analysis
Doing away with military's mess
The people have had no say in what has gone on since the reinstatement of the chief justice
By Aasim Sajjad Akhtar
The last few weeks have seen frantic attempts by numerous participants in the game of power politics to secure for themselves a share of the pie in the run-up to the presidential election or, should one say, selection. It is fair to say that the shenanigans of the many actors in this game have left most Pakistanis frustrated to the point of despondency.


Newswatch
Why does everybody mispronounce sub judice?
By Kaleem Omar
Everybody is going on and on these days about cases being sub judice, but nobody seems to be able to pronounce the expression correctly. Sub judice of course is Latin for a legal case now being considered in court and therefore not allowed to be publicly commented upon, for example in a newspaper.

energy
Need for enabling policies
A shift to fuel ethanol would save the country considerable foreign exchange
By Shaheen Rafi Khan
Part-II
Pakistan imported petroleum products worth $3.1 billion in the fiscal year 2006-07. This accounted not only for 85 per cent of the total oil consumption, but also constituted a major chunk of the country's trade deficit. So, clearly, a shift to fuel ethanol would save the country considerable foreign exchange. If fuel ethanol is blended with gasoline in a 1:9 ratio (E10), the country can save foreign exchange worth $300 million, which doubles if fuel ethanol is blended with gasoline in a 2:8 ratio.

Manifestations of political psychology
There is definitely a psychological connection to politics
By Muhammad Ahsan Yatu
Well-fixed political attitudes based on group feelings make up the politico-psychological question. In the West and other parts of the developed world this question is not as intense as in the Third World, where class-based politics in one form or the other still dominates politics.

environment
Continuing health crisis
Labourers working in tanneries of Kasur are still faced with a host of health-related problems
By Naila Hussain
There are almost 30 patients daily with tannery-related problems, reveals Dr Qaisar Mahmud, a dermatologist based in the Kasur city. The problems, he informs, are multi-faceted and range from contact dermatitis to those caused by chemical acids and allergic pigmentation, besides those emanating from polluted water. He adds that problems like scabies, urticaria and asthmatic allergy are also very common among those who work in tanneries.


Covering campaign finance issues
It is unfortunate that elections in Pakistan are not fought on the basis of manifestoes
By Farrukh Khan Pitafi
Analysts of Pakistani politics often overlook the critical importance of election campaigns. So worrying is the extent of this ignorance that one often feels deeply concerned. Even now -- when the general elections are approaching and political parties are allotting tickets to candidates, instead of occupying ourselves with the evaluation of each political party's institutional strength, message and outreach -- we remain obsessed with the talk of deals behind the closed doors and the politics of speculation. To be fair with ourselves, no political party thus far has made its manifesto public.

debate
Reasons for PML-N's flop show
It is surprising that PML-N supporters did not turn out in large number to greet their leader on his return
By E Anwar
Within hours of his arrival in Islamabad, twice former prime minister and chief of his own faction of Pakistan Muslim League (PML) Mian Nawaz Sharif was once again flown back to Saudi Arabia. Surprisingly, PML-N leaders -- who were claiming to muster hundreds of thousands of supporters to welcome their chief on his return -- could not gather even a few hundred people at one place anywhere in the country on this occasion.


New fantasy on Jhelum river
The bogey of navigation on the Jhelum river is yet another impish idea floated by India in the name of welfare of the Kashmiris
By Arjimand Hussain Talib
India's Minister for Water Resources Saifuddin Soz -- who happens to be a Kashmiri -- has a dream for Kashmir's Jhelum river: he wants its historical glory to be restored. According to him, this can be done by introducing diesel-driven boats that are "a symbol of our civilisation".

An indifferent world
People all over the world have become apathetic to what is happening around them, however horrible it may be
By Farheen Hussain
Our country is currently faced with many problems. If on the one hand there are repeated suicide bombings, then on the other our army is pitted against the very people whom it is meant to defend. Though we are quick to express concern about the things we see in the news, in reality we are indifferent to them. They may seem regrettable or even horrible to us, but not to the extent that they illicit a strong visceral reaction. Despite widespread news coverage and incessant television analyses, the general public has been largely indifferent to the suffering of fellow human beings.


analysis

Doing away with military's mess

The people have had no say in what has gone on since the reinstatement of the chief justice

By Aasim Sajjad Akhtar

The last few weeks have seen frantic attempts by numerous participants in the game of power politics to secure for themselves a share of the pie in the run-up to the presidential election or, should one say, selection. It is fair to say that the shenanigans of the many actors in this game have left most Pakistanis frustrated to the point of despondency.

If July 20 marked the culmination of the first real expression of the popular will in many years, then two months later hopes and expectations have, in large part, been dashed, largely because the people have had no say in what has gone on since the reinstatement of Chief Justice of Pakistan (CJP) Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry.

As has been pointed out by at least some political commentators since the very beginning of the lawyers' movement, real political acumen is required if there is to be any hope of translating the sentiments of the common people into a genuine mass movement.

More specifically, political parties will have to mobilise people around issues such as inflation, unemployment, the abject failure of the state to meet the basic needs of the citizens, etc. That this did not happen speaks volumes of many related aspects of the overall state of politics as well as of the dysfunctional nature of many of our mainstream political parties.

Nevertheless, one might expect that political parties, which supposedly want to reorder the balance of power between themselves and the military, would be inclined to rectify their alienation from people's concerns, even if only for the functional purpose of taking state power. But it appears that the vacuum is spreading.

For example, the unprecedented hike in the prices of basic food items with the onset of Ramazan has not been protested by any of the mainstream political parties. It is not inconceivable that an attempt to mobilise people around this issue could have garnered widespread support and one can only wonder why this opportunity to re-establish contact with the people -- however tenuous -- has not been availed.

Perhaps even more puzzling is the fact that no major outcry followed the brutal bulldozing of at least 100 homes in a village in Sector E-10 of Islamabad. That summary evictions of working people would take place in Islamabad -- of for that matter in any other urban centre of the country -- is not surprising. However, in this case, homes were razed to the ground to make way for the proposed construction of the new General Headquarters (GHQ).

This issue has garnered a lot of public attention over the last few years, largely because the Capital Development Authority (CDA) handed over hundreds of acres of prime land to the military authorities at highly subsidised rates -- the net result of which has been a huge loss to the national exchequer. CDA officials were keen to downplay the issue, obviously unwilling to annoy their military bosses.

In recent times, a fair hue and cry has been raised over the military's land grabbing antics and more generally its construction of a huge corporate empire on the back of its domination of state affairs. Most notably, Ayesha Siddiqa-Agha's recently published book represents the first exhaustive documentation of the military's vast economic interests.

The book came out at a time when the lawyers' movement was at its peak and the military was subject to the most intense public criticism since the surrender of December 1971. Unsurprisingly the government went out of its way to try and portray the book and its author as fraudulent, while simultaneously offering competing figures and formulations that supposedly made clear the 'nation-building' basis of the military's economic role.

It is now a well-known fact that military officers -- both serving and retired -- dedicate a significant part of their professional lives to the accumulation of capital, in addition to their commitment to badmouthing politicians and taking over state institutions. Thus, there has been widespread criticism of this newest diversion from what should be the military's sole professional responsibility of serving elected representatives in accordance with the people's understanding of national security.

Most recently, the criminal negligence of one of the military's construction companies -- the Frontrier Works Organisation (FWO) -- was clearly exposed by the collapse of a flyover in Karachi that had only recently been opened for public use.

Thus one could be forgiven for expecting that the ruthless eviction of hundreds of people from their homes in Sector E-10 to facilitate the building of the GHQ would have evoked more response from the opposition parties, especially given that the victims of the naked use of state violence blocked Margalla Road for two-and-a-half hours on the very day of the eviction in protest.

Prior to the eviction, the only existing road leading to the village had been blocked off for days at a time in preparing for the GHQ's official inauguration by General Pervez Musharraf. The villagers point out that they were virtually besieged during this period, with their normal routines totally disrupted.

The story of Sector E-10 residents is not different from thousands across Islamabad, who are actually the indigenous population of the area. In the late 1950s, when the plan to shift the federal capital to Islamabad was conceived, involuntary land acquisition laws that have survived since the colonial period were enforced to clear the area of its original inhabitants.

It is a known fact that locals were forced to give up their lands for rates as low as Rs 15 per kanal. The same lands now cost billions of rupees per kanal -- those who were fortunate to retain some of their lands, primarily because they did not fall under the CDA's original masterplan, have now become billionaires overnight. The vast majority of Islamabad's original inhabitants, however, are now little more than second-class citizens.

The decision to construct a new GHQ at a cost of tens of billions of rupees -- while ruining the lives of thousands of common people and the ecology of one of the most coveted parts of the Capital, the Margalla Hills -- is yet another reflection of the sheer arrogance and high-handedness that are the hallmarks of our military leadership.

Over the last few months, the invocation of the 'greater national interest' has been greeted in far less gracious terms by the public than in the past. Even a Supreme Court judge was heard muttering that the days of the 'doctrine of necessity' were over.

However, the growing consensus that the military's economic and political monopoly over the country should end must be translated into real political action. And there can be no better catalyst for a larger movement than resistance to the building of the GHQ.


Newswatch

Why does everybody mispronounce sub judice?

 

By Kaleem Omar

Everybody is going on and on these days about cases being sub judice, but nobody seems to be able to pronounce the expression correctly. Sub judice of course is Latin for a legal case now being considered in court and therefore not allowed to be publicly commented upon, for example in a newspaper.

The thing about the Latin language is that every letter in a word has to be pronounced -- there are no silent vowels or consonants. Thus the correct pronunciation of sub judice is sub-judikay, not sub-judis. Yet everybody in this country -- including television commentators, politicians and members of the legal fraternity, who, of all people, should know better -- says sub-judis.

This mispronunciation of Latin words is not confined to sub judice. For example, people also routinely mispronounce the Latin word pisces. They say pi-sees, when they should say pis-kays.

Latin has long been a dead language, in the sense that nobody speaks it anymore, though the Roman Catholic Church still uses it in some of its religious rituals. There was a time, however, when Latin was the main language of scholarship in Western Europe. That's why so many scientific and legal terms are still in Latin.

Latin was the official language of the Roman Empire. Roman law was written in Latin. British law is largely based on Roman law. That's why so many words used in British law -- haebus corpus, mutatis mutandis, etc -- are Latin expressions. Pakistani and Indian law, in turn, are based on British law. It's part of our legacy as a former British colony. Hence, the use of Latin terms in our courts to this day.

Latin and Greek were for centuries viewed as models of excellence in Western Europe because of the literature and thought which these languages expressed, and the study of modern languages is still influenced by the practice of generations of classical scholarship. Latin and Greek are still compulsory subjects at some of the most prestigious English public schools, including Eton, Harrow, Malvern, Wellington and Winchester

As David Crystal, professorial fellow at the University College of North Wales, notes in his book The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language (Cambridge University Press, 1987): "The idea that one's own language is superior to others is widespread. But the reasons given for the superiority vary greatly. A language might be viewed as the oldest, or the most logical, or simply the easiest to pronounce or the best for singing."

Crystal adds: "A belief that some languages are intrinsically superior to others is widespread, but it has no basis in linguistic fact. Some languages are of course more useful or prestigious than others, at a given period of history, but this is due to the pre-eminence of the speakers at that time, and not due to any inherent linguistic characteristics. The view of modern linguistics is that a language should not be valued on the basis of the political or economic influence of its speakers."

If it were otherwise, we would have to rate the Spanish and Portuguese spoken in the 16th century (when Spain and Portugal were two of the richest countries in Europe) as somehow 'better' than they are today, and modern American English would be 'better' than British English.

On the subject of the differences between American and British English, however, the playwright George Bernard Shaw took a somewhat different view when he once famously remarked that "England and America are two countries separated by the same language."

It is another matter that Shaw himself was Irish. I have long believed that there must be something in Ireland's soil that produces great writers. How else does one explain the fact that the 20th century's greatest playwright in the English language, Shaw; the 20th century's greatest poet in the English language, William Butler Yeats; and the 20th century's greatest novelist in the English language, James Joyce, were all Irish?

The magical influence of language is a theme that reverberates throughout the literatures and legends of the world. Linguistic superstitions, too, abound. In the Roman levies (incidentally, we have levies in Balochistan, too), the authorities took good care to enroll first those men who had auspicious names, such as Victor and Felix.

When Adrian VI became pope, he was advised not to retain his own name on the grounds that all popes who had done so had died in the first year of their reign. We, in the 21st century, may scoff at such superstitions, but things have not greatly changed. It is highly unlikely, for instance, that anybody today would think of naming a new ship Titanic.

Be that as it may, there is no denying that English is a fascinating language -- replete with peculiarities, anomalies and usages that defy the rules of logic and are part of its charm. Here are a few verses on the subject:

"We'll begin with a box, and the plural is boxes;

But the plural of ox became oxen not oxes.

One fowl is a goose, but two are called geese,

Yet the plural of moose should never be meese.

You may find a lone mouse or a nest full of mice;

Yet the plural of house is houses, not hice.

If the plural of man is always called men,

Why shouldn't the plural of pan be called pen?

We speak of a brother and also of brethren,

But though we say mother we never say methren.

Then the masculine pronouns are he, his and him,

But imagine the feminine, she, shis and shim."

That brings me to the subject of the way in which English is used by some people in this country. Their ranks include some journalists who keep mixing up their masculine and feminine pronouns in the stories they write. Hence, for example, stories that say: "Benazir Bhutto and HIS brother Murtaza" or "Murtaza Bhutto and HER sister Benazir". Hardly a week passes when one doesn't come across such stories in some Pakistani newspaper or another. HER brother and HIS sister, guys. Puhleeze!


energy

Need for enabling policies

A shift to fuel ethanol would save the country considerable foreign exchange

 

By Shaheen Rafi Khan

Part-II

Pakistan imported petroleum products worth $3.1 billion in the fiscal year 2006-07. This accounted not only for 85 per cent of the total oil consumption, but also constituted a major chunk of the country's trade deficit. So, clearly, a shift to fuel ethanol would save the country considerable foreign exchange. If fuel ethanol is blended with gasoline in a 1:9 ratio (E10), the country can save foreign exchange worth $300 million, which doubles if fuel ethanol is blended with gasoline in a 2:8 ratio.

As a sop to the technology, the Pakistan State Oil (PSO) and the Hydro Carbon Institute of Pakistan (HDIP) have launched a pilot project, aimed at meeting the energy shortfall, to introduce blended fuel in the country. In three PSO petrol pumps (one in Karachi, Lahore and Islamabad each), fuel ethanol is being blended with gasoline in a 1:9 ratio. However, there is a cosmetic aspect to this initiative and it is almost self-evident that the oil lobby will stall further initiatives.

Sources in the private sector repeatedly highlighted certain policy proposals during our interviews with them. These included a ceiling on the export of molasses and a subsidy on bioethanol production to compensate for the fluctuation in the prices of molasses. To date, there has been no real government response to these suggestions. In fact, the government has directed the PSO to conduct a background study on the feasibility of bioethanol use, which clearly illustrates the clout of the oil mafia.

An equally concerning move situated the mandate of bioethanol promotion within the Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Resources rather than the Ministry of Industries and Production or the Ministry of Environment. Clearly, the policy provenance must shift if any pro-ethanol initiative is to succeed.

 

Export promotion

As long as current policy on fuel ethanol is dictated by the oil sector, import substitution will remain a slow process. The immediate prospects lie in export promotion. As indicated in the first article of this series, Pakistan currently exports more than 160,000 tonnes of industrial alcohol and bioethanol, earning more than $100 million in foreign exchange that is well below the potential. While industrial alcohol and fuel ethanol have a higher value-added component, and subsequently fetch a substantially higher price in the world market, molasses continue to be exported in bulk; notwithstanding the recent pick up in the export of fuel alcohol.

A perverse domestic policy contributes to this sub-optimal performance in the shape of high central excise duty and sales tax on alcohol. This policy needs to be done away with to increase price competitiveness, both abroad and in the country. Also, Pakistan would do well to follow India's lead in imposing a ceiling on the export of molasses.

Tariff restrictions

Until recently, under the General System of Preferences (GSP), Pakistan was the second largest industrial alcohol exporter to the European Union (EU) after Brazil. Initially, Pakistan and six other countries exported industrial alcohol to the EU under a no-tax regime, following a dispensation given in the EU anti-narcotics policy.

In May 2005, the Commission of Industrial Ethanol Producers (CIEP) of the EU accused Pakistan and Guatemala -- the largest duty-free exporters for the period 2002-2004 -- of dumping ethyl alcohol in the market, causing material harm to domestic producers. A year later, the EU imposed tariffs on Pakistani imports. In particular, differentiated tariffs on bioethanol and feedstock (raw molasses in Pakistan's case) point to tariff escalation that discriminates against the final product.

There currently is no unique customs classification for bioethanol. Industrial alcohol is traded under Code 22-07, which covers both denatured (HS 22-07-20) and un-denatured alcohol (HS 22-07- 10). Both these types of alcohol can be used for biofuel production. Despite this lack of specific customs classification, the use of tariffs is common practice in countries aiming to protect their domestic agriculture and biofuel industries from external competition.

Moreover, the tariffs vary. For instance, the EU and the United States (US) have trade agreements that grant differentiated market access conditions to various countries. The local distilleries have consequently begun to suffer losses and some have even closed operations. After 2002-03, the number of distilleries in the country had increased from six to 21. However, given a rise in the exports of molasses post-2003-04, and the more stringent EU tariff measures, the distilleries soon became idle. At least two distilleries have already closed down as a result, while another five are contemplating doing so.

 

Technical, environmental and social standards

Technical, environmental and social standards are now part of the global trading regime. There is little dispute on whether such sustainable development issues should be linked with trade. The question, however, remains how this should be done. While the North continues to insist upon the stringent implementation of such standards, the South is becoming increasingly wary of the use of standards as hidden tariffs. Moreover, since standards do not tend to be uniform, it becomes virtually impossible for resource-constrained producers in the South to develop variants of their products to conform with standards specific to a particular destination.

For instance, the EU's Biomass Action Plan is contemplating certification to ensure that the biofuel imported is produced from crops grown in an environmentally sustainable manner. Individual EU members such as the Netherlands and United Kingdom (UK) are already implementing certification schemes. A number of additional voluntary measures to ensure import of 'sustainable' biofuel are also under way. The varying standards requirements across the North present additional compliance problems for the technically- and institutionally-unprepared South.

Pakistan has, in principle, supported standards in the global trading regime. But, as a member of the Southern block, it has concurrently and repeatedly opposed any measures that may allow the North to use standards as 'protective' devices against free trade. Its stance on the EU agricultural support, which includes 'energy crops', echoes that of the G-20 block within the World Trade Organisation (WTO): Pakistan seeks an end to EU subsidies to its farmers, especially 'Amber Box' subsidies. Negotiations on EU's agricultural support, however, continue with no end in sight.

 

Institutional ambivalence

Biofuels and bioethanol continue to remain contentious issues in the WTO, complicating trade in the products. Experts claim that the WTO has never really probed energy issues, as few energy producing countries have been members of the organisation; biofuels have warranted even less attention as they constitute a small percentage of the world's energy supply. The WTO classifies bioethanol as an agricultural product, making no distinction between its use as fuel and for other purposes; yet bio-diesel is classified as an industrial product. Thus we have two competing fuels with different rules. The discussion around biofuels is likely to become more complicated as the range of materials used to make the product expands.

Given the optimistic forecasts for biofuel growth, the WTO and others must act now to regulate rules and standards that are all over the globe. According to the International Food and Agricultural Trade Policy Council, which released the report on WTO rules on fuels like fuel ethanol, developing countries are "wildly producing biofuels". The report recommends a unified classification for biofuels. With rules for measures such as import standards varying from country to country, the WTO, the World Customs Organisation and national governments must coordinate to make sure that the future of biofuel trade is safe.

 

Recap

The promotion of bioethanol presents a win-win situation for Pakistan. With an annual oil import bill of $3.1 billion, substituting gasoline with bioethanol could generate considerable foreign exchange savings. Moreover, there is no trade-off between bioethanol and food production. The environmental benefits of using biofuel have been globally documented. Environmentally, the bioethanol production process in distilleries exhibits a closed carbon cycle. Moreover bioethanol substantially reduces CHG emissions from automobiles, while at the same time increasing vehicle efficiency.

Despite the potential advantages, progress in promoting bioethanol lacks policy impetus. The oil refining companies in collusion with the Ministry of Petroleum have managed to keep a lid on private sector involvement. Rather than enjoying incentives, the private sector is burdened with domestic taxes on industrial alcohol sales. Such domestic policy biases have been compounded by import restrictions abroad, which have compromised the country's export potential.

EU imposed tariffs under the revised GSP have led to the closure of distilleries. Furthermore, institutional uncertainties and contentious issues pertaining to bioethanol classification may complicate the development and global growth of the industry. The domestic policy biases, export barriers and institutional ambivalence lead to a poor prognosis for future development of bioethanol as a renewable energy source. While the potential for both domestic use as well as exports remains high, key fiscal, policy and external constraints will have to be addressed if positive outcomes are to be accrued.

(Email:

shaheen@sdpi.org)

 

Manifestations of political psychology

There is definitely a psychological connection to politics

By Muhammad Ahsan Yatu

Well-fixed political attitudes based on group feelings make up the politico-psychological question. In the West and other parts of the developed world this question is not as intense as in the Third World, where class-based politics in one form or the other still dominates politics.

Moreover, participatory politics and economics leading to the evolution of egalitarian societies have narrowed the scope of the politico-psychological question. For example, in Great Britain, the Welsh and the Scots do possess a sub-nationalistic identity, but its expression is limited in magnitude. In the subcontinent, the connection is more profound than in many other parts of the world, though the causes and manifestations vary from country to country.

In India strong political parties having Leftist, Centrist or Rightist orientation exist, but regionalism, communalism and caste-affiliations have produced political parties that are not only effective in states but also influence the national politics. The neglect detached the underprivileged from the mainstream political parties and they sought a positive change in their lives through regional and community-based politics. A strong and functional democratic system accepted this regionalised / sectionalised political behaviour without awe or shock. That is why Indian national politics or national political bond is as stable as before.

In Pakistan, similar regional contradictions existed from 1947 to 1971. Instead of accepting them as realities, the Centre was over-strengthened and national cohesion was sought through militaristic means that finally resulted in the country's division. Thereafter, most Pakistanis started to live within well-defined political spaces; and the great polarisation whose expressions we saw in all general elections 1988 onwards began.

The nationalists are pro-modernisation. A proof of this is that after the East Pakistan debacle, the Awami National Party (ANP) government in Balochistan declared Urdu as the provincial language and invited industrialists from all over the country to make investments in the province. Simultaneously, it attempted to address the issue of ethnic minorities.

On the other hand, those opposed to the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) are either liberal or religious conservatives. The former are not against Westernisation, but they are against modern socio-economic disciplines -- industrialisation, documented businesses and an egalitarian society. The later propagate that religion would help the society grow intellectually as well as materially -- their thinking is based on the 'glorious past' abstractionism.

The anti-PPP elements support each other when they feel the society is heading for a change, as they are anti-change and pro-status quo. Not only do these elements have control over power and resources, they are also fortunate in that they have main PPP leaders on their side. The preservation of the prevailing political order is thus the only objective of the major power players.

Fortunately, despite the efforts of the army, America and Saudi Arabia, the people of Pakistan are not as yet ready to accept politico-religious parties as genuine political parties. For this we should be thankful to the British, who had left behind deep-rooted liberal political traditions. Though most of us became pro-status quo after the East Pakistan debacle, we are still not in the favour of a religious state.

As we all know, the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal's (MMA's) 'success' in the 2002 general elections was a state-planned affair. It is, however, a fact that the people have become more religious in their social affairs other than politics since 1970. The 'credit' for this goes to General Ziaul Haq, who openly supported religious extremists, and General Pervez Musharraf for his duplicity. Both of them, in fact, propagated the Arab-American sponsored politico-religious agenda.

To explain the manifestations of political psychology in Pakistan is a difficult proposition, as the people may appear to be entirely different from what they actually are. In this regard, a survey conducted by this scribe and a friend in the twin cities of Rawalpindi and Islamabad after the United States-led alliance attacked Afghanistan in the wake of September 11 attacks made startling revelations. In all, more than 100 grassroots workers of different political parties were interviewed for the purposes of the survey.

About 75 per cent of the respondents supported the Taliban, while the remaining 25 percent supported the American action. As many as 80 per cent of those who supported the Taliban were sure that the extremist group would win the war against the US, while the remaining 20 per cent -- mostly PPP supporters -- believed that the group would give a tough time to the Americans. Of those who supported the US, 20 per cent were sure that the war would not last for more than a month. The remaining 80 percent believed that the Taliban would be able to resist the American offensive for two months at the maximum.

An interesting side of political psyche revealed itself when we talked about different scenarios of the war. What if the Russians jump in and fight against the Americans? 55 per cent did not reply, 25 per cent said the Russians would win and 20 per cent said the US would defeat the Russia-Taliban alliance. Most of those who did not reply were fearful of the very idea of such an alliance -- they did not want the Americans to be defeated by the Russians. Next, we asked with whom would you side if after the defeat of the Taliban the Russians declared a war against the Americans? As many as 60 per cent said they would side with the US, only three per cent said they would side with the Russians and the remaining 37 per cent did not reply.

The most interesting question in the survey was what if a war breaks out between America and China, and with whom would you side? Almost all the respondents said China would lose the war and it would be better to side with the winner. Imagine the pro-America spirit! Even those respondents who said they would side with China believed that the US would win the war. The survey reflects the political psyche of most urban Pakistanis -- they are pro-America.

environment

Continuing health crisis

Labourers working in tanneries of Kasur are still faced with a host of health-related problems

By Naila Hussain

There are almost 30 patients daily with tannery-related problems, reveals Dr Qaisar Mahmud, a dermatologist based in the Kasur city. The problems, he informs, are multi-faceted and range from contact dermatitis to those caused by chemical acids and allergic pigmentation, besides those emanating from polluted water. He adds that problems like scabies, urticaria and asthmatic allergy are also very common among those who work in tanneries.

Dr Mahmud says people in Kasur are not only very poor but are also unaware of good hygiene practices, which adds to their problems. For instance, he informs, hardly any patient who visits him uses boiled water -- and that too despite all the health-related problems. Dr Mahmud adds that none of his patients wears protective gear, which aggravates the problem. He says that among his daily patients, eight to 10 are aged more than 20, while the rest are older. "Their problems range from mild to moderate to severe."

Dr Mahmud informs that most patients require antibiotics, painkillers and, at times, regular change of bandages, especially when the injuries are caused by acid burns. His fee is Rs 100 for the first visit and Rs 50 for the subsequent visits. He points out that those who are unable to afford his fee are treated free of cost. He says that patients with acid burns require three to four visits on an average; therefore, it can be quite costly for them.

Dr Mahmud explains that the contact with chemicals is a big problem and often takes place at the initial stage of tanning, when hides are treated with chemicals. He informs that in some severe cases, the owners of tanneries bear up to 10-20 percent of the treatment cost. He emphasises the fact that the chromium in untreated effluent from the tanneries and its conspicuous presence in the drinking water is the other major cause of illness. School children, he adds, often suffer from scabies; as they get infected from each other in no time.

Dr Idrees Ahmed Sheikh is a physician based in the Kasur city. Men, women and children crowd his clinic, and there is hardly enough space to sit. "With the seepage of chemicals in Kasur, water even 400 feet below the ground is unfit for drinking. The pipes are broken too, so the gutter and sewage water gets mixed with drinking water. That is why I drink only bottled water, but unfortunately not many people can afford it," he says. Dr Sheikh informs that every week more than 70 patients come to his clinic with tannery-related health problems. The various skin infections his patients suffer from include contact dermatitis, chemical burns and scabies, besides viral hepatitis and stomach problems. The cost of treatment, he explains, varies from Rs 50 to 500, and injuries may take up to a month to heal. He feels that the problem has been compounded because of dire poverty and extremely unhygienic conditions prevailing in the city.

We walked up to some women sitting with worried and anxious faces, trying to calm their babies. Most of these children were suffering from contagious rashes, which the women felt was due to the water they used for drinking and washing. They say that because of so much waste lying around, flies and mosquitoes are in abundance and therefore there is a very high incidence of malaria.

Dr Masood Sajid is an eye specialist and is also based in the Kasur city. He views that because of the strong chemical fumes in the tanneries, he has a large number of patients with allergy problems. In his opinion, because of high temperatures, the situation gets aggravated. He says that about 10-15 per cent patients come with the above mentioned illness. He adds that various problems occur due to tannery-related pollution, and the fact that water and sewage pipes are broken. These include gastric issues, appendicitis, and chronic problems of vomitting and diarrhea. "The water of Kasur used to be very rich in minerals and the people of this city were proud of it. Now it is only rich in heavy metals," he states.

Dr Sajid says for the betterment of patients, he keeps reminding them about the significance of protective gear while working in such hazardous environments. The other industry he mentions is that of power looms: there too he feels the working environment is far from healthy. Elaborating, he says that in the Kasur city about 20,000 people work in these small units that are claustrophobic with no proper ventilation. Because of the closed environment and cotton wool flying about, a very high percentage of the workers suffer from asthma, chest diseases, etc.

Besides general negligence and dire poverty, there are other reasons for such a sordid state of affairs regarding health. One of them may be lack of organised labour to effect any meaningful change. In his research paper on Kasur, Dr Peter Lund-Thomsen writes that while in countries such as Brazil, India, Mexico and South Africa there has been an emergence of national and/or regional social movements, "communities in Pakistan are generally not well organised." This means that they cannot exert continued pressure on companies. He goes on to say that "trade unions have been subjected to severe government repression. Recent data indicates that only three per cent of the Pakistani work force is organised. This lack of organised work force has severely affected the labour rights in Pakistan."

To understand the gravity of the health situation, Dr Tatsuro Sukano, associate professor in the Department of Social engineering, Graduate School of Decision Science and Technology, Tokyo Institute of technology, compares Kasur's case with severe health issues they experienced in Minimata, Japan. He spoke about these issues at a workshop held in 2000 in Kasur. He began by saying that Japan is not known for great environmental decisions and Minimata -- a small fishing town in the southern part of Japan -- epitomises the situation.

Explaining, he says: "Minimata is also name of organic mercury disposed of by a factory producing chemical substances for vinyl chloride. The factory was set up in the 1930s and in 1956 its first patient was identified as a victim of Minimata disease. When mercury was discharged into the sea, it started accumulating in fish and sea shells." Research has proven that condensed mercury damages the nervous system. Similarly, it damages the nervous system of animals and human beings who consume these products. The effects include loosing eyesight, damaging hearing and speech, and causing severe paralysis.

In 1957, a group of doctors felt that the factory's effluents were the cause of the disease. Professor Tatsuro elaborates that it took six years for an academic association to acknowledge this and then it took another three years for the government to recognise the problem. Therefore, for almost next 10 years, the factory kept discharging the effluents and spreading the devastation. He says that the Fishing Association also made a huge mistake by declaring that the marine products were safe, even after listening to the academics. In 1979, the court judged that the factory was responsible for the disease. According to the estimates of the local universities, at least 100, 000 people were affected by the disease. Dr Tatsuro warns that necessary precautions should be taken with immediate effect, in order to save Kasur from further damage. As the situation stands, tonnes of waste is dumped in the Sutluj river without being treated.

According to the doctors at the Shaukat Khannum Cancer Research Hospital, Lahore, the ratio of patients from Kasur is not much more than those from other cities in Pakistan. Analysing the health situation in Kasur, Dr Farhana Badar, Dr Asim Yusuf and Dr Faisal Sultan suggest further research in order to ascertain the exact causes and extent of the problem. One such recommendation was to do health analyses on Kasur and compare it with a controlled group that is not afflicted with the same or other overwhelming health issues.


Covering campaign finance issues

It is unfortunate that elections in Pakistan are not fought on the basis of manifestoes

By Farrukh Khan Pitafi

Analysts of Pakistani politics often overlook the critical importance of election campaigns. So worrying is the extent of this ignorance that one often feels deeply concerned. Even now -- when the general elections are approaching and political parties are allotting tickets to candidates, instead of occupying ourselves with the evaluation of each political party's institutional strength, message and outreach -- we remain obsessed with the talk of deals behind the closed doors and the politics of speculation. To be fair with ourselves, no political party thus far has made its manifesto public.

This essentially means that since the promised programmes of parties are not available for public perusal, it is practically impossible to understand the exact appeal of each party to the electorate. It then boils down to the study of traditional voting patterns and the usual conspiracy theories. Similarly, since no mutually agreed code of conduct for the approaching general elections is yet available, it becomes really difficult to prepare a framework for the study of the electoral dynamics in the coming days.

Similarly, the issue of financing for election campaigns is totally ignored. We know that in order to reach the voters and spread their message, political parties and candidates have to invest a good deal of money. The study of the origin and the use of the money involved is vital to ensuring the transparency of the electoral process and the government that is formed as a result of it. It is unfortunate that none of the studies that are available on the Pakistani electoral politics does justice to this important issue. The absence of smooth democratic experience has ensured that data is scarcely available to evaluate each political party's campaign income and expenditure in any given elections. Another explanation of this can be that since the systematic study of the election processes has remained restricted to a few scholars, their omissions and commissions have become inextricable part of the scholarly lexicon.

It is, however, imperative to develop an extensive framework for the coverage and monitoring of the campaign finance issues, because while the media and the analysts usually remain embroiled in the political and ideational issues during elections, the fate of democracy is sealed by the prudential aspects of the campaign that waylay the resulting political setup of freedom of action and the moral ground to act in a transparent manner. Media organisations have a special responsibility regarding keeping these often ignored issues in a critical focus, especially because now the media space has expanded in the country and there is considerable freedom of expression.

In this article, an attempt has be made to recommend a framework to monitor the financial issues in the forthcoming elections and to develop a format for media groups to ensure that they are fully prepared to avoid overlooking these issues that play such an important role in the development of transparent democracy. Let us focus in this piece on only a few aspects of the campaign finance, like the corrupt practices and the monitoring of the campaign income and expenditure.

The evident corrupt practices in our electoral process include the quid pro quo donations to political parties or candidates, vote buying, bribing or intimidating the election officials, misuse of the official or public resources, and a host of biradari dynamics. The reason why these problems really exist is that the election process in our country takes place in great haste, and the electoral rules and laws that are codified are insufficient to check these malpractices. Also, there is usually not enough adherence to these rules by the election conducting authorities.

Take for instance the issue of the disclosure laws. The rule 4, 5 and 6 of the Political Parties Rules, 2002, of the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) clearly set the disclosure process of each political party's income and expenditure, sources of funds, assets, and liabilities. Each party under these rules is bound to submit within 60 days of closing date of each financial year a consolidated statement of accounts of the party audited by a chartered accountant, accompanied by a certificate duly signed by the party leader to the effect that no funds from any source prohibited under the order were received by the party and that the statement contains an accurate financial position of the party. But how many of us have seen the ECP's published details of such accounts in the last five years?

It is an open secret that the political parties in our country are not strong. This is partly due to the fact that the electoral system here is majoritarian in nature and not based on the proportional representation principle. Since candidates have to contest elections on their own, the campaign income and expenditures are usually decentralised and hence the party's central command has little or no control over these resources.

But it is not a universal rule of thumb. Britain has a majoritarian electoral system, but is heavily based on central party finances. In other systems too there are interesting campaign finance rules. For instance, in Sweden political parties are prohibited to accept private donations and the government gives equal grant to each party to meet the campaign expenditures. In the United States, while no such bar exists, the system ensures that each party gets a minimum of funds from the state resources in case it fails to raise enough money for its campaign.

Again the campaign finance issues are of pivotal importance, because they strongly influence the election of candidates to the corridors of power. It is common knowledge that, barring a few exceptions, most political parties in Pakistan are not financially strong to support their candidates, so they have to rely on the candidates who have enough financial clout to contest elections on their own. This leaves a host of talented candidates with promising outlook behind, for the simple reason that they cannot fight the elections on their own.

Then the bigger parties do something even far more heart-rending -- they sell their tickets to the highest bidder. In this way, the entire election process becomes a sham. Those who invest so heavily in this process certainly want their money back with profit after winning the election. No political party in Pakistan has a self-sustaining financial system in place, which makes them highly dependent on donations or the sale of tickets. It is the responsibility of the ECP and the media not only to ensure that the financial issues remain transparent, but also that political parties know how to raise enough money to fund their expenditure and hence not rely on dubious means.

Since the schedule for the general elections has thus far not been announced, it is high time for media organisations to start organising their election monitoring cells. These cells can organise the reporters and correspondents in each constituency as the monitors. For starters, these monitors can start gathering the data regarding the existing parliamentarians and their track record of initiating development work in their respective constituencies. These monitors can also start gathering data about each constituency in accordance with the above mentioned format, clearly identifying the various dynamics like the biradari interests, traditional voting patterns and the changing trends.

The election campaigns usually start much earlier than the official campaign period, in order to make it easy to conceal the total expenditure. Once the tickets are allotted, it will become very easy for these monitors to assess the volume of each candidate's income and expenditure. There is an investigative approach involved in the data gathering as well. If a candidate's expenditures are visibly more than the disclosed income and assets, we can easily interpret that that candidate has not been honest about the income. The media can also help in advocating the need to bring the disclosure requirements and rules up to the international standards on the pretext of the freedom of information.

(Email:

farrukh.khan@pitafi.com)

debate

Reasons for

PML-N's flop show

It is surprising that PML-N supporters did not turn out in large number to greet their leader on his return

 

By E Anwar

Within hours of his arrival in Islamabad, twice former prime minister and chief of his own faction of Pakistan Muslim League (PML) Mian Nawaz Sharif was once again flown back to Saudi Arabia. Surprisingly, PML-N leaders -- who were claiming to muster hundreds of thousands of supporters to welcome their chief on his return -- could not gather even a few hundred people at one place anywhere in the country on this occasion.

There is no doubt that Nawaz Sharif is still one of the most popular leaders of the country. Considering this, it is surprising that there were not many people to greet him on his return. The reason behind the failure of the PML-N to muster public support on the occasion of Nawaz Sharif's return continues to haunt the minds of analysts on both sides of the divide. An attempt has, therefore, been made in this article to identify the reasons for the PML-N's failure to accord a befitting welcome to its chief.

The biggest problem with the PML-N is that, unlike the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) or the Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), it lacks a genuine workers' cadre among its ranks. The party draws most of its support from the middle class, which is neither trained in nor inclined towards politics of agitation.

Barricades on the roads leading to Islamabad, coupled with heavy presence of police contingents, could have only been overcome by die-hard and committed workers. Such a class of workers is, however, not available to the PML-N. Moreover, because of the lack of genuine political activities in the country for the last eight years, even those who went to greet Nawaz Sharif had no experience of dealing with such situations. Thus, the government had a free hand on the day.

Absence of any strategy or alternative plan on the part of PML-N leaders was another major cause of the party's failure to stage a successful show on the occasion of its chief's return. It seemed that in the presence of a favourable Supreme Court judgment, PML-N leaders were under the impression that the government would not go as far as forcing Nawaz Sharif into exile again.

One still fails to understand that, when the government had already shown its intentions by conducting a heavy crackdown, why were majority of PML-N leaders apprehended from their residences hours before Nawaz Sharif's arrival? Was this naivety, complacence, political incompetence or something else? Similarly, most of PML-N's front-line leaders were more interested in getting themselves photographed at the blockades rather than making a genuine attempt at crossing the same.

Here one would also like to mention another closely related factor. Till a few years ago, the second-line leadership of most political parties used to show its efficiency by mobilising maximum people at political events. But now the media has provided them with other less burdensome opportunities to reap the same benefits. Instead of going door-to-door in their respective constituencies or conducting corner meetings, the politicians have found participation in popular talk shows on private television channels an easy way to become prominent in front of the public as well as their party's leadership.

It is amusing to quote here that when Nawaz Sharif was still stranded at the Islamabad airport and was desperately waiting for his supporters to reach there after overcoming all the obstacles, an important leader of his party was actively engaged in a live talk show on a private television channel. What a way to accord welcome to the party's chief!

Unprecedented measures adopted by the government to block access to Islamabad and the city's airport were another major factor that resulted in a poor show by the PML-N. The Grand Trunk (GT) Road was blocked about 200 kilometres away from Islamabad at the Chenab River bridge in the vicinity of the Gujrat city, and that too one night prior to Nawaz Sharif's arrival. Such a measure has never been heard of in our living history.

Similarly, large containers were used to block the traffic at the Attock bridge for those coming from NWFP. Such measures hampered the vehicular traffic leading to Islamabad and thus prevented mass transportation of Nawaz Sharif's supporters to the city. The argument, however, still holds that such measures should have been foreseen by the PML-N leadership and counter-measures should have been adopted accordingly. Also, political workers are expected to cross all the hurdles provided they have the requisite commitment to do so.

The half-hearted participation of PML-N's alliance partners in the All Parties Democratic Movement (APDM) also acted to Nawaz Sharif's detriment. He had set the date of his arrival after actively consulting his partners in the APDM, but they refrained from sending their workers to an activity that could have enhanced someone else's stature. The APDM's contribution, therefore, remained mostly ceremonial -- leaders were arrested from their residences and workers were not seen protesting anywhere in the country.

It may be noted here that at least the JI had the requisite lot of trained workers who could have braved every situation to reach the Islamabad airport or given a tough time to the law-enforcing agencies on the streets. One can, however, argue that why should have workers of other parties fought a war for the PML-N when its own workers had chosen not to do so?

Uncertainty regarding the arrival time of Nawaz Sharif also led to PML-N's poor show on the day of his arrival. The party's supporters, especially those coming from far-off places, could not make a definite and workable plan to reach the twin cities. Moreover, choosing the first half of the day for arrival was not a good choice by Nawaz Sharif. For the PML-N supporters coming from outside of Islamabad, it meant travelling at night or getting up very early in the morning on September 10. And when they finally set out for Islamabad, they did not have enough time to overcome the obstacles on the roads leading to the city or take alternate routes for the purpose.

Had there been no obstacles, even then how could Nawaz Sharif's supporter have reached Islamabad from his stronghold, Lahore, which was many hours away -- especially when no one knew at what time was he going to land at the Islamabad airport? However, if Nawaz Sharif had chosen the second half of the day for his arrival, despite all impediments, a considerable number of his supporters could have still reached Islamabad and even the city's airport.

Not only the arrival time of Nawaz Sharif was inappropriate, but also the venue of his arrival was far from ideal. He might have chosen Islamabad to give an impression that he was leader of the whole country, and not only of Punjab. Nawaz Sharif might also have thought that he would get the same rousing welcome along the GT Road as was accorded to Chief Justice of Pakistan (CJP) Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry when he travelled to Lahore. But again it was a big miscalculation. Nawaz Sharif should not have compared himself to the CJP.

In short, the PML-N miscalculated its strength and public support, chose wrong time and venue for the arrival, and did not make any workable plan or alternate strategy. The hype that was gradually building around PML-N due to some recent events thus evaporated in thin air, at least for the time being.

(Email: ehsan.anwar@hotmail.com)

The bogey of navigation on the Jhelum river is yet another impish idea floated by India in the name of welfare of the Kashmiris

By Arjimand Hussain Talib

India's Minister for Water Resources Saifuddin Soz -- who happens to be a Kashmiri -- has a dream for Kashmir's Jhelum river: he wants its historical glory to be restored. According to him, this can be done by introducing diesel-driven boats that are "a symbol of our civilisation".

Speaking at a press conference in Srinagar recently, Soz said he felt introduction of diesel-driven boats would help "promote" tourism in the state (the first stated objective of everything that is done in the Held Kashmir) and also introduce a "cheap mode" of transportation between the 170-kilometre long river stretch from Khanabal in South Kashmir to the Wullar lake.

Soz further said the reason he wanted to do all this was that "he wants to do something" for the future generations of Kashmir, which will "never forgive us if we failed in our duty to preserve the water bodies." But the question remains how would we be able to "preserve our water bodies" by introducing water transport?

In the same press conference, Soz urged Pakistan to withdraw its opposition to the Wullar Barrage Project that is being initiated by India in North Kashmir. But what has boat rides on the Jhelum river to do with the Wullar Barrage dispute between New Delhi and Islamabad? The bogey of navigation on the Jhelum river is yet another addition to the long list of impish ideas that are floated by India from time to time in the name of welfare of the Kashmiris, but are actually aimed at achieving something else.

The idea of using the Jhelum river for water transport, with its current water quantity and quality, defies both economic and aesthetic logic. The idea of introducing water transport on the Jhelum river is based on the assumption of dredging its silt out and availability of enough water to facilitate the travel of diesel-driven boats. Firstly, given the geographical location of the Jhelum river, its recurrent siltation is a reality that cannot be whisked away. Secondly, the mean amount of water available in the river throughout the year is insufficient to facilitate the travel of medium-sized boats.

Now if one were to assume that both these problems would be overcome by the use of small boats, many other questions arise. Considering the efficient passenger transport facilities between Khanabal and Srinagar and Srinagar and Sopore, an additional mode of transportation -- which is not only cumbersome but also geographically unfeasible for use by most people in the Held Kashmir -- is hardly required.

Why would people need to ride small boats that would be very slow in comparison with surface transport as well as highly time consuming? Does it make any economic sense to spend millions of rupees on dredging and running a few small boats to carry a few hundred people in a day? Moreover, if within a couple of years the train facility between Qazigund and Baramulla is going to provide a strong alternative to land-based transportation of goods and fruits in the Valley, what purpose would water transport serve?

A cost-benefit analysis of the project, considering that it is aimed at the promotion of tourism, also shows that it is unviable. The idea of joyride on the Jhelum river is fundamentally a flawed one, as the current quality of the river's water is unlikely to attract tourists. For today's tourists, the significance of a joyride on the stinky and polluted waters of the Jhelum river does not make much sense.

Almost the whole sewerage of the Srinagar city, as well as of the other towns situated on its banks throughout the Valley, goes into the Jhelum river. Also, the whole waste generated during the annual Amarnath Yatra goes into this river through the Lidder stream. So, why would tourists prefer a boat ride on the Jhelum river when better options are available to them?

Besides all these factors, the geo-political factors underlying this idea would make the condition of the Kashmiris even worse. Since this idea has the question of navigability attached to it, its planners would surely look for ways and means to not only further take up Wullar Barrage work with vigour but also create conditions for building more such barrages in the Valley.

The idea of water transportation on the Jhelum river will create a basis for New Delhi's geo-political strategists to manufacture arguments for improving navigation on the river and thus necessitate creation of more Wullar barrages. This would neither help the people of Kashmir nor the ongoing peace talks between New Delhi and Islamabad.

The bogey of the Wullar Barrage Project and its linking with the question of water transportation in the Valley needs very careful handling by Kashmir's ruling elite. Not only the Kashmiris, but also those who have planned the Wullar Barrage Project know the argument that the project is meant to improve navigation on the Jhelum river during lean season is nothing but a joke. It is now well known among the water resources management experts that the basic idea behind the Wullar Barrage Project is not navigation, but its use as a geo-strategic tool during negotiations with Pakistan.

There are people associated with the project who have also spoken of it being 'useful' in enhancing water intake for the Uri Power projects, which are run and used by the central government without helping Kashmir's economy in any way. To put the things straight, the idea of the water transportation on the Jhelum river in the current form is unfeasible to say the least.

 

An indifferent world

People all over the world have become apathetic to what is happening around them, however horrible it may be

 

By Farheen Hussain

Our country is currently faced with many problems. If on the one hand there are repeated suicide bombings, then on the other our army is pitted against the very people whom it is meant to defend. Though we are quick to express concern about the things we see in the news, in reality we are indifferent to them. They may seem regrettable or even horrible to us, but not to the extent that they illicit a strong visceral reaction. Despite widespread news coverage and incessant television analyses, the general public has been largely indifferent to the suffering of fellow human beings.

Stories of bloodshed, destruction and deprivation flood our television screens on almost a daily basis; this constant overload of information has pushed most of us to tune out. A few months back, many mainstream newspapers ran this story: "A mammoth truck bomb obliterated a popular central market in Baghdad on Saturday, ripping through scores of shops, flattening apartment building, killing at least 130 people and wounding another 300 people." Many of those killed in this terrible tragedy were women and children. Some of the victims were blown to bits of pieces; their blood, bones and bits of flesh blasted in all directions -- eradicating any possibility that they might somehow achieve a modicum of dignity at least in death. As gruesome as these stories may be, they barely maintain anyone's interest for as long as an advertisement about the latest cell phone or some senseless gossip about a celebrity's boorish behaviour.

New York Times columnist Bob Herbert, while delivering a speech at the Vanderbilt University, appropriately describes the response of the general public to war stories from Iraq: "Stories that should hit us like a blow in the solar plexus because of the tremendous human suffering they depict have become at best white noise, the constant low level rumbling of a distant war. For most people it's nothing really to do with them, nothing to personally get concerned about, so these stories get tuned out."

This callous disregard towards such great tragedies can partly be attributed to how the media has evolved over the years to formulate this escapist attitude of the public by insulating them in an eye candy world of materialism and cheap entertainment. Most of us can probably recall countless times when we would be skimming the channels on cable, only to stop at Fox News. A news flash reads: "40 people die in a bomb explosion in Baghdad." For a few seconds, you pause and regret the excessive loss of life until you are distracted by the next news flash: "Paris Hilton released on bail." A series of commentary, analysis, questioning and cross questioning ensues over the what, why and how of the whole Ms Hilton fiasco. Is this what the world needs to be concerned about?

Worse yet, bored by the tabloid trash you change the channel to find Oprah Winfrey interviewing a tear-stricken lady; yes she is morbidly obese. The stress of work, marriage and unfulfilled dreams had taken its toll and she tried to alleviate her misery by binging on all things carbohydrate. Now on the brink of divorce and a career crisis, she weeps and the audiences join in. The ridiculous thing is so do you; you feel more sympathy for the person who just has to give into her alcohol and fast food cravings than the 40 innocent men, women and children who met with a tragic and brutal end to their lives. But then, how do you feel sympathy for a number? The obese lady is on the Oprah Winfrey Show; she is a person; she has a face; she is telling her story; and she has 30 minutes worth of air time. Who were the 40 people?

Following September 11 attacks on the United States, the Western media had exhaustively reported on the 3,000 people killed in the attack. Aggrieved family members appeared regularly on talk shows, sharing their trauma and the life stories of those they lost. Watching the smiling faces of fathers holding their children, couples dancing at their wedding or young people at their graduation ceremony brought home that those who perished on that fateful day were not too different from us. As soon as you relate to the victims, you can relate to the anguish and grief felt by their loved ones. However, shockingly enough, hardly any similar footage exists of the 'bilateral damage' in Iraq or Afghanistan. The loss of 3,000 American lives causes an emotional blow of unprecedented proportion, but the slaughter of hundreds of thousands of innocent Iraqis barely causes a ripple.

The western media propaganda machine has done a remarkable job in reducing these victims of war -- be it Iraqi citizens or their own soldiers -- to an abstraction. Bob Herbert terms these abstractions as the 'shadow people': "When thinking of such people in relation to us, those of us lucky enough to be spared these horrors, we can think of them almost as shadow people; people who live and suffer and die in the shadows outside of the busy glare of our self absorbed consciousness."

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