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Kashmir: Two steps forward, four steps backward

 

Dr Moonis Ahmar

'AThe conflict over the disputed territory of Kashmir is soluble only if pragmatic, realistic and tangible strategy is established to help set a stage to put the Kashmir issue on the road to a just and durable settlement.' Mirwaiz Umer Farooq, Head of All Partiesí Hurriyat Conference.

The issue of Jammu and Kashmir during the year 2005, remained stagnant with few exceptions like the launching of Srinagar-Muzaffarabad bus service, maintenance of ceasefire along the line of control (LoC) and the visit of Kashmiri leaders in the Pakistan and Indian controlled parts of J&K. Earthquake of October 8 this year, which caused colossal destruction in Azad Kashmir and some parts of the Indian controlled Kashmir, however, failed to soften the heavily fortified LoC but resulted into the opening of five crossing points along the line of control to help facilitate assistance to the victims of earthquake. To a large extent, the saying that 'two steps forward and four steps backward' is valid as far as the case of Jammu and Kashmir during the year 2005 is concerned.

Four important references could be made while proving the status quo oriented nature of the Kashmir peace process. First, after the escalation of tension between India and Pakistan during the year 2001-2002, the process of composite dialogue was launched in 2003 as a result of Musharraf-Vajpayee meeting, which took place on the occasion of the 12th SAARC summit held in Islamabad in January 2004. Amidst the euphoria which occurred after the resumption of the Indo-Pakistan normalisation process, it was a firm belief by a school of thought that unless both sides show flexibility and wisdom in their stated positions on contentious issues, particularly of Jammu and Kashmir, the entire exercise of composite dialogue and other efforts of promoting better relations may end up in futility. Although, some progress was achieved in Indo-Pak relations by resuming air, rail and road links suspended after the attack on the Indian parliament in December 2001, establishing normal diplomatic relations which were downgraded by New Delhi following that attack, the holding of back-to-back talks on various unresolved issues and the interaction of officials and people of the two countries from different backgrounds, the results which should have been produced after months and months of normal and back channel talks were not forthcoming.

Predictably, euphoria and optimism in Indo-Pak relations was gradually replaced by pessimism in the year 2005. The inclusive meeting between Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf and the Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, which was held in the sidelines of the UN annual general assembly session, held in New York in September last year also proved the fault lines of Indo-Pak peace process. Beyond the launching of the Srinagar-Muzaffarabad bus service in 2005, nothing significant took place for bettering the Kashmir situation. The Musharraf-Singh meeting merely ended with a reiteration from both sides to continue the process of dialogue for seeking a final settlement of Jammu and Kashmir and nothing more.

Second, during the year 2005, Pakistan submitted some important proposals for furthering the process of peace in J&K. However, the Indian response to these proposals remained first indifferent and later on discouraging, as New Delhi refused to amend its age old position of changing the political or territorial statusquo in J&K and kept on repeating its stance about stopping what it charged 'cross border terrorism' and the dismantling of terrorist infrastructure in Pakistan for supporting the 'Jihadi' elements in the Indian controlled Kashmir. With these assertions on the part of India, situation on the ground remained stagnant and nothing concrete took place. The Indian stance of J&K during 2005 was drastically different than Pakistan because it rejected all options on Kashmir, which called either for self-governance, demilitarisation or giving the people of that region their fundamental right to decide about their future. Unlike India, Pakistan has pursued a flexible approach on J&K because it dropped its insistence on plebiscite under the UN supervision or accession of the Muslim populated areas of Kashmir to Pakistan. Whereas, India followed a single-track approach by calling J&K as its integral part. Third, one positive thing which took place in case of Jammu and Kashmir during the year 2005 was a relative softening of line of control by launching the Srinagar-Muzaffarabad bus service, the visit of leaders of All Party Hurriyat Conference (APHC) to Azad Kashmir and Pakistan and reunion of several Kashmiri families as a result of better direct travel facilities. Finally, the role of Kashmiri diaspora in playing an effective role for the resolution of the Kashmir conflict has been noticeable during the year 2005. The US-based Kashmir study group and other Kashmiri organisations/individuals who remained marginalised for a long period of time, are finally in a position to do something concrete in order to alleviate the sufferings of Kashmiris. The proposal presented by the leader of APHC Mirwaiz Umer Farooq on 'United States of Kashmir' is a case in point because what he proposed demonstrated the gradual emergence of Kashmiri identity. But the problem with Mirwaizís proposal is its practicality because of the heterogeneous nature of Jammu and Kashmir on ethnic and religious grounds. Assuming if India and Pakistan relinquish their control over J&K and let the people in that region run their own affairs, the foremost challenge, which will occur, is the ability of various regions of Jammu and Kashmir to emerge as a single territorial entity. Will such a situation not result into the outbreak of large-scale ethnic, sectarian and communal violence in Jammu and Kashmir? Since Ladakh is different than Jammu, northern areas of Pakistan are culturally different than the Indian controlled Kashmir and so forth, how can such a diversified region called as J&K emerge as a single state? Even if that state is confederal, its viability to survive may be questionable.

In this scenario, is it not pragmatic if maximum autonomy is granted, followed by gradual withdrawal of military and para-military forces of India and Pakistan from J&K, that some qualitative change could take place in Jammu and Kashmir in terms of restoring normalcy, peace, respect of human rights, improvement in the socio, economic conditions of people and greater political role given to the people of J&K while remaining within the ceremonial control of India and Pakistan? During the year 2006, efforts should be made to create conditions for giving maximum autonomy to all the regions of Jammu and Kashmir while maintaining a lose control of New Delhi and Islamabad. After all, if the issue is the emergence of Kashmiri identity as a result of independence, such a possibility also exists if J&K gets maximum autonomy in letter and spirit, while pending the final settlement of that disputed region.

- (The writer is Professor Department of International Relations, University of Karachi and Director, Program on Peace Studies and Conflict Resolution.


Left to bear the aftermath

 

By Terence Sigamony

Every year thousands of people around the world fall prey to disabilities due to conflicts, disasters, car accidents, HIV, cancer and diabetes. The number of disabled gradually rising worldwide, especially in Asia and Africa where millions of people are starving and facing economic crunch.

The WHO estimates there are over 600 million disabled worldwide, about 10% of the world population, while in Pakistan according to the 1998 census 2.49% of countryís population is disabled.

Many foreign humanitarian workers who deem October 8 earthquake, a bigger tragedy than the tsunami in South East Asia and Hurricane Katrina in the United States, saw massive destruction in four districts of Azad Jammu and Kashmir and some parts of NWFP. According to the government figures over 78,000 people were killed and 3.5 million houses damaged in the quake. The trembler also inflicted various types of disabilities among the survivors. After being dug out of the debris by rescuers, a large number of the survivors, young and old, women and men and above all children received multiple serious injuries. Majority of such persons, who have had their limbs amputated, belong to Muzaffarabad, Balakot, Bagh, Rawalakot, Garhi Habibullah and Battagram.

"The world may consider survivors of the deadly earthquake as lucky, many of them think otherwise. It is not the loss of material possessions or surviving without shelter in Himalayan winters but due to the terrible loss of limbs and the ensuing permanent disability," said Mohammad Idrees. To walk again on their feet is a dream for many others who have been paralysed due to multiple spinal injuries which they suffered when tonnes of rubble crushed them.

"I don't know what to say, we are unlucky to survive especially with three of the family members becoming disabled," said Shahid, another victim brought to Pakistan Institute of Medical Science from Azad Kashmir.

Directorate of Special Education official says there are 554 patients with spinal cord injuries among whom 323 are female and 180 male, amputation 654, in which 315 are males and 389 female. The figures are based on the data the ministry received from different hospitals and medical camps, where quake-hit patients are under treatment.

Fazil Cheema, Director South region said: "We have set up post operative unit, Aashiana, in Attock district. After their operations the patients are kept there for physiotherapy." He further said that the government has decided to provide all the deserving patients prosthesis free of cost.

Federal Minster for Social Welfare and Special Education, Zobaida Jalal, in her message on "International Day of Disabled", said her ministry, the provincial governments and international and local NGOs are engaged in providing special education, vocational training and treatment to persons with disability. It is not only moral, religious and social obligation to rehabilitation special children but it is the collective responsibility of society to address all issues concerning to special people.


2005: Iraq in transition

 

By Dr Mahnaz Fatima

During 2005, Iraq continued to struggle towards the ideal of a moderate, modern, pluralistic society. While there are notable gains, odds abound. And, while development work is going on in the south as well as in the north of Iraq, it is the violence in Iraq's 3/4 provinces out of its 18 provinces that the world likes to look at more closely.

The year commenced with landmark Iraqi elections for the parliament on January 30, 2005. The voter turnout was 58%. Sunni Arabs could not participate fully. The largest Sunni Islamist Party led by Hamid had to withdraw as Hamid kept receiving death threats and the interim Iraqi government could not guarantee his security. While Hamid was very keen to participate in the elections, many Sunnis in Baquba voted after securing an exemption from an edict issued by some Sunni clerics against participation in the elections. Sunni Kurds participated jubilantly in large numbers as did the Shias.

An elected Iraqi government was formed after prolonged negotiations following the elections. As Sunni Arabs had disenfranchised themselves, the president would be a Sunni Kurd, Jalal Talabani. The prime minister, Ibrahim Jafari was from the United Iraqi Alliance, the Shia bloc backed by Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani. And, the parliamentís speaker was a Sunni Arab, Hajem al-Hassani. Each had deputies from the other sectarian and ethnic groups. And, the cabinet positions were distributed similarly. This marked the first step towards a pluralist government, at least, in form. The parliament was entrusted with the task of forming a constitution and having it approved by the people through a referendum on October 15, 2005. This deadline too was achieved and through the participation of Sunni Arabs. Even though the Sunni Arabs were not represented in the parliament, they were invited to participate in the drafting of the constitution through a committee and an observersí group. Iraq's constitution, therefore, has inputs from all sectarian and ethnic segments, the Sunni Arabsí reservations vis-a-vis federalism notwithstanding.

Another apprehension was that the influence of mid-level clerics in the dominant Shia bloc would lead to a conservative Iranian style government. And, amongst the first targets of conservative Muslim governments are usually the rights of women. The Shia Prime Minister Ibrahim al-Jafari had earlier stated that the veil would not be made compulsory in Iraq. There was then pressure to make family law Shariah compliant. And, this move was countervailed not just by liberal Iraqi women but more strongly by the Kurds. Consequently, the matter was left open and women were given the freedom to either opt for Shariah or civil law in the resolution of family disputes. Other than that women have been granted rights to participate in public life on equal footings with men and a large number of parliamentary seats were reserved for women with the support of the highest office in Najaf. The modernising and moderating forces emanating from a pluralistic set up are becoming evident already.

A third watershed event of the year was the parliamentary elections on December 15, 2005, following which there will come up a permanent government for four years. This time the Sunni Arabs participated in droves. Some Sunni Arabs have, however, filed complaints against voter fraud especially in Baghdad. According to the Iraqi electoral commission, results will be announced only after these complaints have been addressed satisfactorily.

While the above points towards the efforts at developing a moderate, modern, pluralistic Iraq, there are currents to the contrary. The Badr brigade that received training in Iran and is the military wing of Hakims' SCIRI (Supreme Council for the Islamic revolution of Iraq) is already in charge of Basra where they are imposing dress codes on women and trying to govern the daily conduct of Basrites. Muqtada al-Sadr's militia in the Sadr city of Baghdad is doing the same to the Shias of this slum neighbourhood. Sunni Arabs in Al-Anbar are just about as conservative as the Taliban were. While the Sunni Kurds are a major countervailing force in this regard at the legislative level, lives in communities and regions, if governed by militias, will render the laws ineffective. A strong Iraqi government will be needed to have its writ established throughout the length and breadth of Iraq and also within its own ranks.

For the interior ministry appears to have been penetrated by a militia that abused the Sunni detainees very recently. Sunni prisoner abuse ought to be highly embarrassing for the School of Najaf that is supposed to uphold the lofty ideals that had kept the Shias from attacking the Sunni holy sites following the bomb blast in Najaf. That there has been no condemnation from the Al-Hawza of the abuse of Sunni detainees is a mind-boggling dichotomy. If the new government of Iraq turns out to be a soft one, this will mean that there will be one Iraq attempting to govern formally and another Iraq trying to fight the informal governance of the militias.

Thus far, the insurgency was supposed to be fighting foreign occupation by killing Iraqis through IEDs (improvised explosive device) and suicide bombings which targeted the Iraqi Shias more than any other sect or ethnic group. The Shias showed remarkable patience by not retaliating in the same spirit primarily because they were instructed not to by their highest spiritual leader. This same forbearance will need to be demonstrated again. Unless the Shias conduct themselves with dignity in the highest government offices, they will themselves be creating hurdles towards the development of a moderate pluralistic Iraq in actual effect. To be effective on this front, the militias will need to be reined in and the government will need to learn to govern well.

Saddam's trial is not the only point around which Iraqi governments will be able to rally the people for long. While Saddam's trial has been long desired by the brutalised Iraqi majority, all Iraqis also want security, jobs and utilities along with justice and fair play now. This will be possible if Iraq is governed according to the principles Muslims ought to be upholding in their intra-and inter-community relationships. These principles need not be taught to the majority Iraqi community whose spiritual thought emanates from the highly revered Najaf based in none other than Iraq itself. Only a principled stand will enable them to ride the various internal and external storms swirling in and around Iraq. The diverse internal and external stakeholders must also facilitate the evolution of a different Iraq wherein the people are eager to move forward towards self-governance.


Awarded in 2005

 

Compiled by Asra Pasha

During the year 2005 too, the Pakistani women proved their potential in all possible ways. The few prominent women who won acclaim nationally and internationally are discussed below.

Ms Benazir Bhutto:

Benazir Bhutto, Chairperson Pakistan People's Party, and twice Prime Minister of the country, received the World Tolerance Award for "her vision, personal strength, commitment to her ideals and passion for creating a better and peaceful world in the 21st century" in Germany. The award was presented to her by the Former Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev award in the German city of Leipzig.

Nobel Prize Nominations:

Even the world renowned and most coveted of all, The Nobel Prize jury could not ignore the outstanding performance of the Pakistani women in the variety of fields they are in.

Bilquis Edhi, Asma Jehangir, Anis Haroon, Madeeha Gauhar, Sheema Kirmani, Dr Salma Maqbool, Kishwar Naheed, Majida Rizvi, Zari Sarfaraz and Nafisa Shah are part of 1,000 women from 150 countries nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize 2005.

 

Microsoft Certificate for nine year old

Pakistani girl:

The bright ten year old Arfa Karim from Pakistan recently made herself entitled to the Microsoft Certification Professional (MCP), turning out to be the youngest MCP in world. Emre Berkin, Microsoft Regional Head, presented Arfa Karim with a desk PC and a lot of software for her future requirements.

Zarine Aziz:

Earlier, economics and banking were considered a field only for men. But Zarine Aziz, President First Women Bank Ltd, broke the stereotype by becoming the first ever Pakistani to receive the prestigious International Business Award (IBA) at the Annual IBA ceremony in New York, USA. Zarine Aziz was recognised as the Best Turnaround Executive; and shares the honour in that category with Edward D. Breen, chairman & chief executive of Tyco International, an American conglomerate.

Pakistani girl receives award from the Chinese Government

A six-year old Pakistani girl, Summiya Zafar earned the rare distinction of securing top position among 3,200 students from over 100 countries, in a painting competition. The award was given to her by the government of China, in Beijing.

October would also be remembered for English playwright Harold Pinter being awarded the Noble Prize for Literature.


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