Innovative solutions
The need to embrace an energy-efficient lifestyle is stronger than ever before in Pakistan
By Sibtain Raza Khan

Because of increasing demand and limited supply of electricity, the importance of efficient use of energy in different sectors is being felt. For instance, the building sector is one of the major consumers of electricity in Pakistan; by enforcing workable energy-efficient building codes, the gap between electricity supply and demand can be greatly reduced.

An undeniable link
Education can be used as a tool for making better choices and, eventually, saving lives
By Sarah Sikandar
At a children's painting competition once, I came across a picture depicting a delicious meal, a book and a man in the middle of both, obviously indecisive. I am not sure what the young painter had in mind, but for me the choice is easy. In a country like Pakistan, where hunger pangs are the most frequent and uninvited visitors, there is little choice between a book and a meal. Book, in such a situation, is the least of one's concerns. The argument is not for better education at the cost of basic life facilities such as health; rather, it is for education as a tool for making better choices and, eventually, saving lives.

Balochistan burns again. Notwithstanding all of the apologies and promises made by President Asif Ali Zardari to the Baloch people, it was a matter of conjecture whether the post-Musharraf dispensation would herald genuine change in the state's posture towards the Balochs. The cold blooded murder of three major nationalist leaders, including Ghulam Mohammad Baloch, has simply made clear just how entrenched the status quo is. The Balochs will say that nothing has really changed since 1947, and it is difficult to disagree.

There is now a sense of alienation in Balochistan that runs so deep that at least a segment of Baloch nationalists is subject to immense criticism for continuing to engage with the Pakistani state. The popular feeling for some time now has been that there is nothing to be gained from participating in the formal political process – when this process is not suspended, of course – because for more than 60 years the Balochs have been deceived time and again in the name of reconciliation and democracy. The latest killings of three Baloch leaders will serve only to consolidate this perception.

The implications of increasing alienation are enormous. On the one hand is raised the ugly spectre of xenophobia. In other words, the resentment within the Baloch nation towards the state is fast becoming resentment towards Punjabis or, in some cases, even the Pakhtuns. This means that anyone who is associated with these monolithic constructs is immediately construed as the enemy. Accordingly, incidents of violence between Balochs and the 'other' are increasing, particularly in and around Quetta where Punjabis and Pakhtuns are present in large numbers.

This trend is not uncommon in situations where the political community in question is a victim of systemic exclusion from political, economic and ideational power. In the most extreme cases, such as inter-war fascism in Spain, Germany and Italy, alienation gives rise to a supremacist ideology. In the case of perennially oppressed nationalities, such as the Balochs, the result of being pushed to the wall is a growing disinclination to consider even anti-establishment forces in the centre as possible allies in political struggle.

As already noted, even Baloch nationalists who argue that there may still be political means to decolonise the Pakistani state are suffering a crisis of credibility. Of course, armed struggle is never apolitical, but the point is that, with some exceptions, the majority of the disparate forces committed to armed struggle in the current conjuncture have made up their minds that only complete independence from Pakistan is an option. In other words, the space for any form of politics that does not start from this basic premise is shrinking.

Needless to say the responsibility for this state of affairs lies primarily – if not exclusively – with Pakistan's military establishment. Given how badly stretched the state is in the NWFP and FATA at present – both in the physical sense and in terms of legitimacy – one wonders what the establishment could have to gain from enraging the Balochs by assassinating such high-profile nationalist leaders.

But then our military establishment is not prone to taking decisions that might make sense to the layperson (or even to the seasoned political observer). This is an establishment that is convinced of its own righteousness, perpetually consumed by hubris, and always willing to brandish the big stick when it is even slightly challenged. Militaries do not understand political solutions; they are simply too trigger-happy to allow such solutions to emerge.

In any case, the typical refrain is that chaos and violence is being imposed on Balochistan by 'outsiders'. In recent times, political correctness has been dispensed with and now it is being openly asserted that RAW is sponsoring the 'miscreants' in Balochistan. The narrative has not changed even a bit from that which was concocted in 1947 to provide a mandate to the military establishment to exercise an unchallenged monopoly over state affairs: India is out to destroy us, and it is instigating anti-state elements within to undermine the sovereignty of the state.

So, by this line of argument, the separation of East Pakistan was largely a function of Indian conspiratorial designs; the deep alienation that the Bengali people felt towards the state had little to do with the disintegration of the state. The parallel argument vis-a-vis Balochistan is that a large number of ordinary Balochs are actually content with the posture and practice of the state, and it is a handful of Indian-funded troublemakers that are wreaking havoc.

As if this were not enough, state ideologues are now openly saying that 'jihadi' groups will continue to be considered strategic assets until security concerns vis-a-vis India are addressed. In other words, the opaque and self-absorbed attitude of the military establishment that has taken Balochistan to the brink is not about to change any time soon. Therefore, the morass can be expected to deepen.

History teaches us that systemic oppression has only ever been defeated by the struggle of the oppressed. What needs to be reasserted is that the Balochs are not alone in facing oppression by the military establishment and the political forces that toe its line. In particular, a forceful response to the assassinations of Ghulam Mohammad and others must be seen to emerge from Punjab, so that the self-fulfilling prophecy of the xenophobes is debunked.

It is important to bear in mind that the state itself is keen to prevent the reemergence of a broad alliance of ethno-nationalists and progressives, which was the biggest threat to the status quo in the past. Thus, it serves the state well that relations between the Balochs and the 'others' degenerate further into hatred and irreconcilable mistrust.

For all of the claims that it is the guardian of the nation, the military establishment is the single biggest reason why the diverse peoples that make up Pakistan are increasingly alienated from one another. With no end to imperialist war in the NWFP and FATA in sight, and with Balochistan also a site of intrigue and strategic posturing, it is true that things are likely to get much worse before they get better. If there is a silver lining, it is the fact that after 62 years the official ideology of the state does not command blind allegiance even within Punjab. If a new Pakistan is to be built, the Baloch struggle must become Punjab's struggle.

American consumer advocate Ralph Nader, a perennial independent candidate for president of the United States, and the author of Unsafe At Any Speed, a damning indictment of the American car industry published in the 1960s, once said of politics in his own country: "What we have now is democracy without citizens. No one is on the public's side. All the buyers are on the corporation's side. And the bureaucrats in the administration don't think the government belongs to the people." He might have been speaking about Pakistan.

To politicians in this country, democracy has usually meant the inalienable right to whiz about in Mercedes limos or BMWs at state expense, travel abroad at state expense accompanied by a huge entourage, cut lucrative business deals at state expense and generally live the life of Riley at state expense while gleefully shouting out, "Where else is this possible?"

All of which translates not – as only fools would expect – into political emancipation for the people ('empowered' is the new buzz word for this phenomenon), but into a perverted version of Lincoln's famous definition: government of the government, by the government, for the government. In this view of things, an honest politician is one who when he is bought, stays bought.

But if Pakistani politicians sound a little vague at times in their prescriptions for setting things right, they are in good company. Jerry Brown, governor of California in the mid-1970s, the son of former California governor Pat Brown, and a politician much given to fuzzy, New Age-philosophy-type pronouncements, said on his entry into the US presidential race in 1976, "A little vagueness goes a long way in this business." No wonder Jerry Brown was known in some circles as 'Captain Moonbeam'.

Two years after his presidential bid fizzled out like a damp squib, along with his romance with pop singer Linda Rondstat, however, 'Captain Moonbeam' seemed more on target when he remarked: "People will tear each other apart if given half a chance. Politics is a jungle and it's getting worse. People want a dictator these days, a man on a white horse. They're looking for a man on a white horse to ride in and tell them what to do. A politician can do anything as long as he manipulates the right symbols."

Nowhere are prejudices more mistaken for truth, passion for reason and invective for documentation than in politics. Politics is a realm peopled only by villains or heroes, a landscape where everything is black or white and gray is a forbidden colour. But if politics tends towards farce, then Islamabad's Constitution Avenue is the only thoroughfare in this country that for decades has had a farce playing at both ends.

Winston Churchill, who knew a thing or two about politics if anybody did, once remarked, somewhat cholerically, "Politics are very much like war. We may even have to use poison gas at times." And back in 1960, Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev said, "Politicians are the same all over. They promise to build a bridge even where there is no river."

But Khrushchev, who was a wily old bird and very proud of his peasant origins, also said, "If we should promise people nothing better than only revolution, they would scratch their heads and say, 'Isn't it better to have good goulash?'" Goulash, of course, is a Hungarian dish, but there's a Russian version of it too, downed with vast quantities of vodka – as most food in Russia tends to be, no matter which political system its people are living under.

Mao Zedong took a somewhat different view, though, when he once famously observed, "A revolution is not a dinner party, or writing an essay, or painting a picture, or doing embroidery. It cannot be so refined. A revolution is an insurrection, by which one class overthrows another." Mao died in 1976, but that remark of his still keeps cropping up in the oddest places; I heard a BBC news anchor quoting it only a few days ago.

In his memoirs, Richard Nixon recalls a conversation he had with Mao during his visit to China in 1972 – a trip for which the way was paved by then-US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, who flew to Beijing secretly on a PIA plane from Islamabad airport in 1971.

Nixon wrote in his memoirs that after his formal talks with Mao were over, the two leaders got to chit-chatting about this and that through their respective interpreters. At one point during the conversation, Nixon said to Mao, "I sometimes wonder what would have happened if it had been Khrushchev that had been assassinated in 1963 instead of Kennedy." "Well, one thing's for sure," replied Mao, "Onassis wouldn't have married Mrs Khrushchev!"

American black radical Elaine Brown said, while commenting on Mao's successful revolution versus her own problems as a leader of the US Black Panther Party in the 1970s, "Mao didn't have to deal with people who were watching seven hours of television every day."

Then, of course, there was our own Aslam Khusra, a eunuch who worked as a waiter in a humble restaurant in Abbottabad. Emboldened by the enthusiastic response he got from people when he announced his candidacy for a NWFP provincial assembly seat in the 1993 general elections, Khusra declared to the cheering crowd that he intended to run for prime minister next time.

"You've tried a woman, you've tried a man, now try me," he thundered. His words must have evoked a sympathetic chord in his delighted audiences because he ended up getting 6,500 votes, considerably more than the number that some so-called established politicians got.

In his Notebooks, published in 1962, the Nobel Prize-winning French author Albert Camus observed, "Politics and the fate of mankind are shaped by men without ideals and without greatness. Men who have greatness within them don't go in for politics." That, however, may be too harsh a judgment. Politics, for all its faults, has had its share of great men. Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, for example, was a great man who created a new country.

Everybody knows that the Quaid was a man of unyielding principles and integrity. Less well known is the fact that he had a wonderful sense of humour. When Gandhi wrote him a long, rambling letter saying that he was writing to him in his personal capacity because he (Gandhi) held no official position in the Indian National Congress, the Quaid wrote back saying, "Mr Gandhi, when are you going to clothe yourself in authority?" The Quaid's retort was doubly pungent because Gandhi, by then, had taken to going around bare-chested, dressed only in a dhoti.

It is one of this country's greatest misfortunes that the Quaid died only a year after Pakistan came into being. Had he lived even a few more years, he would doubtless have ensured that the Pakistani people got a constitution that was both democratic and truly federal in character. Bonapartists, like Ayub Khan, and others of his ilk, would have had to think twice before trying to abrogate a constitution that bore the Quaid's imprimatur.

Senator Syed Zafar Ali Shah was born in Piplanwala village of Mianwali district on April 4, 1943. He got his early education from his native village and then came to Rawalpindi for higher education. After doing his graduation from Gordon College, he did his LLB and MA in Political Science from University of the Punjab.

Zafar Ali Shah started practising law in 1968-69. In his almost 40-year-long journey as a lawyer, he has seen many ups and down. In 1975, he was elected as president of the Rawalpindi Bar Association; while, in 1992, as president of the Lahore High Court Bar Association. He remained member of the Punjab Bar Council from 1975 to 1980 and of the Pakistan Bar Council from 1985 to 1995.

Zafar Ali Shah joined the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) in 1965 and was sent to jail for voicing his opinion against the dictatorial rule Ayub Khan. From 1970 to 1996, he remained one of the most active members of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Istiqlal. During the Zia regime, he was once again put behind the bars for voicing his views against the military rule.

Like his legal career, Zafar Ali Shah started his political career from the scratch. He first became member of local council, then chairman of local council and finally chairman of district council. He was elected as an MPA from Rawalpindi in 1993 and as an MNA from Islamabad in 1997. Currently, he is a member of the Senate of Pakistan and is also vice-president of the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N). The News on Sunday interviewed Senator Syed Zafar Ali Shah recently. Excerpts follow:

The News on Sunday: Some people believe that the contact between Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry and Mian Nawaz Sharif through Rana Sanaullah before March 9, 2007, was one the major reasons for reference against the chief justice. To what extent is this true?

Syed Zafar Ali Shah: This is totally untrue. There was no contact between Mian Nawaz Sharif and Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry before March 9, 2007, or even after that. The PML-N head has categorically stated it many a time that he has never met with or contacted Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry. These days, the media is very powerful; if there had been anything like that, it would have definitely been reported by the media.

TNS: Although the chief justice's re-instatement appears to be a result of the Long March, there are rumours that the PML-N had signed a secret deal with the government on March 15. Is there any truth in these rumours?

SZAS: No, not at all. The PML-N had not signed any secret deal with the government. In fact, it was the struggle of lawyers, civil society and the media besides the PML-N's commitment that forced the government to re-instate Iftikhar Chaudhry as the country's chief justice.

TNS: Will Iftikhar Chaudhry be allowed to work independently now? Will he be able to take up sensitive cases like that of NRO, missing people, etc?

SZAS: Yes, why not? I think he will perform his duties efficiently. There is no danger that he will not be allowed to work independently. I think no one can stop him from performing his duties in the manner he himself deems fit. The constitution has given him power and I do not think there is any danger that he will not be allowed to work independently. Article 190 of the constitution compels all government officials to obey the orders of the Supreme Court. As far as your question about sensitive cases is concerned, I think the chief justice will do something about them and no one can stop him from this.

TNS: Do you think Iftikhar Chaudhry will be able to act judicially in cases involving his supporters and opponents?

SZAS: I know Iftikhar Chaudhry personally and I do not think these things will have an effect on him. He is a judicious person and a judge in the true sense of the word, so I think he is fully capable of tackling such situations. I would like to add that two things are a must for good judges: one, they must be fearful of God; and two, they must be committed to deliver justice. I think Iftikhar Chaudhry has both these qualities and he will be able to deliver.

TNS: Do you foresee any challenges for the judiciary in the coming days?

SZAS: This is an important question. The re-instatement of the chief justice is the result of a long struggle by lawyers and civil society. When the common people came to know that General (r) Pervez Musharraf had removed the chief justice from his position because of personal grudge, they came on the roads. Now the chief justice derives his power from two sources: the constitution and the people of Pakistan. Though the judiciary is now independent, the expectations of the common people from it are also very high. Put simply, this is the only major challenge before the judiciary now.

TNS: What reforms does the PML-N want to introduce to the judicial system of Pakistan? Has the party done any homework in this regard?

SZAS: The PML-N stands for free and powerful judiciary in the country. You can judge our commitment from the fact that we took oath from all our ticket holders that they will work for free and independent judiciary after being elected. Our party wants a judiciary that in not afraid of dictators, the army or any other force. We want judges who stand for free, fair and speedy justice. In our country, both the parliament and superior courts have to realise their role. One has to make good laws, and the other has to interpret and implement them in their true sense. I think many problems in the judicial system can be solved as a result. However, in Pakistan, actual reforms are required at the level of lower courts.

TSN: Is it right to give unlimited time to the court to adjudicate on cases?

SZAS: In Pakistan, more often than not many parties are involved in a single case: the court, lawyers of the two sides, the complainant, the accused and eyewitness. All of them have a role to play as well, but the result is delayed justice. There are laws to check this, but at times it may not be possible for the court to adjudicate on a case in a specific number of days. I think both the parliament and judiciary must realise their responsibility in solving this problem that ultimately results in people's grievances.

TNS: Is it possible to reconcile Qazi courts of Swat with other courts in the country?

SZAS: Most of us are Muslims and want Islamic courts, but the way this has been done in Swat is wrong. Leaving aside Islamic law or British law, there is a natural law that says you have to hear both sides and give them total right to defend themselves.

TNS: How you see the future of PCO and newly appointed judges?

SZAS: The way these judges were appointed was totally wrong, because many of them happen to be PPP leaders and also held party tickets in the last general elections. According to a Supreme Court ruling, no judge can be appointed without consulting the chief justice. The government may say that the judges were appointed in consultation with former chief justice Hameed Dogar, but we all know that he was not a constitutional chief justice. Because these judges were appointed without consulting Iftikhar Chaudhry, he can now take action against them. There must be no favouritism in the appointment of judges. Therefore, I think Iftikhar Chaudhry should take action against these judges; providing an independent judiciary to the people is his foremost duty. However, I am not sure about the procedure he will adopt to achieve this end.

TNS: Did the Feb 25 Supreme Court ruling against Sharif brothers motivated the PML-N to join the Long March?

SZAS: No, not at all. As I pointed out earlier, the PML-N took oath from its ticket holders before the last general elections that they will strive for an independent judiciary. We were totally committed to the Long March, but a few friends had reservations about sit-in. However, later we decided that we would take part in the sit-in before the Parliament House along with lawyers and civil society members.

TNS: Considering that his record is not very good, will Nawaz Shairf be able to respect the judiciary if he comes to power again?

SZAS: Yes, of course, he will respect the judiciary. He appeared before the Supreme Court even as prime minister of the country. This shows that he has a lot of respect for the courts. In fact, he was trying to give the message that the courts are superior and everyone must obey their orders. As far as the attack on the Supreme Court is concerned, I maintain that no such incident ever took place.

TNS: Don't you agree with the bar on becoming prime minister for the third time?

SZAS: This condition was imposed only to stop Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto from becoming prime minister for the third time. It was aimed at specific people and it had nothing to do with the public good. Such conditions do not exist in countries that have a parliamentary form of government. Therefore, the PML-N is thinking about challenging it in the court.

TNS: It seems that a working relationship is once again developing between the PML-N and PPP. How do you view this development?

SZAS: The PML-N thinks Asif Zardari is responsible for what happen on Feb 25. He has also backed on many of his commitments with our party. We said many times that the PPP had done nothing to do with the case of Sharif brothers; Nawaz Sharif and the PML-N were against Asif Zardari and not the PPP. I personally think a working relationship between the two biggest political parties of the country is the need of the hour.

TNS: Will it be possible for the PML-N to reconcile its differences with the PML-Q?

SZAS: Although nothing is final in politics, still it will be very difficult for Nawaz Sharif to forge an alliance with the PML-Q. Moreover, it depends on the PML-Q's approach on various issues of national importance.

TNS: Will it be possible for the PML-N to work with the MQM in future?

SZAS: I would never like to work with the MQM. To me, it is not a political party; it is a pressure group that only tries to safeguard its petty interests. The party's role in national politics over the years has been very negative. Look at their leader Altaf Hussain, who is himself out of country and wants to rule the country through telephonic addresses.

With the ongoing global economic crisis in full stead, the recent summit of the Group of Twenty (G-20) in London was looked upon as an important platform for the world's leaders to come together and address the most pressing issues at hand. Moreover, the election of Barrack Obama as the president of the United States, the world's largest economy, has raised the expectations of the international community that the eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) will be achieved. However, the seventh MDG on environmental conservation emphasises sustainable development on reversal of the loss of natural resources. Unfortunately, the London summit did not outline any definitive steps, especially with regard to adopting clean and renewable sources of energy production.

The communiqué of the summit, titled Global Plan for Recovery and Reform, does mention in its paragraphs 4 and 6 that any sort of an economic recovery strategy shall incorporate an inclusive, sustainable and green approach. Later, in paragraph 27, even though the document links a green recovery with the "transition towards clean, innovative, resource efficient, low carbon technologies and infrastructure", it fails to elucidate as to what measures would be put in place to ensure compliance.

The communiqué points out that any such efforts for instituting a 'go-green' plan shall depend on injection from fiscal stimulus programmes. However, there is no clarity as to what portion of the $1.1 trillion recovery package or even of the $750 million being given to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) would be allocated for decreasing dependence on fossil fuel-based sources of energy production. It goes without saying that until clear-cut incentives are given to the clean / renewable energy sector, a substantial increase in the output of green energy will remain a farfetched dream.

One of the ways that the green power industry can be given a boost does not even involve spending a lot of money; rather, it involves levying carbon / pollution taxes, as has been done in the Netherlands. The Dutch government exempts green power companies from pollution tax. Hence, from the consumer's viewpoint, the relatively high cost of purchasing clean electricity is offset by the combined cost of 'dirty' power and associated taxes.

However, such an arrangement for an economy is only feasible if the current centralised infrastructure of the national grid is modified. Generally, renewable energy projects harnessing solar or wind power are located in wide open spaces, thus they are far off from dense urban settlements. Power transmission via the existing infrastructure of the grid can be inefficient, and adapting an already over-burdened grid to low-carbon technologies will only have a limited alleviating effect.

How much allocation from the fiscal stimulus package is required for this purpose, one may ask. According to an observer, 20 percent or more should go towards green investments. "The IMF could do that if they'd recognise it was an issue for which they have some responsibility," says John Kirton, the director of the G-20 Research Group at the Munk Center for International Studies in the University of Toronto, Canada. He is probably referring to the whopping 81 percent that South Korea has set aside from its fiscal stimulus package. Compare that with the paltry 7 percent and 12 percent that the United Kingdom and United States, respectively, have allocated.

A clean bill of energy is, in fact, the need of the hour for any sort of fiscal stimulus package. The multiplier effect associated with the success of fiscal stimulus schemes is only possible with every unit of money spent by the government leading to proportionately greater growth in the economy. Not only will a burgeoning green energy sector create more jobs, but as countries become more independent energy producers, inflation and rising utility rates shall be curtailed. As the disposable income of citizens increases, so will their consumer spending, thus leading to the desired boost in gross domestic product (GDP).

It is already becoming profitable for investors to put their money in green energy stocks. According to Sam Hopkins, the international editor of greenchipstocks.com, a booming market demand is evident of the resounding performance of the listed green energy companies of China and India. Just over the past month, Chinese solar stocks have almost doubled in their value.

US President Barack Obama has had to come to terms with the emergent green trends in this region during the side discussions with the respective heads of state during the G-20 summit. "We need an interesting conversation on how to overcome this challenge. We need low carbon growth, a rapid deployment of technology across the world. The US needs to lead these countries into the low carbon energy future," he stated in his press briefing at the close of the G-20's London summit.

The G-20's latest strategy of dealing with the global financial crisis includes an ambitious plan of injecting more money into the international financial institutions (IFIs), such as the World Bank and IMF. Climate change binds and affects the world's nations far more intimately than globalisation, yet it has been relegated to a bunch of vague statements that have seemingly been added as an afterthought in the London summit's communiqué. G-20 leaders have not even bothered to hint at any concrete steps for implementing green energy solutions. Basically, they have agreed to reach an agreement at a later date (Dec 2009, at the United Nations Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen).

Hence, it has been left at the hands of multilateral development banks to do as they please with whatever funds are allocated to them under the garb of 'green recovery'. These financial institutions, along with the IMF, have already hugely indebted the world's teeming millions by privatising their economies. The poor have become open to exploitation and they end up paying whatever little money they have to support a few wealthy conglomerates. Thus, it is high time that citizens lend a helping hand to the environment, so that the Mother Nature prepares a bailout package for them.

environment

Climate change acquired new urgency after the launch of the Fourth Assessment Report (FAR) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). Based on elaborate and validated models, the report indicated that temperatures globally were rising much faster than was earlier predicted; extreme events such as floods, droughts, forest fires and storms were becoming both more frequent and destructive in their intensity; glacier melt was accelerating; sea levels were rising faster; and ocean currents were deviating from their normal patterns. In fact, the subsequent reality turned out to be even more alarming than these revised predictions. Fragmenting glaciers in the earth's polar extremities are especially vivid reminders of this reality.

The renewed calls for global action to meet the challenge of climate change, therefore, come as no surprise. Delinquent countries – such as the United States, Japan and Australia – are already facing up to their global responsibilities, while rapidly developing and polluting countries such as China, Brazil and India are being nudged towards into new emission abatement commitments. What do these developments mean for Pakistan and what are the key messages that need to be conveyed, both to increase awareness about the problem and to generate the appropriate policy responses? Clarity precedes remediation, even if it means dispelling monolithic beliefs.

First, like many poor developing countries, Pakistan is a victim of climate change rather than a contributor, with its per capita emissions of greenhouse gasses (GHGs) falling far below the global average. Thus, the effects of climate change are being felt in many sectors and in and across ecosystems, with adverse impacts on natural resources and the livelihoods that they support. An important caveat, however, is that Pakistan is ranked high in terms of energy intensity, which is another way of saying that the country uses its energy resources inefficiently.

The resulting emissions cause air pollution, which has local rather than global warming effects. Much of this pollution is concentrated in large towns and cities, and affects the health of poor communities residing in slums along the main transport routes and close to industrial sites. The key policy message that emerges from this is that projects and programmes aimed at curbing such emissions have climate change implications as well. As such, they qualify for funding under emissions trading and carbon credits.

Ultimately, however, Pakistan's primary concern is how best to adapt to the effects of climate change. Such effects are highly visible in the water sector, and have both regional and national implications. The regional effects are triggered by glacier melt in the Himalayas, the source of water for South Asia's rivers. As water flows decrease, the upper and lower riparians need to institute or strengthen their institutional arrangements to resolve water conflicts amicably. The Indus Basin Treaty has set an important precedent that other Asian countries could do well to emulate.

At the national level, too, water is fast acquiring conflict overtones as provinces and states vie more keenly for this precious commodity. In this case, institutional arrangements for inter-provincial and interstate water distribution, such as the Indus River System Authority (IRSA), need to be given greater legal clout. Pakistan has transited from a water surplus to a water deficient country in the span of just a few decades. Climate change will exacerbate this scarcity even further. However, national perceptions and policy mindsets refuse to recognise this reality and are still locked in large storages and land reclamation.

Climate-induced water scarcity also has far-reaching ecosystem effects. In Pakistan's case, four ecosystems are to be found along the river Indus: the Himalayan mountain ecosystems; the agro-ecosystems of the Indus Plains, the inland fisheries ecosystems and the coastal marine ecosystems. An independent ecosystem in Pakistan's arid regions combines underground aquifers (karaiz) and mountain run-offs (rud kohi). Each ecosystem is a source of livelihoods for poor communities, whether they are forest dependent communities in the north, poor farmers and fishermen in the Indus plains or fishing communities in the Indus delta ecosystem.

Each of these ecosystems is linked with water, so climate change that changes water flows also affects them. Another aspect is the prior, human-induced vulnerability of these ecosystems that exacerbates the effects of climate change. Thus, deforestation in the Himalayas has exposed mountain slopes and made them erosion prone. Large dams and barrages have imparted a stop-go character to water flows, disturbing their natural pulses and rhythms and reducing their outflows to the sea.

The consequent salt water inflows are further accelerated by mangrove destruction. The effects of climate change manifest themselves as pasture loss, slope erosion and river flooding, fluctuation in water flows induced by more frequent droughts, long term reduction in these flows due to glacier melt, salt water incursion due to sea level rise, continued damage to mangroves (that are rich fish breeding habitats), and more intense storms and cyclones. The adverse impacts on livelihoods are far reaching.

Climate change, in fact, provides the clearest signals yet that human interference in water-driven ecosystems has destabilised them, and that their future stability lies in non-intrusive and sustainable management. The need is compelling because of the growing competition among various sectors for water. The process of reorienting public and policy mindsets towards interventions designed to conserve water and use it more efficiently will be difficult, but it is necessary.

The menu of available options is diverse and time-tested; only the political will to implement them is lacking. Possible interventions, to name a few, include carryover dams, reforestation, irrigation system management, on-farm water management, waste water treatment and recycling, drip and sprinkler irrigation, and rain water harvesting. Of course, such remedies will remain disembodied possibilities until accompanied by an enabling policy, and legal and management protocols.

Second, extreme events have occurred with increasing frequency and intensity in the recent past in Pakistan. Droughts in Cholistan and Thar, floods in the NWFP, and cyclones and storms off the Sindh and Balochistan coasts are some reminders of the recent ravages inflicted by climate change on human populations and livelihoods. In particular, the trend towards desertification has wrought lifestyle changes to which poor communities have yet to adjust.

Such extreme climate events fall in the category of natural disasters and their frequent occurrence lends urgency to the need for instituting early warning systems and strengthening existing disaster response capabilities. Such capabilities are already in place in the shape of the Earthquake Reconstruction and Rehabilitation Authority (ERRA) and National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA), but a combination of inexperience, bureaucratic red-tapism and corruption has rendered them ineffective and slowed response times. In this context, community level responses also need to be explored as a policy-support option.

Third, Pakistan's agriculture is highly exposed to the effects of climate change. We already referred to the problem of water scarcity; how various sectors were competing for water and the measures that needed to be taken to rationalise its use. Another aspect of climate change that is already beginning to affect agriculture is rising ambient temperatures. In parts of southern Punjab, crops already on the margin of heat stress are being exposed to even higher temperatures. The cotton belt, some experts claim, is shrinking and shifting further north to cooler regions. Sector interventions will entail agronomic adjustments (planting time, crop rotations, new cropping patterns, etc), and tissue culture aimed at developing heat resistant and less water intensive crop varieties.

Fourth, while not immediately apparent, climate change is likely to affect primary forests and the resident biodiversity. These forests provide environmental, economic and energy services, but they are being rapidly depleted and degraded by human incursions. Rising temperatures are likely to shrink forests and pastures further, while changes in precipitation will alter their structure. The resident biodiversity is also likely to be disturbed and species loss is feared. Similarly, climate change is likely to accelerate the process of desertification already underway, degrading agricultural and grazing land, especially in the country's arid zones. A key factor in arresting forest degradation is sustainable forest management that centers around community participation and an acceptance of their traditional resource rights.

Fifth, the climate change imperatives in the energy sector are mixed. Mitigation is a pressing concern in Pakistan not because of its direct climate change implications but for other reasons. Thus, the country needs to substitute fossil fuels with renewable sources of energy, because fuels, such as oil and gas, are becoming increasingly scarce and will generate larger trade deficits in the future.

Moreover, fossil fuel emissions present health risks for poor communities residing along trunk routes and close to industrial estates in large towns and cities. So, mitigation becomes a health imperative. Mitigation measures – whether of the emission abatement or substitution sort – also have indirect climate change implications that are unimportant. Their importance lies primarily in the economic sphere where mitigation initiatives are likely to solicit external funding as a part of carbon trading associated with mandatory emission limits in developed countries.

Finally, Pakistan is primarily an arid country where large expanses of land experience scorching temperatures. The commercial and household demand for cooling and refrigeration devices is rising continuously, fuelled by a rising population and increasing affluence. Climate change has already begun to give an additional impetus to this demand. This is another area where, besides adaptation, Pakistan can secure external funding for energy saving measures.

The scope for mitigation in the energy sector is vast. GHGs abatement measures include fluidised coal bed technologies, scrubbers in industrial and energy smokestacks, catalytic converters in fuel transport vehicles, and carbon storage. Intra-fuel substitution involves replacing oil with gas-fired vehicles and power stations. In the area of renewable energy sources, Pakistan has enormous scope for harnessing solar and wind energy and producing sugar-based fuel ethanol.

In the programmatic sense, growing traffic congestion in the main towns and cities has established an impetus and a rationale for mass transit systems. There are plenty of energy efficient technologies on the shelf for commercial and household use, such as energy savers, gas-fired generators, energy efficient house designs and appliances, and heat and light regulators. Popularising their use requires effective communication strategies, policy facilitation, enforceable legal and regulatory controls, and economic incentives.

It is abundantly clear that climate change impacts affect Pakistan both sectorally and thematically, within and across ecosystems, and with discernible impacts on livelihoods. However, in stark contrast to its growing urgency, the policy community remains disengaged from international and national processes aimed at mitigating its excesses and adapting to its impacts. Official participation in international fora is limited and informed engagement is primarily at the level of civil society.

At the national level, the Ministry of Environment is the only body that engages sporadically with climate change issues. Even then, it is more of a clearing house for civil society and donor initiatives. Ultimately, information is a precedent condition for engagement and ownership, and it is in this context that sustained efforts need to be made to inform and enlighten stakeholders, beneficiaries, affectees and policymakers about a problem that already affects aspects of their lives and is likely to become even more intrusive in the future. Only when people are aware will they be willing and able to engage in a process of self-preservation that has already taken the global centre stage.

Faced with grim environmental scenario and its immediate challenges, the international community has adopted various conventions under the auspices of the United Nations over the last few decades. These include the UN Convention on Biological Diversity, Convention on Migratory Species, Convention on International Trade of Endangered Species of Flora and Fauna, Ramsar Convention on Wetlands, UN Convention to Combat Desertification, and UN Framework Convention on Climate Change among others.

In line with its international commitments, Pakistan has also adopted some measures, such as stringent management practices, to create an enabling environment for the protection of its natural resources. For example, the Government of Pakistan has declared 2009 as the National Year of Environment with a pledge to safeguard the country's environmental resources from degradation, especially in the light of current exploitation of natural resources and other environmental trends.

Besides other environmental components, wetlands are important sources of socio-ecological integrity for the world's freshwater ecosystems. However, the current situation of wetlands is critical. According to an estimate, half of the world's wetlands have been destroyed in the last 100 years. About 1.5 billion people lack ready access to drinking water and if current consumption patterns continue, at least 3.5 billion people – 48 percent of the world's projected population – will be living in water-short river basins by 2025.

The focus on wetlands came after the adoption of the Ramsar Convention in 1971. Generally known as the Convention on Wetlands of International Importance, it is the first modern intergovernmental conservation treaty between nations aiming at ensuring conservation and sustainable use of wetlands to meet the challenge of progressive loss of wetlands across the world. The convention emphasises recognising the fundamental ecological functions of wetlands, as well as their associated economic, cultural, scientific and recreational value. In addition, it acknowledges wetlands – including coastal ones, such as mangroves, coral reefs, seagrass beds, freshwater systems, etc – as ecosystems that are extremely important for both conservation of biodiversity and well being of humans.

The Ramsar Convention encourages and binds the contracting parties to designate sites containing representative, rare or unique wetlands, or wetlands with ecological, botanical, zoological, limnological or hydrological significance that are important for conserving biological diversity. The designated sites are added to the convention's List of Wetlands of International Importance and are recognised as Ramsar sites.

When a wetland is designated as a Ramsar site, the contracting party becomes bound to manage it to ensure that its ecological character is maintained over time. The contracting parties have agreed in principle to promote international cooperation in wetland conservation; foster communication about wetland conservation; and support the work of the Ramsar Convention. When a designated wetland does not fulfil Ramsar criteria any longer, the designated site is de-listed due to the degradation of wetlands.

Having signed the Ramsar Convention in 1971 and ratified it in 1976, Pakistan currently has 19 designated Ramsar sites with a total surface area of 1,343,627 hectares. At the federal level, the Ministry of Environment is responsible for coordinating enforcement of the Convention, while designated sites are being protected under provincial wildlife laws by the provincial wildlife departments. In all, 1,828 sites in 158 countries – having a total surface area of 168.98 million hectares – have been designated as Ramsar sites.

The signatories to the Ramsar Convention meet every three years at the Conference of the Contracting Parties; the first held in Cagliari, Italy, in 1980. Amendments to the original convention were made in Paris (in 1982) and Regina (in 1987). The Conference of the Contracting Parties, the main decision-making body with delegates from all the member states, has been instrumental in ensuring compliance with the Ramsar Convention in the light of new challenges to the conservation of wetlands.

The 10th Meeting of the Conference of the Contracting Parties to the Ramsar Convention was held in Changwon, Republic of Korea, from Oct 28-Nov 4, 2008. The declaration of the meeting focusses on thematic headings, such as water and wetlands; climate change and wetlands; people's livelihoods and wetlands; people's health and wetlands; and land use change, biodiversity and wetlands. It also highlights the need for sound planning and decision-making, as well as for knowledge- and experience-sharing.

The Pakistan Wetlands Programme is a positive step for effective planning and management of the country's wetlands, because these sites have historically been neglected and poorly managed due to financial constraints and their far flung locations. Under the programme, new sites have been identified for designation as Ramsar sites throughout Pakistan. At present, there are no designated wetlands of international importance in the Northern Areas and high-altitude alpine zone of the country. However, under the Pakistan Wetlands Programme, wetlands in the high-altitude alpine zone have also been identified and proposed for designation as Ramsar sites.

To make the programme more effective, it is important to maintain intensive and proactive coordination among the stakeholders, line agencies, organisations and non-governmental organisations (NGOs), besides sharing information and studies, because the sites would be ultimately managed by the provincial wildlife departments. Effective management; increased wetlands network of representative geographical zones; benefiting and supporting the local communities in the wetland areas through incentives; supporting agencies responsible for the protection and management of wetlands through resources and involvement; implementing capacity building programmes; and executing intensive and extensive mass awareness programmes would help in fulfillment of international commitments under the Ramsar Convention.

Wetlands over the world have great ecological, social, economic and cultural implications. Due to their consumptive uses, wetlands are under huge biotic pressure for meeting human and livestock needs and requirements. Stringent and comprehensive measures are necessary to protect wetlands under the obligations of the Ramsar Convention, multilateral environmental agreements and the National Conservation Strategy launched in 1992.

Although the international oil prices have declined substantially during the last few months, petroleum products are still very expensive in Pakistan; because the government has not reduced the rates in proportion to the world prices. Most of the developing countries, including the neighbouring India, have already reduced petroleum prices, but the benefit of reduced prices in the international market has not been passed on to the consumers in Pakistan. Higher petroleum prices are equally hurting the industry, transport sector and common people, thus affecting the overall economy of the country.

The Supreme Court of Pakistan has recently set up an independent commission headed by former judge Rana Bhagwandas to conduct an inquiry into higher price of petroleum products and profit earned by oil companies. The apex court's order actually came after a long delay on identical constitutional petitions filed in 2005 by Pakistan People's Party (PPP) Senator Rukhsana Zuberi, Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) Secretary General Zafar Iqbal Jhagra and others. After his reinstatement, Chief Justice Chaudhry Muhammad Iftikhar took up the matter and appointed the commission to submit a comprehensive report within one month.

The commission has initiated an exercise to look into the price mechanism starting from the date when the Oil Companies Advisory Committee (OCAC) was authorised to fix prices of oil and gas products: from June 29, 2001, to April 1, 2006. After this, this responsibility was assigned to the Oil and Gas Regulatory Authority (OGRA).

The Supreme Court commission has also been asked to look into the other questions related to the current level of international prices of CNG and LPG, both of which are locally made products; inflated kerosene oil prices; a revised policy for fixing petroleum prices; and oil gifted by other countries to Pakistan. During the period of peak prices, friendly countries like Saudi Arabia have provided oil to Pakistan on deferred payment basis.

"We fully support the constitution of the commission and would cooperate with it," says Malik Khuda Bukhsh, chairperson of the FPCCI's Standing Committee on Petroleum Products. "As petroleum dealers, we also suffer because our profit margin has been reduced. The government is providing benefit to only oil marketing companies and we plan to invite the Supreme Court commission to hear our point of view," he adds.

It is a fact that the present PPP government has not taken any concrete measures to provide relief to the public as far as prices of essential commodities are concerned. The overall inflation has shot up to the highest-ever level and the Consumer Price Index (CPI) is still hovering at around 20 percent despite International Monetary Fund (IMF) loans. Similarly, prices of essential food products are sky rocketing, thus making the lives of the common people miserable.

The government, instead of providing any relief to the people, has continued to put further burden on them by keeping the prices of petroleum products on the higher side. Under pressure from the IMF, the government has withdrawn all the subsidies, including those on diesel and kerosene oil.

The international petroleum prices were $103.05 per barrel in Feb 2008. They subsequently increased to $147.02 per barrel in July, showing an increase of 42.67 percent. During the same period, petrol prices in Pakistan increased from Rs53.70 per liter to Rs86.66 per liter, showing an increase of 61.38 percent. This proves that the government increased the prices much more than the price actually increased internationally.

"If we calculate as of today, the international oil prices in Feb 2008 were about $103 per barrel and locally petrol was available at Rs53 per litre. Today the international price of crude oil is about $50 per barrel (which means its price has reduced by more than 50 percent internationally), while the prices in the country have not reduced with the same proportion," says Dr Shahid Hassan Siddiqui, a senior economist. The current rates are even higher that those in Feb 2008, he laments. Thus, an undue burden has been put on the public, which has already been affected by price-hike. "The government is pocketing huge profits in the form of general sales tax and petroleum development levy," Siddiqui adds.

Dr Siddiqui points out that the government is reluctant to release the findings of the National Accountability Bureau (NAB) into the alleged misappropriation of over Rs200 billion in the official oil pricing formula from 2003 to 2006. Even the Senate Standing Committee on Petroleum and Natural Resources in a recent meeting had sought the complete details of the NAB's investigation and its outcome. The upper house committee also demanded the downward revision of oil prices in Pakistan after the recent nosedive in crude oil prices in the international market.

The present government increased the prices of petroleum products soon after coming into power. On Feb 29, 2008, it raised the prices of all the petroleum products with effective from March 1. The rate of petrol (motor spirit) increased to Rs58.70 per litre from the earlier Rs53.70 per litre. Similarly, the price of kerosene oil reached Rs38.73 per litre from the earlier Rs35.23 per litre. In the next fortnight, the rates were again revised and the price of motor spirit reached Rs62.81 per liter.

Subsequently, the prices of petroleum products continued to rise with intervals. The people became frustrated when on July 21, 2008, the government enhanced the rates of petrol to an all-time high level of Rs86.66 per liter from the previous fortnight's rate of Rs75.69 per liter. This surge of over Rs11 per liter proved to be a big blow to the common people, resulting in hike in transport fares and prices of almost every item.

The government said on the occasion that it had been constrained to take this "difficult decision" in view of a record surge in the international oil prices. "The government has, however, passed on the same only partially," a press statement issued by OGRA stated at that time.

The government claimed that during the last financial year (2007-08), it had paid Rs165 billion as subsidy on the petroleum products and will continue to provide the same to the extent possible in the interest of the common people. Despite the increase in prices, there still was a subsidy of Rs33.93 per liter on kerosene oil, Rs29.40 per liter on light diesel oil and Rs35.42 per liter on high speed diesel.

The oil prices in the country are now determined by OGRA instead of OCAC, in accordance with the formula prescribed by the federal government. It requires that the prices be based on average Arab Gulf prices for the last fortnight for Naphtha, Diesel, Kerosene and HSFO, to which inland freight equalisation margin is added, which reflects estimated transportation cost of the products to the 29 depots in the country. The government levies such as petroleum development levy and general sales tax are added to arrive at the notified prices.

The international prices started declining since then, but the benefit of the prices was not passed on to the public by the government with the same proportion because it later decided to remove subsidies on oil under the conditionalities of IMF. From Dec 1, 2008, the current rates are effective. "We hoped the government would pass the benefit to the consumers, but it did not. The existing rates do not match the prices in the international market. On the other hand, the government had increased tax on petroleum products to 11 percent from the earlier 7 percent," says Kaukab Iqbal, chairperson of the Consumers Association of Pakistan.

Because of increasing demand and limited supply of electricity, the importance of efficient use of energy in different sectors is being felt. For instance, the building sector is one of the major consumers of electricity in Pakistan; by enforcing workable energy-efficient building codes, the gap between electricity supply and demand can be greatly reduced.

Architects, civil engineers and developers in various parts of the world are trying to design and construct buildings in such a way that they meet new energy-efficient standards. While drawing and erecting new buildings, they are employing prescriptive packages and performance approaches for better energy conservation. Various departments in developed as well as developing countries are functioning to gear up energy conservation efforts.

Likewise, the National Energy Conservation Centre (Enercon) was established in Pakistan in 1986 as the national focal point for energy efficiency activities in all sectors of economy: industry, agriculture, transport and buildings. It is responsible for implementing not only the Building Energy Code of Pakistan (BECP), but also for promoting energy-smart building culture in the country.

The first BECP was devised in 1989 and its updated version, developed by National Engineering Services Pakistan (Nespak) under contract with Enercon, was presented for consultation and review last year. In this context, Enercon has claimed that 30 percent energy can be saved in the building sector by implementing the updated BECP.

Though Enercon has been working since 1986; its output is not up to the mark. We have seen that instead of success in energy conservation, there has been more wastage of energy, especially electricity. The awareness campaign launched by Enercon failed to get much public attention and the demand for electricity in the building sector is rising with each passing day. However, Enercon officials claim that they have conducted 85 preliminary energy surveys and 54 detailed energy audits, besides implementing six demonstration projects. They also maintain that the updated BECP will be implemented soon and will be mandatory after five years.

It is time for action, not for promises. The energy conservation drive needs to start from government ministries and departments. One glimpse of public sector buildings in big cities provides enough proof of the concerned ministry or department's ability to execute what it says. As a first step, all public sector buildings should be retrofitted and modified according to the BECP for potential saving of electricity. Indeed, lighting, heating and air-conditioning are the major sources of energy consumption in the building sector in Pakistan.

Low energy construction and energy-efficient building designs are being practiced all over the world. In this regard, all the stakeholders – such as architects, civil engineers, developer, building owners and the government – need to employ these new technologies for better living as well as for saving consumer money by reducing their electricity bills. Experts are of the view that we can save plenty of electricity by making the BECP mandatory for all buildings, including multi-family buildings of three or fewer stories above grade, which are exempted from the existing BECP.

Architect Nadia Tahir maintains that eco-friendly housing designs need to be promoted, because they will not only help in energy conservation but will also improve the lives of the inhabitants. Similarly, Meesam Abbas, another architect, says people can save 50 percent of their electricity bills through low-energy building designs. Certainly, the BECP is a step in the right direction.

Nonetheless, the real issue is effective implementation of the BECP. Hence, honest, sincere and coordinated efforts are required at the federal, provincial and district levels to obtain the desired results. This BECP needs to be made mandatory at the earliest, because it will be very helpful in saving electricity. It is important to remember that the building sector consumes more than 40 percent of total available electricity in Pakistan.

Senior civil engineer Baseer Haider, while giving his opinion on the BECP, says it can be compared to building energy codes of other countries in the region. However, he warns, the administration and enforcement of the BECP requires due attention. "By choosing energy efficient windows and lighting, considering natural attic ventilation, sealing air leaks, and properly designing and sealing the duct system and insulation, people can reduce their electricity bills significantly," says Ahmed Ali, another civil engineer.

Urban town planner Javed Saeed is of view that Pakistan is blessed with all kind of landscape, along with five different temperature zones. The irony is that there is no well researched urban township planning in Pakistan. New concepts and technologies in the building sector – such as passive houses, solar building designs and zero-energy building – need to be employed and tested in Pakistan for effective energy conservation. Commenting on the BECP, he says minimum R-value and maximum U-factor requirements need to be observed by all builders.

Architects, engineers and developers ought to employ news ways and techniques while erecting a structure, particularly in building envelope, lighting system, HVAC system, electrical System, and water pumping and heating system. For instance, builders in the United States are designing buildings with better insulation and high-efficiency appliances, as well as tapping into alternative sources of power, such as solar panels and wind turbines.

Besides this, the architecture syllabus should not only be refurbished but a guide network for builders as well as labourers should also be incorporated into it. Energy audits of both commercial and community buildings need to be supported and assisted by concerned authorities. Undoubtedly, the main purpose of the BECP is to maximise the energy efficiency.

The optimal output from the BECP is possible only through full compliance. Pakistan can not only rid itself of the curse of load shedding but can also save energy for other economic purposes by following the code in its letter and spirit. This can only be made possible by embracing an energy-efficient lifestyle and slowing down the demand for more electricity.

At a children's painting competition once, I came across a picture depicting a delicious meal, a book and a man in the middle of both, obviously indecisive. I am not sure what the young painter had in mind, but for me the choice is easy. In a country like Pakistan, where hunger pangs are the most frequent and uninvited visitors, there is little choice between a book and a meal. Book, in such a situation, is the least of one's concerns. The argument is not for better education at the cost of basic life facilities such as health; rather, it is for education as a tool for making better choices and, eventually, saving lives.

Talk about health in Pakistan and along comes the conjecture that poor infrastructure is the sole determinant of better facilities. The research, naturally, supports the conjecture. While the co-relation between policy and health is undeniable, the relation between education and health is more often than not ignored. The figures related to health trends in Pakistan are intrinsically linked with that of education, particularly of women's education. Whether it is the child's health or maternal health, education becomes a key player and, at times, a lifesaver.

According to the Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey (PDHS) 2006-07, children whose mothers have no education are far more likely to have serious illness than children whose mothers have higher education and are fully immunised (71 percent versus 38 percent). The survey also states that in our country children with educated mothers are more likely to survive infancy and young childhood than children whose mothers have no education. The infant mortality rate for babies of women with no education is 84 deaths per 1,000 births, compared with only 56 per 1,000 live births for babies whose mothers have higher education.

The figures, though apparently simple, are not so simple. An educated mother is not just 'educated' in the strict sense of the word and nothing else. Education, even in our system, is more than just knowing a few facts. The biggest tool that an educated mother possesses is the power to decide, something an uneducated mother cannot. It is the decision-making power that gives her the confidence to control her body and that of her baby's.

According to the PDHS survey, educated women are more likely to get prenatal care from a skilled provider than women with no education (96 percent versus 50 percent). Similarly, women with no education have on average 4.8 children compared with women with secondary education, who have on average 3.1 children. Similarly, women in the poorest households have on average far more children than women in the wealthiest households (5.8 versus 3.0). The disparity may not seem enormous, but it is the long term results that matter.

One of the surprising findings of the survey was related to the relation between education and marriage. Women with higher level of education, the survey says, are much more likely to delay marriage than women with no education. Women with more than secondary education get married at a median age of 24.5, nearly six years later than women with no education (18.2). Unmet need is greatest among women with little or no education and among those living in the poorest households.

The importance of education is not only limited to maternal or paediatric health. It goes beyond to protection from dangerous diseases, such as HIV/AIDS and cancer. Almost half of the women with higher education, for example, know how to prevent HIV/AIDS, compared with only 8 percent who have no education.

Despite hope, the figures for Pakistan are dismal. According to the survey, 65 percent women in Pakistan have no education at all. It is not difficult to imagine the improvement that one can attain by decreasing this number, in both the social and health sectors. Currently, one of every 89 women dies of maternal causes linked with choices that she herself made.

Education plays a crucial role in health care decisions women make – decisions that can mean the difference between life and death for them and their babies. Education not only increases the potential to learn, but also infuses in them the ability to respond to new opportunities. Pakistan still has a long way to go where women themselves decide what ways their bodies will be used and education is a giant leap in this regard.

No wonder religious fundamentalists target education as their basic mechanism of controlling the local population. We are not asking for swift changes in the education policy; what is being asked for is the ability of a mother to read the basic information about her health and that of her child's.