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Balochistan Political
solution Taal Matol visit Another
jolt In the line of
fires A bird's-eye
view
Balochistan A blow by blow account of a
trip to the cave in Kohlu that uncovers too many anomalies and gaps in the
government's account By Muhammad Ejaz Khan Accused of mishandling and
insensitivity regarding the retrieval of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti's dead body,
the government made an attempt to make things look transparent. On August 30
it took a media team to the cave in Tartani area of Kohlu district where
Bugti was reportedly killed in an It was raining when the team of journalists landed on a helipad on a mountain top. After climbing down about 2300 feet and then walking for about two and a half kilometres along a lake, we reached the cave where the bodies of Nawab Akbar Bugti and his aides were reportedly trapped under tonnes of debris. This was supposed to be a heavily mined area, but there were no special security directions to the media team. We found ourselves in front of a cave that had completely collapsed with a few things like bedsheets lying outside it. The head of the Army's engineering corps, Brigadier Nasrullah Abeed told the reporters that pillars were being installed to save the cave from a total closure. He said it could six days to find the dead bodies from underneath the rubble. Meanwhile, close relatives of Nawab Bugti including his sons were blaming the government for not trying enough to dig out Nawab Bugti's body. Some even claimed that the body of the Bugti chieftain had already been retrieved and kept in the Combined Military Hospital, Quetta, which the officials denied. Raziq Bugti, media consultant to chief minister Balochistan, told reporters in a briefing outside the cave that the body would be handed over to the heirs as soon as it was found. The news didn't take long
coming. The media team had just reached Quetta by helicopter from their On September 1, Nawab Bugti was laid to rest in his ancestral graveyard in Dera Bugti amid extraordinary security and conspicuous absence of any immediate relatives, including his sons. Bugti, 81, was buried next to his younger brother, Ahmed Nawaz Bugti, and close to his grandfather, Nawab Shahbaz Khan Bugti, and son, Nawabzada Saleem Bugti. Dera Bugti, which Nawab Bugti ruled for over 60 years after becoming tumandar (head) of the Bugti tribe in 1946, presented a frantic look at the time of his burial; the final rites were completed in just 25 minutes. 25 people attended the Namaz-e-Janaza of the Bugti chief. Bugti's coffin was locked and authorities did not allow anyone to have a last glimpse of the Nawab. Despite the insistence of mediamen, who were brought here to cover the event, the coffin was not unlocked. DCO Dera Bugti, Abdul Samad Lasi, said the burial was a rushed affair because of the condition of the body, which had almost decomposed. "There was no need to allow anyone to have a last look at Nawab Bugti. Maulvi Malook had done that and he did identify the body," he said, adding that the ghusl (the last bath) was performed before the body was wrapped in a shroud. The khateeb of the Dera Bugti Jamia Masjid, Maulvi Malook Bugti, led the funeral prayers in which some 25 people participated. When I asked Maulana Malook if he had seen the face of Nawab Bugti, he replied, "Ask the DCO." Later, journalists were shown Bugti's belongings, including a pair of spectacles, a wristwatch, a ring and a wallet. The wristwatch had stopped at 8:10. DCO Lasi claimed he had once seen this Rolex watch on the wrist of Nawab Bugti. Lasi said the body of the Nawab was brought to Dera Bugti on Friday morning. The watch and the spectacles were unbroken. Although life moved on in Dera Bugti, the underlying tension was hard to miss -- as few was willing to comment on the burial. Mir Ahmadan Bugti, a notable of the Bugti tribe and cousin of Nawab Bugti, said the Bugti Jirga -- which he is a part of -- that had announced an end to the Sardari system in Dera Bugti just a few days ago -- did not feel it necessary to offer the Namaz-e-Janaza on Friday because a Ghaibana Namaz-e-Janaza had already been offered. "If I had attended the last rites of Nawab Bugti, the people of Dera Bugti would have stoned me to death." In Dera Bugti, Juma Khan, a shopkeeper said, "They have made a big mistake. This will create suspicion. I think he is alive." .... And in the same breath, "I tried to attend his funeral but I couldn't because there were so many security personnel around. They scared me."
Opposition parties are united
in their confusion as to whether this is the time to resign from assemblies.
All except one -- BNP By Ashraf Malkham The decision of Balochistan National Party (BNP) to quit from assemblies, both at the centre and province, is like leading by example. Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA ) has already announced that it is thinking its MPAs should resign from Balochistan Assembly where it is an ally of the government. At the centre, Alliance for the Restoration of Democracy (ARD) and MMA are in a fix as some parties favour resigning from the assemblies without further delay whereas others are reluctant on various counts. Both the alliances are united in their desire for a comprehensive discussion on issues and then a collective decision. Political circles now confess that Akbar Bugti was not a popular person even within his tribe but the government, by mishandling the situation, has made him a leader of the Baloch people. With his death, the sardars who didn't offer any kind of support to Bugti have now a justification for raising a slogan -- just as Sindhis did after Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's death in 1979. In the face of opposition parties' reluctance to resign from parliament as a protest against the killing of Akbar Bugti, it may be interesting to recall an earlier MMA threat to resign if the government amended the hudood bill. The government was forced to postpone the decision to amend the bill and establish a committee comprising ulemas instead. When asked about the decision to resign, Pakistan Peoples Party Parliamentarian (PPPP) leader Farhatullah Babar said: "Our party leader Makhdoom Amin Fahim is busy in consultations with Benazir Bhutto in UK." He said his party has yet to take any decision but it is of the view that all opposition parties should take a collective decision. "There should be a meeting of ARD and then ARD and MMA should meet to take final decision. The decision should not come in the press unless announced by all opposition parties." Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) leadership is very clear on the issue. It thinks this is proper time to resign from assemblies. Nawaz Sharif, in his address to All Parties Conference held in Islamabad, stated this categorically and said that opposition should submit their resignations to the Speaker and go to the public and make an effort to replace this government through vote. MMA and PPPP hold the view that in case they tendered their resignations from parliament and provincial assemblies, government would go for by-elections on their seats and 'manage' the results in their favour. This will ultimately ensure General Musharraf's re-election as president. PML-N Secretary Information Ehsan Iqbal while talking to TNS reiterated this was the proper time to resign from assemblies. "We are trying to calculate the impact if PML-N single-handedly goes for the resignation option. The government could go for by-elections in that case but if the combined opposition tenders resignation, government can't afford to hold be-election on 142 NA seats as well as provincial assemblies." He said another reason for PML-N not submitting resignations immediately is that "we want to keep the opposition united." But the opposition must not delay it for too long. MMA has decided to quit the Balochistan Assembly with the mutual consent of its component parties, Jamaat-e-Islami central information secretary Shahid Ahmed Shamsi told TNS. "The resignations were tendered on Tuesday after a supreme council meeting in Quetta. The leadership of all the six parties of the religious alliance, including Maulana Fazlur Rahman, Hafiz Hussain Ahmed and Qazi Hussain Ahmed, deliberated before agreeing to resign in protest over the killing of Nawab Akbar Bugti and government allegations that the Kohlu operation was carried out with the consent of the MMA legislators." The strength of MMA in the Balochistan Assembly comprising 65 legislators is 28. Shamsi said it was impossible to continue sitting in the assembly "when the centre was adamant to settle issues through force." He said the targeted killing of the Baloch politician had compelled all MMA leaders to act according to their conscience. Shamsi told that MMA has held marathon meetings in Lahore and Islamabad and now its meeting was scheduled to be held in Quetta to take the final decision -- to surrender all its 28 seats in the national interest and in accordance with the demands of Baloch and other citizens of the country. "The alliance has also held talks with other opposition parties, including the Pakhtoon Khawa Milli Awami Party, on quitting the assembly." Two MPAs belonging to Balochistan National Party-Mengal (BNP-M) also tendered their resignations last Monday. The move came after an announcement by party Chief Sardar Akhtar Mengal at a public meeting last Sunday. Leaders of the main opposition alliances, the MMA and ARD, and senior lawyers have urged the chief justice of Pakistan to set up a judicial commission to look into the Kohlu tragedy. At an all-party conference held in Lahore last Sunday, the participants also urged the apex court to stop the "steps being taken by the military leadership against the federal parliamentary system." The APC organised by MMA was addressed by leaders like Jamaat-i-Islami's Liaquat Baloch, Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (Fazl) leader Riaz Durrani, Jamiat Ulema-i-Pakistan's Qari Zawwar, PPPP's provincial leader Ghulam Abbas, PML-N MNA Khwaja Saad Rafiq, leaders of smaller components of ARD and advocates Hamid Khan and Hafiz Abdur Rehman. The speakers warned of "disastrous consequences of the killing of the Jamhoori Watan Party chief" and other policies of the military leadership. Some 'damage control' measures suggested by speakers in their speeches were not included in the joint statement read out by Liaquat Baloch at the end of the conference. Later, Baloch told journalists that opposition legislators from Punjab would stage a sit-in outside the Punjab Assembly. "The date for the event would be set later." According to an APC decision, a public meeting will be held in Quetta on Sept 17, as scheduled earlier, although some of the participants said the Baloch leaders were 'not' willing to ensure security of the invitees from Punjab. The joint statement said national unity had been endangered by the way the military leadership had portrayed the people of Punjab as 'rivals' to their brethren in other federating units. "We assure the people of Balochistan that we will defend their democratic and constitutional rights in parliament and at public level." The statement made it clear that General Musharraf was not acceptable to the nation with or without uniform. It called for action on the recommendations made by the parliamentary committee on Balochistan and restoration of the 1973 Constitution as it stood before the 1999 takeover. "All decisions are taken at the GHQ instead of the elected assemblies," said Akbar Mengal while talking on phone to this correspondent, adding that under the circumstances they had no other option but to resign. MPAs, Mohammad Akbar Mengal and Akhtar Hussain Langoo, submitted their resignations to the secretary of Speaker Jam Shah Kakar, who is currently abroad for attending a commonwealth conference. Although the BNP leadership conceded that that a decision to resign should have been taken in consultation with the ARD.
By Shoaib Hashmi Maybe it was only the producers of the first Superman movie who saw the essential character of the man, and type-cast him as Pa Kent, the small town farmer who adopted Reeves as Kal El who went on to become Superman to all. Glenn looked the part and played it superbly, and by all accounts was just such a man; which is why he never was the kind of flashy Hollywood 'Superstar' of the heyday of film like Clark Gable, or Valentino, or Gary Cooper or many others whose stardom was defined by their shenanigans and their fan-clubs of millions. I never thought he was even in the same league with David Hasselhof, the hunk from 'Baywatch' who recently had his family jewels groped by a bunch of admiring and grasping and randy ladies! But he did manage, over sixty years or more, to be in more than two hundred films, five of them, including the legendary 'Gilda' opposite Rita Hayworth who, even then was being simultaneously pursued by the then young and forward Shah of Iran, and Prince Aly Khan, the father of the present Aga Khan, and the son of his predecessor. She went on to marry the second, leaving the first heart broken. 'Gilda' was a classic of its time, and it instantly revived his film career which had been interrupted for his service in the Second World War; and producers, knowing a good thing when they saw one went on to cast him with Hayworth again in 'The Loves of Carmen' which was a non-musical adaptation of Bizet's classic opera Carmen, which was itself an adaptation on I don't know what the heck; it also had some great bull-fighting scenes with that other hunk Tyrone Power as the toreador. And for another fifteen years until 'The Money Trap'. He was, for a time, acknowledged as the first name in box office attraction, and also in himself as the fastest gun in the West being faster on the draw than John Wayne. That meant he could be in Westerns too and he was in many including the wonderful 3 -- 10 To Yuma, and 'The Sheepman' which the books list as a Western, but is really a spoof with Shirley Maclaine as his co-star, and a marvellous film to see. The range of roles he played is staggering in retrospect, from crime and drama to Westerns, and in between there were the comedies. If all else was forgotten he would merit an obituary just for 'Teahouse of the August Moon'. That is one heck of a great movie, from John Patrick's wonderful play, and is surprisingly not too well known despite not only Glenn but also Marlon Brando in one of the finest performances of his career. We tried our hand at it in Lahore's Open Air Theatre with Mohsin Shirazi playing Brando and Asad Hayat doing Glenn Ford, and our favourite Perin Cooper Boga as the Japanese Geisha! That too was followed by a whole bunch of comedies, cashing in on the success. They too do not figure in the most well known of films but if you have not seen 'The Gazebo' and even more so 'Don't Go Near the Water' you have missed out on two that deserve to be classics. In later life it seems Ford limited himself to appearing in the zillions of serials that are the fodder for American Television, and I know little about them. But it was a bit odd that both he and Marlon Brando landed up in 'Superman', because for years before that Brando had been wasting out time and his art sleepwalking through silly stuff like 'Sayonara'. Glenn Ford is no more and at least a few oldies will be saddened. When his death brought him back to mind, I would be amiss if I did not mention that he also was married to Eleanor Powell who was a bit before our time even, but was the most amazing tap dancer of her time. Requiscat In Pace! (No Editors, don't try to correct that, it is merely the Latin original for 'Rest in Peace')
Impressions of Srinagar,
where resignation exists side by side with anger By I.A.Rehman The dusty road outside the airport seems to be mocking at the hoarding that recalls the name Jahangir gave to Kashmir --Paradise on Earth The weather is not as cool as one expects on a late August afternoon. Exhausted by a long wait at a crowded and noisy airport because of a flight delay described as normal, a first-time visitor should have been happier with a less warm welcome. Also if the walls (protective?) enclosing brick-and-concrete dwellings along the road were fewer (A veteran peace knight is sure these walls were not there when he first stayed in a mansion in the hills seventy years ago). But then Srinagar is not
the only natural haven spoiled and disfigured in the process of crazy
urbanization and so-called development. And, of course, an additional factor
is long years of conflict, Signboards often tell one much about a city, its people and their culture. Here, too. One of the road signs says Muzaffarabad is only a small hop away. Perhaps a quiet reminder that geography is not altered by political upheavals. The hoardings seem to be fewer than one finds in the wild jungles of poles and pillars in many South Asian cities. Mercifully, portraits of politicians in power and those who wish to come in power, and sycophants in both camps, do not block out the skyline as they do in some places such as Lahore and where the culture of personal rule prevails. Educational institutions have some hoardings. A few hoardings put up to announce the diamond jubilee of the high court (held in the last week of July) have not been removed. Instead of a play on the word 'justice' the goal is quite modest (and achievable) -- 'Service for All'. Soon attention is claimed by a large number of white taxis serried by the roadside and in open spaces. These and the signboards on business premises tell of a tourism-based economy. A number of signboards have for quite some time needed repainting. And by that, too, hangs a tale. It is only when the Dal comes in sight that one is convinced of having arrived in Srinagar. Fortunately the lake is nearly full to its brim. Across the placid sheet of water are parked houseboats of many a fable. These are now modern residences with carpeted and curtained bedrooms and lounges, well- equipped kitchens, electricity and hot and cold running water. And the owners of the colourful shikaras can flash a smile and hum a melody, though business-and-romance is not as good as in years long gone by. Dal defines Srinagar and yet it has not escaped the avarice of land-grabbers. A hotel which boasts of a large wood-and- concrete Sher-i-Kashmir International Conference Centre is looked upon by the proud Kashmiri artist as a stab in the side of Queen Dal. The plot was severed from her by filling up a portion of the lake. The builders of the Nehru Park, the state mansion on the adjacent hill, were more respectful; they managed to provide a good view of Dal without encroaching on it. At the Sher-i- Kashmir Centre a big conference is going on. It is on one of South Asia's perennial themes -- federalism. Something easy to write in a constitution, but quite difficult to live by, says a Union Minister. The audience dominated by young students claps enthusiastically. And a state minister offers a detailed elaboration. More enthusiastic clapping. A few sport a smile bordering on sneering. The place is full of hardened cynics. They seem to be saying all this heard before, and orators tested before. This is a private visit -- no taking of notes, no photographs, and no politics. But how can one avoid politics? Not even with a people who have learnt to avoid looking straight as well as offering give-away answers. The reason, says a young journalist, is fear born of not knowing the person one is talking to. It is a complex situation, he adds. One complicating factor: two graves, one of a Shaheed-i-Millat, the other one of a Shaheed-Islam. Now, what does a common Kashmiri Muslim do? No, it is not possible to avoid conversation. Especially if there are young men and women who are quite articulate and know what they are talking about. One of the two most common statements reveals pride in Kashmiri people's historical identity -- they have been decreed Indians or Pakistanis for a few decades, were British subjects for a few more decades, they were ruled by various Muslim dynasties for several centuries, but they have been Kashmiris for thousands of years, so goes the refrain. The other statement is: violence must be stopped. This with considerable anger. In the bazaar, small facades hide cellars full of treasures -- shawls lighter than a decent skin and gabbas, and carpets and wall-hangings and embroidered garments, all displaying colour combinations and compositions developed over centuries of painstaking labour (by women and men both). Nothing has prevented the Kashmiris from taking pride in their cuisine. The old restaurant has a variety of Kashmiri dishes on offer. No women in the restaurant, observes a whole-time feminist campaigner in the party. "Ours is still a traditional Muslim society," says a weather-beaten old man. Plenty of evidence to support this. Didn't the middle-aged woman without veil occupying the adjoining seat on the plane take out a black burqa from her bag soon after landing at Srinagar? A trend in favour of keeping beards and wearing veils can also be noticed. Yet the Kashmiri Muslims do not seem to have adopted building mosques as a pastime, as is the case in some neo-convert societies (Pakistan included?). Circumstances have shortened work hours in Srinagar and extended sleep hours. And increased strains by the same measure. What impression does one carry after a brief handshake with Srinagar? Quite a few but the image that sinks in one's mind deeper than others is of a group of women gathered in a lane near Lal Chowk close to midnight. Forced out by heat inside their hovels? Brought together by the urge to commiserate with one another? Or held together by memories of times when the valley resounded with song only? All in simple white clothes. Their deeply lined faces tell of ravages caused by pain and capped by resignation to a cruel fate. Having reached a stage where more pain does not register. And only pining for peace in paradise.
Another
jolt By Behroz Khan With the first anniversary of the devastating October 8 earthquake less than a month away, reports about corruption in the disbursement of relief to the victims have come like another jolt. Following various complaints, the National Reconstruction Bureau (NAB) has initiated probes and found instances of fake compensation cheques issued in Ughi tehsil of Mansehra district, the worst hit area of the province followed by Battagram, Shangla, Abbottabad and Kohistan districts. Officers of the revenue department, doctors, police, elected representatives and the military personnel -- tasked with the responsibility to verify the exact number of dead, injured and the actual damage done to houses and buildings -- have been charged of having indulged in corrupt practices. "The NAB is in the final stages of completing the inquiry against a doctor and an officer of the revenue department (tehsildar) in Ughi area of Mansehra," said Shakeel Qadar Khan, District Coordinating Officer (DCO) Mansehra while talking to TNS. The official said he has not received any reports about issuance of fake cheques having been paid to wrong persons. The doctor and the tehsildar, NAB sources said, have been charged of referring fake cases for compensation money while accepting bribe from the beneficiaries in reward. About the allegations that more compensation cheques have been paid to single families due to political pressure or monetary benefits, the DCO said that it was before the new policy introduced by the Earthquake Rehabilitation and Reconstruction Authority (ERRA). ERRA has instructed that a sum of not more than Rs.175,000 would be paid to families living under the same boundary wall. "Our demand is that the same amount be paid to all married persons sharing the same compound because we have a joint family system and every family deserves compensation," said Nawaz Khan Allai, an influential landlord of Battagram. The Khan of Allai endorsed the view that revenue officers, MNAs, MPAs and the nazims received their share from victims as bribe in the beginning when Rs.25,000 were paid to them. "The foodstuff and other items of daily use were distributed on basis of political affiliation or were sold in the market, which also needs thorough probe." The NAB sources said that the federal and provincial governments would act against those found guilty of the crime while the military authorities would deal with allegations about the involvement of personnel from the armed forces. Ihsanullah Khan said that he was aware of the fact that up to six fake cheques have been paid to single family in his area, adding that those responsible must be punished and the deserving families be compensated before it is too late. Surveys regarding the verification of accurate number of victims are in the final stages in some areas while the process has been completed in many cities, towns and localities. But the problems and miseries of the victim families and individuals continue to linger. Nawaz Khan thinks every married family be given Rs.175,000 because they have to build new houses, start a new life and regroup as a community in the upper parts of Battagram. "We are living 4000 feet above the sea level, where we need to pay three time more than the actual price to carry the construction material," the Khan of Allai said. Locals fear that mass migration will again start from these areas to down country if reconstruction work is not started on a war footing because it would be impossible for the families to stay in tents in winters. "Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz has been apprised of the living conditions in our areas and he has agreed to review the policy of paying Rs.175,000 on a one family basis. Majority of the victims have only received Rs.25,000 as the first installment of compensation money while the rest of the amount is yet to be paid," Allai said. There is a clear lack of coordination among different wings and departments of ERRA. Every official contacted for comments passed the onus to the other. The construction of houses and getting the compensation amount is not an easy task at the moment because one needs a No Objection Certificate (NOC) from ERRA, while the authority would not issue the NOC till a 'transparency of process' is ensured. "We have to make payment to 150,000 families in Mansehra district alone. So far 70,000 families have been compensated," claimed DCO Mansehra adding that extreme care is being taken to ensure that deserving families and persons get compensated. A leader of the trader community and PPPP president for tehsil Balakot Muhammad Asif Khan disputed the official claim saying that only Rs. 25,000 have been paid to the victims so far while the rest of the compensation amount is yet to be paid. "The policy of ERRA is flawed. They promise to give us houses and the compensation amount before the monsoon, but unfortunately that is not the case," Asif Khan said. In the line of fires Capital territory, public record, off-duty hours... too
many coincidences to brush aside the fire in the Privatisation Commission
building as another accident. By Nadeem Iqbal It has happened again in the capital. Another public building with critical public record has caught fire. Perfect timing -- to trigger the speculation that the controversial Pakistan Steel Mill's (PSM) privatisation record has been burnt by design. The latest incident happened last Friday
(September 1) when a huge fire broke out in the building of the Privatisation
Commission (PC), located at the main constitution avenue amidst top
government The Privatisation Commission denies them all. Talking to TNS, Tahir Parwaz, Director Media said that the accidental fire incident has been blown out of proportion because of the timing "since it was a day of public protest against Nawab Akbar's killing as well as opposition's criticism of Pakistan Steel Mill's privatisation." "Nothing has been damaged. All the record is safe including that of PSM. Besides, the Supreme Court also has the record of the mill's privatisation presented to it during the hearing of the case," he argued. What was burnt, he described, was a hall at the stairway in which there were wooden cabins. "One is the office of director industries while the other had two out of use photocopy machines and two operational photocopiers that were burnt. In yet another room the service record related to daily matters was kept that caught fire. And there was no office of the consultants involved in contentious deals that has been burnt." The commission has been undertaking an internal inquiry that is going to determine the cause of the fire besides listing the loss. The inquiry, according to Parwaz, may take another week or so. Apparently not a single fire expert has been included in the inquiry. Hafiz Zafar, a firefighting trainer at Civil Defence Directorate, told TNS that the directorate has not been contacted by the commission for the inquiry. Talking about his experience he said it's difficult to determine if the fire was caused by short circuit "because there could be multiple causes." Khalil Ahmed, the lead fireman who extinguished the fire in the Privatisation Commission, told TNS he was not sure what caused the fire. Brushing aside concerns that the firemen were not well equipped, he said the local fire brigade reached the spot within five minutes and extinguished it within 5-10 minutes. "It took about 30 minutes to control the whole situation. The magnitude of fire was not very big so we did not use breathing apparatus, although it was with us," he said. Luckily, the fire at PC erupted in the morning well
before the working hours. This makes the incident look similar to earlier
incidents that happened in the recent past like the one at Shaheed-e-Millat Both the incidents occurred after working hours -- Shaheed-e-Millat in the evening at around 6.30pm and National Assembly on a holiday. In fact the fire that engulfed the 16-storey building of the Shaheed-e-Millat Secretariat in the centre of Islamabad was huge -- it gutted almost 14 floors. The fire erupted in the record room of the interior ministry at the 16th floor around 6.30pm and spread down to the second floor. The building houses some important ministries, including interior, water and power, education, environment, housing, agriculture and management. No inquiry report was made public detailing the cause of the fire or what was destroyed. That fire too triggered rumours -- that it was a deliberate act on the part of the government to burn down the record of Jehadi organisations since the fire broke out at the time when the government had reversed its policy of supporting militant organisations in and around Pakistan. So far, no authentic document has come out from the interior ministry that dispels this impression. And the interior ministry, of late, has been found to be denying public access to its old record by saying it was burnt in the 2002 fire. In this context the latest incident leads people to believe that the government may have deliberately burnt the record of the privatisation of PSM as the Supreme Court has declared irregularities by the government in the process. On this opposition parties are demanding the resignation of the prime minister. Even if one admits the PC's version that the burnt down cabins only had the office of director industries, then that too is an important one as this section is dealing with the cases of Lasbella Textile Mills, Lyallpur Chemicals & Fertilizer Ltd, Tomato Paste Vegetable Dehydration Plant, Hazara Phosphate Fertiliser Company, Heavy Mechanical Complex, Morafco Ind. Ltd and Sind Engineering (Pvt.) Ltd. Not to mention the annual report 2005 figures according to which the commission has realised privatisation proceeds of Rs264.480 billion from 33 transactions during the period from November 2002 to December 2005. Privatisation efforts began in earnest after the creation of Privatisation Commission on January 22, 1991. Although the PC mandate was initially restricted to industrial transactions, by 1993 it had expanded to include Power, Oil & Gas, Transport (aviation, railways, ports and shipping), Telecommunications and Banking and Insurance sectors. During January 1991 to June 2004 the Commission completed 140 transactions for Rs 134.289 billion. During the financial year 2004-2005, the Commission completed privatisation of 11 units including privatisation of National Refinery Limited, Pak Arab Fertilizers (Pvt) Limited, Faletti's Hotel, International Advertising (Pvt) Limited, 10 per cent additional shares of Kohat Cement, Dandot Cement, Ittehad Chemicals, and Capital Market Transactions (PIA, PPL, and KAPCO). There are still doubts about the transparency of the process besides the use of the proceeds from the privatisation. Therefore, incidents such as the Sept 1 fire evoke apprehensive responses. One such apprehension, of course, is about the effectiveness of the fire safety equipment itself. In the 1993 parliament fire that destroyed the hall, the inquiry found that smoke detectors were switched off by the staff because they were activated by smoking cigarettes. Therefore when the actual fire broke out it took a long time to raise the fire alarm, too late to save the hall from burning. A bird's-eye view The man in the hero By N.A.Bhatti People tend to overlook their hero's shortcomings although fully aware that even the greatest personalities have their faults and weaknesses. Stories about them are invented and perpetuated until they become accepted facts. One such example is that of Major Raja Aziz Bhatti Shaheed, Nishan-e-Haider, the hero of the 1965 War against India. I have read a good deal about him in the English as well as Urdu print media. Some writers have let their imagination run away with them and turned fiction into fact. Thus has human history irreversibly altered through centuries. One primary school reader taught: "From his very childhood, Aziz wanted to become a soldier." This is not true at all. He was the family's 'dove' among the other 'hawks'. We siblings used to play a children's game we called 'school-school'. I being the eldest, used to play the role of master and wielded a cane to maintain discipline over others who acted as pupils. Aziz preferred to be the 'school messenger' whose job was to ring the bell to announce the next period, recess or end of the school day. This humble role could hardly be considered as a pointer to his future! In one of my photograph albums is a snapshot of two brothers playing 'robber-robber'. Bashir, the older one, with his face concealed behind a mask, is seen holding up Aziz with a toy Japanese pistol. As I clicked my camera shutter, Bashir shouted as realistically as any Chicago gangster would have done: "Hands up!" Up shot both hands of the gentle and docile Aziz! Again, not a reliable astrologer's indicator of a child's future! As World War II clouds loomed over the Asian horizon and the Japanese threat became stronger, several residents of Hong Kong got enrolled in one of the two services: the Royal Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps and the St. John's Ambulance Brigade. Aziz preferred the latter and joined the organisation that catered for the sick and wounded rather than the former that was meant to kill. This surely does not typify the 'aggressive type'. The Pacific phase of World War II lasted from December 1941 (Pearl Harbour) to December 1945 (Hiroshima). During this period, our whole family was interned in Hong Kong. We were given the status of 'Third Nationals': neither friends nor enemies, free to move about within Hong Kong and find work, but forbidden to leave the small island. We found jobs as chowkidars. Loathing inactivity during his off duty hours, Aziz took up the study of anatomy. English was no longer in demand, so looted text books on practically every subject were available in junk shops at the price of waste paper. Human corpses could also be picked up from roads, with muscular portions hacked away by hunger-driven cannibals. Aziz started with a skull which he found and brought home. He used it along with a text-book on anatomy to start his studies. After WWII was over, we returned to our ancestral village Ladian in District Gujrat, Punjab, a village in those days without water, electricity, school, hospital, post office or even a pukka road. There were only two matriculates among the villagers. After remaining jobless throughout 1946, Aziz joined the Royal Indian Air Force as an Airman. It was not for the love of being in military uniform that he accepted forty-five rupees a month. It was the problem of sheer survival in a collection of adobe huts. From an airman, how did he become the first Pakistan Military Academy cadet to win the coveted Sword of Honour and the Norman Academic Gold Medal is a separate story that is part of the military history of Pakistan. Coming now to the finale of Aziz's career as a soldier. PTV produced, in collaboration with the ISPR (Inter Services Public Relations Directorate), a drama about Aziz. It was on the whole a very good effort in spite of a few flaws in it. This was natural as it wasn't meant to be an authentic documentary. The biggest flaw (unnoticeable to the layman) was the erroneous impression created of the Major inviting shahadat (martyrdom), standing conspicuously on the high bank of the strategic BRB Canal in Lahore, despite Indian Divisional artillery targeting the area. He was supposed to have had a premonition of his martyrdom which he was determined to attain. What the producers failed to highlight was the fact that no professional soldier, frivolously or dramatically, places his life in danger, especially in the face of overwhelming odds. Major Bhatti took up his observation post out of the military necessity -- of directing his own gunfire effectively on the enemy. He fell with his boots on but successfully thwarted the enemy's massive and determined attack aimed at breaking the country's military spinal column. I discussed this several years ago with Brigadier Ibrahim Qureshi, Major Aziz Bhatti's commanding officer in 1965, who had initiated the Nishan-e-Haider award after the war. He agreed with this view Dr.Amjad Parvez, in his column 'A classic case of national cohesion' (The News, September 29, 1995) writes about Nasir Shirazi, who played the star role in the PTV drama. He says, "...The writer [of the PTV drama] had done his homework well. But although the hard facts of Major Bhatti Shaheed's life were portrayed accurately, the same flaw that is apparent in most of our national dramas appears in this one: war and dying for the country are glorified beyond belief...Our war heroes are made out to be not just shaheeds but saints. So even if the facts of a martyr's life are there, none of his character flaws are ever shown." I, therefore, believe that biographies would be regarded as more authentic if their writers constantly kept in mind not only the hero in their man but also the man in their hero. |
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encounter with the security forces. The official version: the death occurred
when the cave collapsed following an explosion.
visit
to the cave, after dropping Brigadier Nasrullah Abeed in Sibi, when Islamabad
announced that Nawab Bugti's body had been found -- from the cave. That was
an astonishing piece of information, especially for those who had just been
to the site and had been told that things will take time.
of which one is reminded by armed security personnel posted within a few
yards of each other and check posts as you approach the main town. Tall and
absolutely majestic trees, some perhaps a century or so old, paramilitary
gunmen, and 'paradise on earth' hoardings, all in one frame! The Kashmir
valley is a complicated story, a young guide volunteers.
offices. It started at 7.30 in the morning from the second floor of the
building. The building also lodges offices of the minister and secretary
besides other top functionaries. No wonder the fire prompted so many rumours.
Secretariat
in January 2002 and another one in the National Assembly Hall of the
Parliament Building in November 1993.