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Kashmir: Two steps forward, four steps backward
Dr Moonis Ahmar
'AThe conflict over the disputed territory of Kashmir
is soluble only if pragmatic, realistic and tangible strategy is
established to help set a stage to put the Kashmir issue on the road to a
just and durable settlement.' Mirwaiz Umer Farooq, Head of All Partiesí
Hurriyat Conference.
The issue of Jammu and Kashmir during the year 2005,
remained stagnant with few exceptions like the launching of
Srinagar-Muzaffarabad bus service, maintenance of ceasefire along the line
of control (LoC) and the visit of Kashmiri leaders in the Pakistan and
Indian controlled parts of J&K. Earthquake of October 8 this year,
which caused colossal destruction in Azad Kashmir and some parts of the
Indian controlled Kashmir, however, failed to soften the heavily fortified
LoC but resulted into the opening of five crossing points along the line
of control to help facilitate assistance to the victims of earthquake. To
a large extent, the saying that 'two steps forward and four steps
backward' is valid as far as the case of Jammu and Kashmir during the year
2005 is concerned.
Four
important references could be made while proving the status quo oriented
nature of the Kashmir peace process. First, after the escalation of
tension between India and Pakistan during the year 2001-2002, the process
of composite dialogue was launched in 2003 as a result of Musharraf-Vajpayee
meeting, which took place on the occasion of the 12th SAARC summit held in
Islamabad in January 2004. Amidst the euphoria which occurred after the
resumption of the Indo-Pakistan normalisation process, it was a firm
belief by a school of thought that unless both sides show flexibility and
wisdom in their stated positions on contentious issues, particularly of
Jammu and Kashmir, the entire exercise of composite dialogue and other
efforts of promoting better relations may end up in futility. Although,
some progress was achieved in Indo-Pak relations by resuming air, rail and
road links suspended after the attack on the Indian parliament in December
2001, establishing normal diplomatic relations which were downgraded by
New Delhi following that attack, the holding of back-to-back talks on
various unresolved issues and the interaction of officials and people of
the two countries from different backgrounds, the results which should
have been produced after months and months of normal and back channel
talks were not forthcoming.
Predictably, euphoria and optimism in Indo-Pak
relations was gradually replaced by pessimism in the year 2005. The
inclusive meeting between Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf and the
Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, which was held in the sidelines of
the UN annual general assembly session, held in New York in September last
year also proved the fault lines of Indo-Pak peace process. Beyond the
launching of the Srinagar-Muzaffarabad bus service in 2005, nothing
significant took place for bettering the Kashmir situation. The Musharraf-Singh
meeting merely ended with a reiteration from both sides to continue the
process of dialogue for seeking a final settlement of Jammu and Kashmir
and nothing more.
Second, during the year 2005, Pakistan submitted some
important proposals for furthering the process of peace in J&K.
However, the Indian response to these proposals remained first indifferent
and later on discouraging, as New Delhi refused to amend its age old
position of changing the political or territorial statusquo in J&K and
kept on repeating its stance about stopping what it charged 'cross border
terrorism' and the dismantling of terrorist infrastructure in Pakistan for
supporting the 'Jihadi' elements in the Indian controlled Kashmir. With
these assertions on the part of India, situation on the ground remained
stagnant and nothing concrete took place. The Indian stance of J&K
during 2005 was drastically different than Pakistan because it rejected
all options on Kashmir, which called either for self-governance,
demilitarisation or giving the people of that region their fundamental
right to decide about their future. Unlike India, Pakistan has pursued a
flexible approach on J&K because it dropped its insistence on
plebiscite under the UN supervision or accession of the Muslim populated
areas of Kashmir to Pakistan. Whereas, India followed a single-track
approach by calling J&K as its integral part. Third, one positive
thing which took place in case of Jammu and Kashmir during the year 2005
was a relative softening of line of control by launching the
Srinagar-Muzaffarabad bus service, the visit of leaders of All Party
Hurriyat Conference (APHC) to Azad Kashmir and Pakistan and reunion of
several Kashmiri families as a result of better direct travel facilities.
Finally, the role of Kashmiri diaspora in playing an effective role for
the resolution of the Kashmir conflict has been noticeable during the year
2005. The US-based Kashmir study group and other Kashmiri organisations/individuals
who remained marginalised for a long period of time, are finally in a
position to do something concrete in order to alleviate the sufferings of
Kashmiris. The proposal presented by the leader of APHC Mirwaiz Umer
Farooq on 'United States of Kashmir' is a case in point because what he
proposed demonstrated the gradual emergence of Kashmiri identity. But the
problem with Mirwaizís proposal is its practicality because of the
heterogeneous nature of Jammu and Kashmir on ethnic and religious grounds.
Assuming if India and Pakistan relinquish their control over J&K and
let the people in that region run their own affairs, the foremost
challenge, which will occur, is the ability of various regions of Jammu
and Kashmir to emerge as a single territorial entity. Will such a
situation not result into the outbreak of large-scale ethnic, sectarian
and communal violence in Jammu and Kashmir? Since Ladakh is different than
Jammu, northern areas of Pakistan are culturally different than the Indian
controlled Kashmir and so forth, how can such a diversified region called
as J&K emerge as a single state? Even if that state is confederal, its
viability to survive may be questionable.
In this scenario, is it not pragmatic if maximum
autonomy is granted, followed by gradual withdrawal of military and para-military
forces of India and Pakistan from J&K, that some qualitative change
could take place in Jammu and Kashmir in terms of restoring normalcy,
peace, respect of human rights, improvement in the socio, economic
conditions of people and greater political role given to the people of
J&K while remaining within the ceremonial control of India and
Pakistan? During the year 2006, efforts should be made to create
conditions for giving maximum autonomy to all the regions of Jammu and
Kashmir while maintaining a lose control of New Delhi and Islamabad. After
all, if the issue is the emergence of Kashmiri identity as a result of
independence, such a possibility also exists if J&K gets maximum
autonomy in letter and spirit, while pending the final settlement of that
disputed region.
- (The writer is Professor Department of International
Relations, University of Karachi and Director, Program on Peace Studies
and Conflict Resolution.
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Left to bear the aftermath
By Terence Sigamony
Every year thousands of people around the world fall
prey to disabilities due to conflicts, disasters, car accidents, HIV,
cancer and diabetes. The number of disabled gradually rising worldwide,
especially in Asia and Africa where millions of people are starving and
facing economic crunch.
The WHO estimates there are over 600 million disabled
worldwide, about 10% of the world population, while in Pakistan according
to the 1998 census 2.49% of countryís population is disabled.
Many
foreign humanitarian workers who deem October 8 earthquake, a bigger
tragedy than the tsunami in South East Asia and Hurricane Katrina in the
United States, saw massive destruction in four districts of Azad Jammu and
Kashmir and some parts of NWFP. According to the government figures over
78,000 people were killed and 3.5 million houses damaged in the quake. The
trembler also inflicted various types of disabilities among the survivors.
After being dug out of the debris by rescuers, a large number of the
survivors, young and old, women and men and above all children received
multiple serious injuries. Majority of such persons, who have had their
limbs amputated, belong to Muzaffarabad, Balakot, Bagh, Rawalakot, Garhi
Habibullah and Battagram.
"The world may consider survivors of the deadly
earthquake as lucky, many of them think otherwise. It is not the loss of
material possessions or surviving without shelter in Himalayan winters but
due to the terrible loss of limbs and the ensuing permanent
disability," said Mohammad Idrees. To walk again on their feet is a
dream for many others who have been paralysed due to multiple spinal
injuries which they suffered when tonnes of rubble crushed them.
"I don't know what to say, we are unlucky to
survive especially with three of the family members becoming
disabled," said Shahid, another victim brought to Pakistan Institute
of Medical Science from Azad Kashmir.
Directorate of Special Education official says there
are 554 patients with spinal cord injuries among whom 323 are female and
180 male, amputation 654, in which 315 are males and 389 female. The
figures are based on the data the ministry received from different
hospitals and medical camps, where quake-hit patients are under treatment.
Fazil Cheema, Director South region said: "We have
set up post operative unit, Aashiana, in Attock district. After their
operations the patients are kept there for physiotherapy." He further
said that the government has decided to provide all the deserving patients
prosthesis free of cost.
Federal Minster for Social Welfare and Special
Education, Zobaida Jalal, in her message on "International Day of
Disabled", said her ministry, the provincial governments and
international and local NGOs are engaged in providing special education,
vocational training and treatment to persons with disability. It is not
only moral, religious and social obligation to rehabilitation special
children but it is the collective responsibility of society to address all
issues concerning to special people.
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2005: Iraq in transition
By Dr Mahnaz Fatima
During 2005, Iraq continued to struggle towards the
ideal of a moderate, modern, pluralistic society. While there are notable
gains, odds abound. And, while development work is going on in the south
as well as in the north of Iraq, it is the violence in Iraq's 3/4
provinces out of its 18 provinces that the world likes to look at more
closely.
The
year commenced with landmark Iraqi elections for the parliament on January
30, 2005. The voter turnout was 58%. Sunni Arabs could not participate
fully. The largest Sunni Islamist Party led by Hamid had to withdraw as
Hamid kept receiving death threats and the interim Iraqi government could
not guarantee his security. While Hamid was very keen to participate in
the elections, many Sunnis in Baquba voted after securing an exemption
from an edict issued by some Sunni clerics against participation in the
elections. Sunni Kurds participated jubilantly in large numbers as did the
Shias.
An elected Iraqi government was formed after prolonged
negotiations following the elections. As Sunni Arabs had disenfranchised
themselves, the president would be a Sunni Kurd, Jalal Talabani. The prime
minister, Ibrahim Jafari was from the United Iraqi Alliance, the Shia bloc
backed by Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani. And, the parliamentís speaker
was a Sunni Arab, Hajem al-Hassani. Each had deputies from the other
sectarian and ethnic groups. And, the cabinet positions were distributed
similarly. This marked the first step towards a pluralist government, at
least, in form. The parliament was entrusted with the task of forming a
constitution and having it approved by the people through a referendum on
October 15, 2005. This deadline too was achieved and through the
participation of Sunni Arabs. Even though the Sunni Arabs were not
represented in the parliament, they were invited to participate in the
drafting of the constitution through a committee and an observersí group.
Iraq's constitution, therefore, has inputs from all sectarian and ethnic
segments, the Sunni Arabsí reservations vis-a-vis federalism
notwithstanding.
Another apprehension was that the influence of
mid-level clerics in the dominant Shia bloc would lead to a conservative
Iranian style government. And, amongst the first targets of conservative
Muslim governments are usually the rights of women. The Shia Prime
Minister Ibrahim al-Jafari had earlier stated that the veil would not be
made compulsory in Iraq. There was then pressure to make family law
Shariah compliant. And, this move was countervailed not just by liberal
Iraqi women but more strongly by the Kurds. Consequently, the matter was
left open and women were given the freedom to either opt for Shariah or
civil law in the resolution of family disputes. Other than that women have
been granted rights to participate in public life on equal footings with
men and a large number of parliamentary seats were reserved for women with
the support of the highest office in Najaf. The modernising and moderating
forces emanating from a pluralistic set up are becoming evident already.
A third watershed event of the year was the
parliamentary elections on December 15, 2005, following which there will
come up a permanent government for four years. This time the Sunni Arabs
participated in droves. Some Sunni Arabs have, however, filed complaints
against voter fraud especially in Baghdad. According to the Iraqi
electoral commission, results will be announced only after these
complaints have been addressed satisfactorily.
While the above points towards the efforts at
developing a moderate, modern, pluralistic Iraq, there are currents to the
contrary. The Badr brigade that received training in Iran and is the
military wing of Hakims' SCIRI (Supreme Council for the Islamic revolution
of Iraq) is already in charge of Basra where they are imposing dress codes
on women and trying to govern the daily conduct of Basrites. Muqtada al-Sadr's
militia in the Sadr city of Baghdad is doing the same to the Shias of this
slum neighbourhood. Sunni Arabs in Al-Anbar are just about as conservative
as the Taliban were. While the Sunni Kurds are a major countervailing
force in this regard at the legislative level, lives in communities and
regions, if governed by militias, will render the laws ineffective. A
strong Iraqi government will be needed to have its writ established
throughout the length and breadth of Iraq and also within its own ranks.
For the interior ministry appears to have been
penetrated by a militia that abused the Sunni detainees very recently.
Sunni prisoner abuse ought to be highly embarrassing for the School of
Najaf that is supposed to uphold the lofty ideals that had kept the Shias
from attacking the Sunni holy sites following the bomb blast in Najaf.
That there has been no condemnation from the Al-Hawza of the abuse of
Sunni detainees is a mind-boggling dichotomy. If the new government of
Iraq turns out to be a soft one, this will mean that there will be one
Iraq attempting to govern formally and another Iraq trying to fight the
informal governance of the militias.
Thus far, the insurgency was supposed to be fighting
foreign occupation by killing Iraqis through IEDs (improvised explosive
device) and suicide bombings which targeted the Iraqi Shias more than any
other sect or ethnic group. The Shias showed remarkable patience by not
retaliating in the same spirit primarily because they were instructed not
to by their highest spiritual leader. This same forbearance will need to
be demonstrated again. Unless the Shias conduct themselves with dignity in
the highest government offices, they will themselves be creating hurdles
towards the development of a moderate pluralistic Iraq in actual effect.
To be effective on this front, the militias will need to be reined in and
the government will need to learn to govern well.
Saddam's trial is not the only point around which Iraqi
governments will be able to rally the people for long. While Saddam's
trial has been long desired by the brutalised Iraqi majority, all Iraqis
also want security, jobs and utilities along with justice and fair play
now. This will be possible if Iraq is governed according to the principles
Muslims ought to be upholding in their intra-and inter-community
relationships. These principles need not be taught to the majority Iraqi
community whose spiritual thought emanates from the highly revered Najaf
based in none other than Iraq itself. Only a principled stand will enable
them to ride the various internal and external storms swirling in and
around Iraq. The diverse internal and external stakeholders must also
facilitate the evolution of a different Iraq wherein the people are eager
to move forward towards self-governance.
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Awarded in 2005
Compiled by Asra Pasha
During the year 2005 too, the Pakistani women proved
their potential in all possible ways. The few prominent women who won
acclaim nationally and internationally are discussed below.
Ms Benazir Bhutto:
Benazir
Bhutto, Chairperson Pakistan People's Party, and twice Prime Minister of
the country, received the World Tolerance Award for "her vision,
personal strength, commitment to her ideals and passion for creating a
better and peaceful world in the 21st century" in Germany. The award
was presented to her by the Former Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev
award in the German city of Leipzig.
Nobel Prize Nominations:
Even the world renowned and most coveted of all, The
Nobel Prize jury could not ignore the outstanding performance of the
Pakistani women in the variety of fields they are in.
Bilquis Edhi, Asma Jehangir, Anis Haroon, Madeeha
Gauhar, Sheema Kirmani, Dr Salma Maqbool, Kishwar Naheed, Majida Rizvi,
Zari Sarfaraz and Nafisa Shah are part of 1,000 women from 150 countries
nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize 2005.
Microsoft Certificate for nine year old
Pakistani girl:
The bright ten year old Arfa Karim from Pakistan
recently made herself entitled to the Microsoft Certification Professional
(MCP), turning out to be the youngest MCP in world. Emre Berkin, Microsoft
Regional Head, presented Arfa Karim with a desk PC and a lot of software
for her future requirements.
Zarine Aziz:
Earlier, economics and banking were considered a field
only for men. But Zarine Aziz, President First Women Bank Ltd, broke the
stereotype by becoming the first ever Pakistani to receive the prestigious
International Business Award (IBA) at the Annual IBA ceremony in New York,
USA. Zarine Aziz was recognised as the Best Turnaround Executive; and
shares the honour in that category with Edward D. Breen, chairman &
chief executive of Tyco International, an American conglomerate.
Pakistani girl receives award from the Chinese
Government
A six-year old Pakistani girl, Summiya Zafar earned the
rare distinction of securing top position among 3,200 students from over
100 countries, in a painting competition. The award was given to her by
the government of China, in Beijing.
October would also be remembered for English playwright
Harold Pinter being awarded the Noble Prize for Literature.
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