it officially.

It was astonishingly recorded at 12.4 percent in 2010-11 by an official team but the PPP government aptly decided not to release the figure. With this an election year, the government, as per reports, wishes to show that poverty incidence has decreased ever since this government came to power in 2008.

But the goal of poverty reduction becomes very difficult if high inflation, increasing indirect taxation, low economic growth that forces job cuts, declining and twisted development and pro-poor expenditures are taken into account.

Pakistan has initiated several safety net programmes to save the poor from economic shocks but according to a research, most of these pro-poor programmes are fragmented, have limited coverage, are poorly targeted (Only a fraction of Rs500bn spent by the government on different subsidies last year reached the poor) and most contribution are obtained by non-poor households, are characterised by slack implementation and monitoring capacity is very low.

Lack of access to markets/services, snags in agriculture development, illiteracy, political uncertainty that triggered frequent changes in regime that made long term development planning impossible, slump in businesses, low investment, increased joblessness for rising energy cuts and militancy, inflation and currency devaluation, recurrent natural calamities, un-targeted energy and food subsidies, inequitable income/resource distribution (the richest one per cent, it is estimated, grabbed 20 per cent of total income in 2001.

The Asian Development Bank ascribes rise in poverty to growing population, internal tensions, mounting defence expenditure, agricultural backwardness, unequal income distribution, swelling utility charges and rising non-productive activities.

Mr Wolfgang Herbinger, Director World Food Programme in Pakistan, argued last year that food prices were too high in Pakistan and it is a country full with food but with people who are too poor to buy it.

Changes in per capita income, economic conditions, unemployment situation, and remittances alter economic fortunes and force people move in or out of the poverty situation.

The level and intensity of poverty is dependent on the pace of economic growth, the degree of social, political, and economic inclusion or exclusion, weak governance, inefficient judicial system, poor service delivery performance and corruption and leakage.

The Rural Support Programs Network, through its dialogue with communities in different districts of Pakistan identified discriminatory education system, high incidence of health problems, widespread unemployment, few opportunities for women, lack of vocational skills, etc, as the reasons for rampant poverty.

According to another report, ‘Human Development in South Asia 2012’ ‘governance deficit’ is adversely hampering efforts to cut poverty despite big expenditures. “(It) increases out-of-pocket expense for health and education....and (causes) unequal access to water, sanitation and electricity.


Being accountable
Introducing social accountability in education service delivery at the local level can bring improvement in the quality of education
By Gulbaz Ali Khan

Community inclusion in the governance of education at the local level is present in the devolved system through Parent Teacher Councils (PTCs) and Citizen Community Boards (CCBs).

The purpose of community involvement is to share ownership of schooling, facilitate the planning process, prioritise education at the local level, monitorg and evaluate, and ensure transparency and accountability.

However, the local community could not be engaged properly in the system as the mandate of these community-led initiatives are limited which do not offer practical powers to hold the local education management accountable.

The developed community and system demands an active role of local administration and community to plan, monitor and evaluate their performance over time. However, weak fiscal autonomy, concentration of powers with supreme administrator head of district, negligible role of the PTCs and CCBs lead to poor outcomes at district level.

Communication for Effective Social Service Delivery (CESSD) is closely working with local governments and civil society organisations for bringing in improvements in social service delivery. It is well understood and acknowledged that poor monitoring and evaluation system in the public service delivery and lack of citizen engagement in the planning and oversight has shown poor results.

In this regard, CESSD is taking numerous initiatives at the local level which help to engage citizens in the accountability mechanisms. It has not only resulted in increased demand for improved services but also inclusion of citizens into different forums has greatly increased.

Social accountability refers to a broad range of actions and mechanism encouraging citizens, grass root communities, media and civil society organisations to hold public officials for the use of their powers. All around the globe, social accountability is employed by both, citizens and governments to improve service delivery and enhance democratic governance.

The variety of tools are employed, including participatory budgeting, public expenditure tracking survey, citizen report card, community score card, social audit, citizen charter, etc. The ultimate objective of these mechanisms is to promote transparency and accountability in the service delivery at the local level. These tools also enhance the citizen’s empowerment, level of commitment within the government, stubborn bureaucracy and bloated politicians.

It is of utmost important to disseminate the basic understanding and knowledge about these tools at wider scale for its large scale replication at local level. Community Score Card (CSC) has been chosen to empower marginalised communities to negotiate for better service delivery. It comprises of four key stages including tracking of input, feedback from community, evaluation of service provider and interface meeting between community and service provider for concrete action plan.

This is the first ever CSC in education sector in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. For this purpose, after series of deliberations and consultation with Government of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (GoKP), two education circles were selected in district Mardan. A massive mobilisation campaign was started in Katlang and Takkar education circles under which orientation sessions with community and local education administration were conducted on key concepts of social accountability and CSC.

These sessions were also held at provincial level with P&D and education departments for more clarity on social accountability and its tools. 

Currently, there are 105 boys and 65 girls’ schools in Katlang circle while 59 boys and 43 girls schools in Takkar circle. These circles are chosen on the basis of low educational outcomes as well as the initial social mapping of the area by the field team.  Out of 84 schools, 12 are selected for CSC implementation.

The first two days were spent in training of facilitators and equipped them with basic facilitation skills and understanding of social accountability and CSC. Keeping with local values, separate teams of male and females were developed to target the boys and girls schools.       

The first stage of CSC is to develop input tracking sheet. The field teams conducted focus group discussions on the key inputs in the school with the parents of the children. The field teams in discussion with the parents developed input indicators and recorded the entitlements and actual position against them. It was revealed that majority of the community members are unaware of their rights and entitlements.

None of the community members knew about the right to education bestowed under the constitution of Pakistan. Very few know about the number of teachers in school as against the total number of students.

The next day, a series of group discussions were held with parents who after deliberations developed key performance indicators through consensus. A total of seven performance, i.e. Basic Amenities and Infrastructure, Human Resources, Enrolment and Retention, Quality of education, Community Participation, Co-curricular activities & Monitoring criteria were developed. Under these performance criteria, a total of 19 indicators were agreed upon.

A commonly agreed scale of 1-5 was used to gauge the perception of the community on these indicators. The facilitators through voting measure the responses against each indicator. The utmost care was exercised on participation of the poor and marginalized in the whole process.

On average, the communities rank all performance criteria at the low levels due to dilapidated education service delivery. The situation is even worse in female schools where the mother and teacher interaction is very minimal and weak monitoring of the district administration.

The beauty of CSC is shown in its community generated and self-evaluation indicators both by parents and teachers. A series of sessions held with teachers and administrators of the school for assessing their perception on the performance. Similar performance criteria and indicators were generated by the teachers and ranked accordingly.

Most importantly, lesser control over school’s physical and human resources and weak community participation emerge as disturbing factors impeding quality education. Gender divide is also quite obvious in the perception of male and female teachers in terms of evaluation.

A total of four Interface meetings were conducted separately for male and females. The meeting was attended by parents, teachers, education department officials, key political personalities, representatives from civil society, and media. It was nice to see experiences of parents and teachers being shared with each other.

Numerous interesting facts, denied by the parents and teachers, were debated to pursue improvements in education. This results in a concrete action plan at each school level which will be monitored and followed up by parents, teachers, CSOs and government representatives. It was decided to carry out another round of CSC to measure improvements to make a case for its replication all over the province.

The writer is a social accountability expert and may be reached at gulbazali@gamil.com

  

heritage
Development in reverse
Development, population growth and a certain mindset are some of the factors that are destroying the rock art of Swat
By Rafiullah Khan

The past is not only a scarce resource but it is also the most threatened one. The threat is largely posed by the process of ‘development’. Pakistan is not an exception to this situation. This is an alarming situation because in this way the material sources of human history are being destroyed.

All the rock art sites of the Swat Valley are vulnerable to destruction. And there are certain reasons behind it. It ranges from the obscurantist mindset of the people (obviously due to the education system, role of the media and some puritanical missions) to the trends of development and modernisation, the issue of the population growth and, in turn, the contraction of space.

Sir Aurel Stein vehemently laments the damages borne by the antiquities of Swat due the factor referred to here as the “obscurantist mindset”. I still feel reluctant to concede to this viewpoint despite the fact that the process of the annihilation of the cultural heritage of Swat Valley is a historical fact.

He relates this process with the arrival of the Yusufzai Pukhtuns into the area and, no doubt, ignore a series of political and cultural developments which took place during the first half of the second millennium of the Common Era. The succeeding three factors, mentioned above, may be termed as related in the context of Swat to the last four decades.

It is well said that the trend of development and the process of destruction are but the two interconnected facts. Such a phenomenon seems to dominate the current Swati society. The process of development and modernization in terms of art and architecture has struck at the roots of the indigenous wisdom. Similarly, the high growth in population has created so many problems; and one among them is the problem of space.

The people are in dire need of accommodation, hence a hasty construction activity. This kind of development, of course, poses a serious threat to the pre-Islamic cultural heritage of Swat. A great number of antiquities of the area are now conspicuous by absence and a still greater figure is under this threat in the very near future.

Presently the rock carving site of Fizagat, Mingawara – on the main Mingawara-Kalam road – is being threatened by the construction activity over the mountain by the road side. The theme of the carving is Buddhistic as scholars believe that one carving depicts Buddha and the other a seated Bodhisattva. This is the only rock carving in the nearby area and is in need of protection. It must be protected, of course.

The responsibility in this respect fells on the KP government, and fortunately enough the partners in alliance, ANP and PPP, claim to be parties of secular credentials. That the government will fulfill its responsibility is a credible expectation at a right moment. The role of the provential minister, Wajid Ali Khan, is of crucial importance in this context as the site in question lies in the heart of his constituency. The Provincial Department of Archaeology and Museums, KP, and the intelligentsia of Swat also have to play their roles in the reclamation of this important heritage.

In Pakistan, and even throughout the world, the Swat Valley is one of the richest areas in terms of archaeological and cultural heritage. It is being properly studied by Pakistani and Italian scholars. Among all its historical epochs the Buddhist period is perhaps the longest.

The Buddhist cultural heritage is found abundantly throughout the Swat Valley as a residue in the form of art and architecture. Rock art, rock painting, sculpture, narrative reliefs and stupas, monasteries and settlements areas of the Buddhist Swat reflect the civilisational achievements of the period.

One of the important mediums for visual manifestation of the Buddhist philosophy is the phenomenon of rock art. Swat is rich in this resource and it is extensively depicted throughout the Valley.

Interestingly, the study of Buddhist rock carving may be traced back to 1898 when Sir Aurel Stein documented a number of such sites in Buner. Later on, he further augmented the field with his seminal survey of Swat Valley in 1926.

The significance of the rock carving and painting of Swat Valley is to be appreciated vis-à-vis the reconstruction of religious, cultural and economic history of the olden days. They often happen along the historical routes used both for spiritual and mundane considerations.

Prof. Tucci observes in the report of his archaeological survey of Swat, ‘Roads and tracks linked up, as we shall see, the various places of pilgrimage and were marked as it were by stelae and rock carvings filling the hearts and minds of visitors with expectation and hope’. The presence of Buddhistic deities along the ancient routes obviously aimed at providing a sense of protection and safety in addition to the fulfillment of spiritual loftiness and compassion.

It is against the backdrop of the historical and cultural importance of this rock art that the protection and preservation of this heritage is much needed.

This piece of writing is a reminder to those in the corridor of power and authority to make proper (and immediate) arrangement for the protection of the Fizagat rock art site in particular and for all other heritage sites in general.

 

The writer is lecturer at Taxila Institute of Asian Civilizations

Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad

rafi_ula@yahoo.com

 

 

A better formula
A mix of old and new farming techniques can increase production considerably
By Dr. Ghazanfar Ali Khan and Dr. Babar Shahbaz

We are mostly entrapped in a situation that innovators (the people who first of all adopt the innovation) are the best categories of farmers in the perspective of adoption of agricultural innovations and the laggards (who are resistant to change) are criticised.

There remains a paradoxical situation to decide whether there is any place for the people having traditional ideas. These people do not want to adopt change at once and try to thrash out new things with the strength of their experience. However, they have to face the music in this context. 

Young people, sometimes, are having a superiority complex and look down upon the old people. Can we move on the road of sustainable agriculture with this obsession?

Change just for the sake of change may not be desirable; only sustainable change is desirable. We are forming the habit of seeking new things by overlooking the real pros and cons, especially in agriculture, an innovation is considered as beneficial for the target client (farmers).

The situation in the real perspective should be analysed while looking at the innovation with all its facets. It is a fact that we do not bother about the worth of indigenous or traditional knowledge.

Some scholars like Stan Burkey and Robert Chambers have highlighted the value of indigenous knowledge and traditional ideas for sustainability. Stan Burkey stressed that we should learn from the rural people in the realm of conducive environment of mutual respect, love and affection. It will substantially pave the way for the destination of sustainability. 

We appreciate the innovators who immediately adopt new things while we criticise others. It may be interesting to observe that the laggards might have also possess some sound grounds for adopting the things at last when they become fully convinced about the utility. We have spoiled our precious natural resources by injecting poisons in various forms like overuse of artificial fertilisers, pesticides and industrial wastes, and now genetically modified seeds, etc.

Although we are achieving high production rates but we are increasing levels of pollution. Sustainability remains a question mark. It seems indispensable to revisit our strategies to improve not only production but also develop nature-friendly agriculture.

Now it is time to realise that we have to get benefit from the traditional assets, i.e., experienced old farmers. One reason for this paradigm shift may be explained with an example; our forefathers had constructed such type of buildings and houses with proper ventilation and light for best utilisation of natural resources (sunlight, air). On the other hand, we are now making buildings which require more energy for getting light, ventilation, cooling and warmth.

Global demand of organic farming ascertains the importance of those practices which are closer to nature. Various natural patterns like Farm Yard Manure (FYM), green manuring, non polluted irrigation water, biological pest control contribute towards health and better environment. We have to make a transition from the stereotype if we want to develop our agriculture in a better and sustainable fashion.

Organic farming is a clear example that natural and purified way of growing crops is better than the poisoned and polluted way. Keeping pace with new technology seems necessary but sometimes we have to work on in such a way that a balance and equity between the new and old one should be there.

It seems rather difficult to keep both the formats simultaneously. But the real solution is that we can accept the new ideas but we have to decide about its aspects of acceptance and we can keep the old idea to an extent which is beneficial.

Treating the old as anti-development is not an appropriate way. The noteworthy point over here is accepting the worth of indigenous knowledge. The real assets of traditional knowledge are the old and experienced people.

The point was astonishing but interesting and our policy makers need to consider this issue vigilantly.

 

The authors are faculty members at the Institute of Agri. Extension & Rural Development, University of Agriculture. Faisalabad

At the higher level
Universities in the public sector find it diffcult to manage with
lack of funds
By Dr Noman Ahmed

Public sector universities in the country are facing a tough financial situation due to limited or no funds supply from the Higher Education Commission (HEC).

It has been found that the HEC has in turn received grants far below the scientifically calculated funds communicated to the Finance Division of the federal government. Rumours of various flavours are abound in this respect.

Some observers believe that both the HEC and universities are paying the price of their task of degree verification work that adversely affected the tenure and status of many a parliamentarians and senators. Others consider that there is lukewarm support from key decision makers towards higher education sector.

Funding is diverted to either those sectors where a quick political dividend is ensured in the form of better election results or petty development works to satisfy political power wielders. Research, professional education at higher level and knowledge do not surface as a priority.

The scenario of higher education sector requires a dispassionate review of the consequences of the prevailing financial malaise and what is expected to come. The nation is likely to grapple with a myriad of strategic problems and issues of security.

Given the situation in allocations, national stakeholders connected to security sector and establishment shall draw the lion’s share in the financial outlays. Education, and more importantly universities, is expected to receive a small pie, enough to keep the basics running and the staff and managements barely contented.

Abrupt change in government also causes shifts in the existing system. Time has come that innovative ideas and models be formulated to deal with this fundamental aspect in the progressive functioning of universities.

University managers will have to evolve long and short term initiatives to bolster finances for their campuses. A tried and tested recipe for financial health of universities is the creation of endowments and trust funds.

Almost all the top universities in the world have resorted to this approach. Harvard University receives incomes from its endowment fund which is about twice the foreign exchange reserves of our country. Similarly, the size of Stanford University is more than our foreign reserves. The introduction and spread of endowments can be enabled as a step-by-step move for public sector universities.

Those with a long extending past and spread out alumni can be chosen for experimenting the first phase. There are at least half a dozen universities in Pakistan that have an existence originating from the British Indian times.

Numerous types of endowments can be considered after an intensive interface with prospective philanthropists and donors. General support funds, endowments targeting human resource development, sector specific trusts and gender focused scholarships are only a small outline of potential categories.

Certain prerequisites need to be fulfilled in this respect. The respective provincial legislatures and governors should be approached through the right channels to initiate necessary bills and statutory instruments to steer this process in a smooth manner after the administrative spade work is done.

The generation, management and release of the funds require transparency and fund management skills to attract progressive donors.

There is enormous expertise available in the corporate and even public sectors which can be approached for advice. The universities then would be able to generate enough revenue in times to come if they become partially self sufficient through returns received from investments. However, they will require continuous effort as endowments may take years to mature.

The universities extending engineering, medical and business education have the unique advantage of connecting with corporate magnets. There are many corporations and groups that benefit from the universities in various ways. Induction of young professionals, conduct of basic events and even provision of technical advice are few examples.

A more meaningful relationship with the corporate sector can be envisaged by drawing common agendas. Exploration can take place in multifarious directions. A two way need analysis to examine the needs and requirements could be the first step.

Under institutions such as Federation of Pakistan Chamber of Commerce and Industry, (FPCCI), mechanisms can be evolved to develop mutually beneficial collaboration. Assorted consultancy assignments, product development and extending innovative ideas to corporate sector are some of the possibilities.

Universities possess the most technically and professionally endowed human resource. The doctorate faculty can be best utilised when involved in research. There are a host of research grants available from different types of organizations, including international financial institutions, UN agencies, philanthropic research endowments, bi-lateral agencies, NGOs and cooperative trust funds.

Every university possesses a well-developed sequence of spaces and hardware which could be effectively used for revenue generation. Auditorium complexes, exhibition halls, video conferencing infrastructure and sophisticated IT hardware are a few examples.

It is important to remember that the higher education would pass on to the provinces as per proviso of the 18th Constitutional Amendment. It will be wise to use the transition as an opportunity.

The vice chancellors of public universities with support of the HEC may devise recommendations to ensure long term and sustained financial independence and funding strength of their institutions. Assistance from willing donors may also be sought to create endowments and trust funds. This will not only help in providing extended support to universities but also justify a clean and transparent utilization of assistance provided through the tax payers’ contribution.

 

firstperson
Academic value
The recent shooting of Malala Yousufzai showed us two things.
Pakistanis— especially girls — are determined to acquire education come what may. It also showed us the real and present dangers in society
By Tahir Kamran

Professor Akbar S. Ahmed is the Ibn Khaldun Chair of Islamic Studies and professor of International Relations at American University in Washington, D.C. Born in Allahabad, Dr. Ahmed is a distinguished anthropologist, writer and filmmaker. He has taught at Princeton, Harvard, and Cambridge Universities and has been called “the world’s leading authority on contemporary Islam” by the BBC. Dr. Ahmed first became interested in Muslim leadership and its impact on Muslim society in the 1980s — when he was Pakistani Commissioner in Balochistan. The study of global Islam and its impact on contemporary society has been the major focus of his work since. His books include: Discovering Islam: Making Sense of Muslim History and Society, Postmodernism and Islam: Predicament and Promise, Islam Today: A Short Introduction to the Muslim World and Jinnah Quartet.

The News on Sunday: Let’s begin with the film ‘Jinnah’ and the general response it evoked. There must be some challenges that you must have encountered while making that film?

Akbar S. Ahmed: There was a global response. Both the Quaid-i-Azam and Pakistan evoke strong responses. We had grand openings of the film in London, Hollywood and even Rabat where we were guests of the crown prince.

In Pakistan, Urdu and English versions were shown and after the initial controversy they were generally well received. During the shoot Christopher Lee (now Sir Christopher Lee) said to me that I don’t understand your people: we are here to pay tribute to the great Quaid and we are being attacked for doing so. I found it difficult to explain to him the notorious “jealousy factor” in our society. There is a Punjabi saying which translates as “we can’t play the game but we won’t let you play either”.

On the other hand, many wonderful people supported us, especially Zeenat my wife, family and friends and many others. I had conceived and completed four projects with a focus on the Quaid — the Jinnah Quartet: a feature film, a documentary, an academic book and a comic book.

The controversy over the film over-shadowed the significance of the documentary but it was actually the first documentary on the Quaid. It is based entirely on archival material and those that knew him or met him. It even had a rare interview of his daughter — which she agreed after I made several trips to New York to persuade her. It took me a decade. But even today wherever I go in the world Pakistanis come up to me and tell me how much they appreciated the effort.

TNS: Well, talking about ‘Jinnah’ one criticism was about the role of Liaqat Ali Khan. In the scene, Liaqat Ali Khan comes up to Jinnah holding some papers which could reveal the ugly side of Congress leaders. Some media reports commented that Liaqat’s portrayal had derogatory ring to it.

ASA: I have two points to make on this question. Jinnah was a feature film and what is called fictionalised history. Scenes were based loosely on actual historical episodes or imagined in that context. Secondly, we had the highest respect for Liaqat Ali Khan, the first prime minister of Pakistan. He was devoted to the Quaid and a great role model. When he died he had only a few pounds in his bank. His integrity — like that of the Quaid — is a lesson for the leaders of today.  Shakeel, the great Pakistani actor portrayed Liaqat Ali Khan with integrity and passion.

TNS: What challenges have you faced or are still facing in the US as an academic from Pakistan, particularly since post 9/11.

ASA: 9/11 gave rise to widespread Islamophobia and Islam became a controversial subject. Anybody who wrote or talked about Islam was put under a spotlight. Being a Chair of Islamic Studies in Washington D.C. and appearing in the media I attracted both negative and positive attention.

When 9/11 happened I vowed to dedicate myself entirely to try and create bridges. Thus, I took interfaith initiatives. Immediately after 9/11, I responded to the sagacious Bishop of Washington and senior Rabbi of the Washington Hebrew Congregation and we formed the First Abrahamic Summit. That was done in the face of malicious propaganda from some people. The attacks were absurd. Recently, I wrote of the great American founding fathers and their respect for Islam in my book Journey into America. I quoted Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and Benjamin Franklin. Franklin called the Prophet a model of compassion. This infuriated many Americans who do not see anything positive in Islam. One person wrote that I told lies about the founding fathers who did not like Islam. She went on to inform her readers that Akbar holds the Ibn Khaldun Chair and we know that Ibn Khaldun was a supporter of terrorism. In another article, she accused me of being a supporter of Maulana Rumi who she also condemned as a terrorist supporter.

 In the wake of 9/11, I expended all my energy in making films, holding debates, making speeches, addressing various think-tanks and campuses. I spoke at the White House, the Pentagon, the National Cathedral, and even the Gandhi Centre. I must put on record the openness and hospitality of people everywhere who received my efforts favourably. The National Cathedral held an unprecedented Evensong in my honour, Professor Judea Pearl and I jointly received the first ever Purpose Prize and I was given the first ever Gandhi Peace Award by the Gandhi Centre. In spite of the prejudices and ignorance that feed Islamophobia, there is sufficient common sense and good faith among people which can build bridges of understanding. As a Muslim scholar in Washington DC, I am committed to building these bridges. It is not an easy task but it is imperative.

TNS: Looking at Pakistan there is a part of society that is very antagonistic towards America. Do you have any idea how that frenzy can be overcome?

ASA: Today anti-Americanism has scaled new heights in Pakistan. Unfortunately, in America there are similar feelings about Pakistan. It is a mirror image and it is unpleasant. Let me quote Richard Clarke, a well-known and important National Security Adviser to several Presidents. On the ‘Bill Maher Show’ last year he called Pakistan “a nation of pathological liars”. His remarks are characteristic of how some Americans think about Pakistanis. They think Pakistanis are duplicitous, incompetent, liars, who have taken Americans for a ride.

Pakistanis think America is a fair-weather friend which only turns to Pakistan at the time of need and then dumps it. They feel betrayed and cite the 40,000 Pakistanis killed and billions of dollars lost as a result of what they call “America’s war”. Thus, the mutual relationship is extremely precarious. I would urge both to step back a little, cool off a bit then try to recreate a relationship, maybe not as close friends but to maintain a civil relationship.

Ultimately, it is in the interest of Pakistan to have the United States as an ally. Pakistan needs friends. It is surrounded by hostile or semi-hostile neighbours — with the exception of China. Although the relationship with America is rocky at present it can always be developed. America as a world power with its history of democracy, high standards of education and open society will always attract Pakistanis. In turn, Pakistan is important for America. It is a key nuclear Muslim nation situated in an important geo-political area of the world. It is also important because it gives the world the model of Jinnah as a political leader and visionary. It is the one Muslim country that provides at birth the model of a state which guarantees democracy, women’s rights and human rights. No other Muslim country has it, and I tell all my American friends if they can just simply focus on Jinnah’s vision every Pakistani will appreciate it. Presently, it is a very difficult situation between America and Pakistan. Both have to show more maturity and patience than they are showing right now.

TNS: Now, to the area of your expertise, which is riddled with problems. You’re one rare expert of Pakistani origin, who has spent many years working on terrorism and you must have very precise understanding of the issue. Can you share your views on this particular issue with the readers?

ASA: In one of his first meetings at the White House, President Obama called the Tribal Areas of Pakistan “the most dangerous place on earth.” Of the agencies, the two most important are North and South Waziristan Agencies. I have had the privilege of being in charge of the South and continue to write of my time among the Pukhtun and Bloch tribes.

Traditional societies had a steady rhythm and were based in notions of respect, dignity and codes of honour. In the ideal tribal elders worked through tribal institutions such as the council of elders. There were also problems. Education was far from satisfactory and women were deprived of any kind of rights in inheritance and a public voice. The notion of a modern democratic order did not exist but there was an ethos of egalitarianism.

Unfortunately, relations between the central government and these tribal communities began to deteriorate over the last decades and when 9/11 happened the Tribal Areas was sucked into the “war on terror”. Today, the situation is dire. Ordinary tribesmen will complain that they can be struck by American missiles, Pakistan army artillery or helicopter gunships, militants and their suicide bombers or rival clans at any time. Too many families have lost their men. Women have to bear the brunt. Hundreds of thousands have tried to escape to cities in the settled areas where they live as destitute refugees. Little wonder that they say “everyday is like 9/11 for us.”

TNS: People, however, are blaming the drone attacks a lot, as if the catalyst of all the trouble lies somewhere outside the ambit of Pakistani state and Pakistani territory.

ASA: The drone strikes have to stop because they are straightforward extra judicial killings which have no justification. I have given the analysis in my book: The Thistle and Drone: How America’s War on Terror Became a Global War on Tribal Islam. The Americans say no civilians get killed but the analysis and the data confirm a large percent of civilians do get killed. So if drones stop, will the violence come to an end?

Practically little will change as the fabric of society in the Tribal Areas has been almost altered. The structures of the traditional lineage elders, religious leaders, and political administration have been almost destroyed. Local administration is directly or indirectly dominated by the army. The army is not equipped to deal with civil administration. Pakistan has to start reconstructing society so that it can hold itself together on its own. A lot from traditional society has to go. We need to have democracy, elections, and voting rights for women. So we have to think not of step 1, 2 and 3 but steps 4, 5 and 6.

The recent shooting of Malala Yousufzai showed us two things. Pakistanis— especially girls — are determined to acquire education come what may. It also showed us the real and present dangers in society where men of violence are prepared to commit hideous criminal acts to prevent this. Every nation has to fend for itself and Pakistan is not doing such a great job of establishing either its writ or providing its citizens with their basic needs. All this has little to do with drones.

TNS: Can you tell us a bit more about The Thistle and The Drone, your forthcoming book?

ASA: The title presents two metaphors for two different kinds of society in our age of globalisation. The thistle is a prickly and proud flower that represents tribal society. Scotland’s symbol is famously the thistle. Many commentators have compared tribal societies like the Pukhtun to the Scots. The drone is obviously a metaphor for modern kill technology — it is sleek, deadly, out of sight and strikes at will leaving its victims helpless and in disarray. In this book I have assembled some 40 detailed case studies of tribal societies throughout the world which are embroiled directly or indirectly in America’s “war on terror”. This confrontation after 9/11 has upset the delicate and difficult relationship between the central government and its tribal societies on the periphery.

My focus is on the tribal societies that I knew and loved — the Pukhtuns and the Baloch along the borders of Afghanistan and Pakistan. Wonderful people — dignified, hospitable and wise. In order to explain how complicated that relationship was, I explore the historical background of these societies and point out the centuries of living as semi-independent communities before the arrival of the European colonialists and then the creation of the modern state. The modern state has failed these communities and reduced them to second-class citizens.

Today, central governments view their tribal communities on the periphery as potential supporters of terrorism. They are thus deprived of economic, educational and development schemes. My book concludes with suggestions for the way forward. These suggestions would benefit the major players in the war on terror — the Americans, the central governments and the leaders of the tribal communities. They must all remember that the suffering of ordinary people is not only morally wrong but will continue to create men of violence.

For me as a professor on campus one of the most important suggestions is the need for education. The literacy rates for the Tribal Areas of Pakistan are appalling — perhaps five percent for men and a shocking zero percent for women. Yet the irony is that the great Quaid had specially reached out to the Pukhtun and the Baloch and promised they would be treated with special respect in the new state of Pakistan and education and development would be priorities. Further irony in that Islam strongly advocates ilm, or knowledge. Ilm is the second most used word in the Quran and there is a famous hadith of the Prophet – “the ink of the scholar is more sacred than the blood of the martyr.”

 

 

 

 

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