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copenhagen Local
solutions firstperson To
undo the vicious past agriculture We are not
done yet Looking back
to look forward Coming to
AIDS
Failure can be a beginning We need a new approach to deal with climate change so that the world trundles along on a business-as-usual basis By Pradeep S Mehta With the end of Copenhagen talks and the delegates
returning home nearly empty-handed, one can safely say that this much
touted summit was, alas, a failure. It is not very difficult to diagnose
the causes for this utter fiasco. Without going into the numbers game
which was played at the summit, let us understand clearly that countries
the world over, both rich and poor, still define their aspirations in
terms of economic growth. Proactive measures to mitigate climate change impacts based on reduction in emissions, however, requires tempering of growth aspirations which no country is yet willing to undertake. To resolve this conundrum, we need a new approach so that the world trundles along on a business-as-usual basis. While it is natural for the developing world to promote economic growth, the reasons for rich countries pursuing the same are more subtle. While all rich countries enjoy a very high level of per capita income, by definition, incomes are still unevenly distributed and unemployment is rampant. Thus, even with the present high levels of average income, the level of satisfaction of wants is still low. If people concentrated in the lower half of the income distribution are to pursue their economic dreams, these countries would have to continue growing as drastic redistribution is politically infeasible. This tendency is reinforced by multinationals and other business players continuing to measure success in terms of financial turnovers. In other words, economic growth still remains a top domestic priority for even rich countries and cut backs like the ones required for mitigation of climate change impacts do not constitute an attractive electoral agenda. To add to this, the immediate effects of climate change are being felt almost entirely by poor tropical and island economies. In fact, in the near future, it is expected that life in the more prosperous temperate zone will become more productive as well as pleasant, though temporarily so. In other words, the present circumstances are not ideal for rich countries offering to make sacrifices at the world stage for the sake of global welfare. Hence the tensions, as we saw at Copenhagen. For emerging and developing economies, even the levels of per capita income do not correspond to a satisfactory quality of life. This makes non acceptance of the burden of mitigation measures justifiable both from a moral and practical point of view. From the above discussion, it is quite clear that governments, whose fortunes are tied to the aspirations of local constituencies, cannot afford to cooperate with each other in pursuing domestic agenda that collectively contributes to global good while seemingly sacrificing narrow national interest. The same equation also applies to the stalled Doha talks of the WTO. The Copenhagen talks were based on the assumption that a top-down mechanism of signaling works. Thus, it was envisaged that a consortium of global representatives could persuade individual countries to get producers operating within their boundaries to reduce their emissions. However, this plan underestimated the lobbying power that big businesses as well as the electorates have with individual national governments. Thus, Copenhagen outcomes turned out to be more a reflection of what powerful domestic stakeholders wanted rather than unencumbered opinions of national representatives open to influence at the world stage. Given that the top-down signaling mechanism has failed at Copenhagen and promises to do so again and again in the near future, what are the options? The obvious one pertains to the use of bottom-up processes for influencing consumer and in turn business preferences. The nerve centre of this mechanism should be located in a coalition of civil society organisations; the only combine which has shown considerable promise of not catering to either narrow economic or restricted national interests. These should not be restricted to the sidelines of global negotiations, but ushered into the centre stage. Many representatives of reputed CSOs work in countries other than their own and empathise with the interests of the poor and vulnerable, regardless of their national identity. It is, therefore, natural for the civil society to be the flag bearer of the processes of mitigation/adaptation to climate change. The proximity of the civil society to the grassroots and, therefore, its ability to update the world on the impact of climate change on ground realities is another compelling reason for it to lead this movement. How then should the civil society go about this task so as to exploit its characterised privileged position? The process should start with a broad-based demystification of the causes and impacts of climate change. Such demystification should aim to stimulate both the selfish and altruistic motives of global citizenry. The goal should be to convince the international community that climate change is a likely outcome of the unscrupulous growth initiatives that are being witnessed all over the world and show no signs of abating; that the outcomes of climate change are bound to be catastrophic and would almost immediately affect two-thirds of humanity and all of the rest within the next fifty years; that even if this likely outcome does not happen, the agenda for mitigating climate change is a worthwhile one given that it would economise on scarce non-renewable resources and lead to breakthroughs in using more abundant renewable ones. Such an advocacy agenda, when pursued by a global coalition of civil society organisations, is likely to generate a response from individual consumers in terms of higher demand for green goods and services. In other words, consumers would be willing to pay a higher price for these than their non-green counterparts. Businesses would then be compelled to produce more of these not on the basis of altruism but purely to sustain their businesses. In this way, stimuli applied at the grass roots will generate a whole cycle of responses leading to a cleaner and more harmonious global environment without a total negation of the economic aspirations of individual economic actors, whether on the consumption or the production side. The first half of the last century belonged to governments. The next half belonged to markets and the actors these staged. Both phases led to euphoria which was short-lived. Hopefully, the civil society can lead to a better deal in this century.
The author is the Secretary General of CUTS International. Siddhartha Mitra and Shruti Mittal of CUTS contributed to this article
What can a third world country like Pakistan do to cope with the imminent climate crises? By Shahzada Irfan Ahmed The climate change summit that brought world leaders,
environmentalists, activists, policymakers together in Copenhagen has come
to an end but not the endless debates that took off there. In the absence
of a clear-cut strategy to fight the menace, these debates continue to
haunt those who want to see the world a safer and cleaner place. The clear divide that had always existed between the developed and the less developed world was clear at the event -- the latter holding the former responsible for the environmental hazards they were facing. Short of resources required to fight and mitigate the effects of climate exchange, the less developed countries called upon the developed world to open their coffers and release the funds required for the purpose. Pakistan, also a member of this group, presented its case at the summit and claimed that it was the 12th most vulnerable country despite being 135th on the list of carbon emission countries. The delegates from Pakistan highlighted the factors that had pushed the country up on this list and shared the unique environmental threats the country faced -- many of them due to the activities going on beyond its geographical frontiers. One of the delegates, Dr Arshad Muhammad Khan, Executive Director, Global Change Impact Studies Centre (GCISC), Islamabad, tells TNS that the major environmental threats faced by Pakistan can be divided into three categories. These threats are to water security, food security and energy security, he says. GCISC was established in May 2002 as a think tank to help national planners and decision makers on changing global environment in areas such as climate, water, energy, food, agriculture, health, ecology, new technologies, etc. The seed money required for its launch was provided by the federal Ministry of Science and Technology. Arshad says the Himalayan glaciers that are the prime source of water for Pakistan are melting faster. This may result in floods in the short run and scarcity of water in the long run. He says there are fears that in the absence of snowfall on glaciers and rise in temperature the rate of glacial melt will increase. The excessive flow of water towards the sea will also raise the sea level and more and more coastal area will be intruded by sea water. He says in the absence of enough reservoirs, 90 percent of the excess water is wasted and goes into the sea. "Our storage capacity is hardly 10 percent whereas India can hold back around 30 to 40 per cent water in reservoirs of all sorts," he adds. Khan tells TNS that the food and energy security of the country is also at risk as more than 80 percent agricultural produce is secured from lands irrigated by river and canal water. "The dependence on rain water is very little." In terms of energy production, he says, Pakistan depends mostly on the hydel thing which will not be the case if water resources dry out. The same point was made by Pakistan's Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi at the event. He told the participants that the country was paying special attention to low carbon energy generation initiatives, including hydro, nuclear, wind and solar energy. "Together they constitute 38 per cent of our energy mix. We are also promoting low carbon emissions initiatives such as use of bio fuels and adoption of clean coal technology," the foreign minister said. Arshad Abbasi, an environmentalist and research scholar at Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI), tells TNS that the conflict between Pakistan and India is also leading to an ecological disaster. He says "studies and satellite images have shown that Siachen Glacier has been reduced to 35 percent during the last 25 years." This has been due to the burning of fuel and other activities of Pakistani and Indian armies in the area. Abbasi says this issue has been raised at different forums, including the Copenhagen summit and experts on both sides of the border are trying to convince policymakers to take some positive steps in this regard. He tells TNS that the Himalayan region is under severe threat as temperatures there have increased dramatically as compared to the global average. Rises of 0.6 degree centigrade per decade have been reported in the Himalayas as compared to the worldwide average of 0.74 degrees centigrade over the past century, he says. Talking to TNS, Dr Qamar-uz-Zaman Chaudhry, Director General (DG), Met Services, Islamabad, says the government is trying to fight environmental hazards and needs huge resources to succeed. He says the emphasis is on introducing green technology, adoption of water saving techniques, plantations and so on. Qamar says the government is in the process of importing 8,000 CNG-operated buses in a bid to cut on petrol consumption. Similarly, he says, Pakistan has set a new world record by planting over half a million mangrove plants near the Karachi coastal belt. In addition to this, the government has identified an energy corridor in the coastal areas of Sindh which has the potential to produce 11,000 MW energy. "There are several other green projects on which the government is working nowadays", he adds. The Met Services DG tells TNS that he, along with other delegates at the summit, has tried to make the developed world realise that Pakistan needs their financial support to meet challenges of climate change. GCISC Executive Director Arshad M Khan says threats to coastal areas of Pakistan, mainly Karachi, are too high due to the rising temperatures in the region. The coastal areas fear hurricanes, floods and devastation of agricultural lands. Besides, he says the pattern of monsoon rains is changing fast and has become erratic to an extent. The environmental degradation has led to extreme weather events in Pakistan, including recording of the hottest day in 78 years on June 9, 2007 and 500 millimeters rainfall in 24 hours on July 12, 1996. Arshad says though it's impossible to stop glacier from melting steps can be taken to slow down the process and minimise the effects. He says there is solution to every problem provided there are enough resources available to tackle it. "Holland is a country with surface below sea level but they have built ducts on land to accommodate the intruding sea water," he adds. "The developed countries must bear the burden as it were they who did the most damage," Arshad says, adding that "the per capita emissions of the US are 15 to 16 times higher than that of Pakistan". The accord reached at the summit includes a commitment of $30 billion short-term funding for immediate action till 2012 and $100 billion annually by 2020 in long-term financing, as well as mechanisms to support technology transfer and forestry. It is hoped that Pakistan is also able to get a significant amount from this fund though the accord is not legally binding at the moment. firstperson "Political elite is a minor culprit" By Shahid Husain Haris Gazdar is Senior Researcher at the Collective for
Social Science Research, an independent think tank based in Karachi. He
has a Masters degree in economics from the London School of Economics
(LSE), and worked as a Research Associate at the Asia Research Centre of
the LSE before joining the Collective. Gazdar works on social policy
issues and has been an active participant in the debate over poverty
issues in Pakistan. In an exclusive interview with The News on Sunday (TNS) Gazdar explains the crises faced by the Pakistani society and makes valuable suggestions to improve the situation. Excerpts of the interview follow: The News on Sunday: A political crisis is brewing up. Can it derail the democratic process? What will be the consequences if it happens? Haris Gazdar: There are several important political problems that have been developing over many years, if not decades. I am not talking about social problems that are perhaps more acute than political problems. Nevertheless, many people believe that it is not possible to address serious social problems without some measure of political stability. So, I will focus first on the political problems. Many political scientists and historians of Pakistan, such as Dr. Mohammad Waseem, agree that the most critical political problem is the conflict between representative and non-representative organs of the state. The main transition at the time of de-colonisation was the introduction of representative organs of decision-making into a functioning state. All other institutions such as the bureaucracy, military, and judiciary existed in colonial times. The major change was the introduction of the idea of popular representation. For a variety of reasons this transition has never been completed successfully in Pakistan. The representative (political) and non-representative (apparatus) organs of the state are invariably at loggerheads. What is interesting and tragic is that on some of the key issues of policy the collective priorities of these two broad elites do not differ too much. By and large the political elite and the apparatus elite agree on the geographical contours of the territory of Pakistan. They agree on a capitalist economic direction with close engagement with Western industrial countries. They are generally suspicious of India. It is tragic that despite all these areas of agreement these two sets of the elite have not been able to come to a working arrangement. It is interesting that neither side has been able to prevail completely over the other. Now I have my own political views in which I hold the apparatus primarily responsible for this state of affairs. Other people are free to disagree. I believe that the apparatus has a relatively narrow social base in the country and does all it can to protect its interests. It promotes the violation of the 'rules of the game' by which I don't just mean the constitution. The 'rules of the game' in any democratic dispensation will invariably favour the political elites over the apparatus. Most other political problems and crises can be seen within the framework of the unyielding and destructive conflict between political and apparatus elites. The federal question and inter-provincial relations, for example, are constantly muddied due to the interests of the apparatus elite. The fact is that for various historical reasons the social base of the apparatus elite is restricted to specific regions and ethnic groups, and this comes in the way of negotiated settlements to relatively simple issues. The most grotesque manifestation of the disproportionate power of the apparatus is the morphing under Ziaul Haq's regime of a secret apparatus with its links to jihadist and sectarian militants. This is grotesque because it goes far beyond the usual tension between the political elite and the apparatus. A great amount of violence has been internalised in our society, and millenarian and nihilistic ideologies have been sponsored in order to provide a social base for this outgrowth of the apparatus. It is like a cancer that is feeding off the apparatus which in turn feeds off society. The political elite has its selfish interests in stopping this cancer from taking over and that interest would also include preserving the main body of the apparatus while excising the cancer. Right now it seems that we have arrived at a point where democracy and its nemesis -- the apparatus and its cancerous outgrowth -- are engaged in a most deadly duel. If the democratic process is derailed it will be a victory for the apparatus, but only in the sense that the cancer will have received a temporary lifeline which will allow it to feed off society for a bit longer. Given the changed global security perceptions I don't think that the Zia-ist outgrowth can survive. But it can, of course, cause tremendous and possible irreparable damage to our state and society before it is 'taken out' by foreign powers. It is, therefore, in the interests of our own society that we strengthen those elites that are willing to resist and fight back the cancer. All the indications are that the joint political enterprise that was needed to resist the cancer simply does not exist. If the apparatus was unable to see the political elite as a potential ally for its own survival even at this stage, everyone will be free to draw his or her conclusions about what happens next. TNS: Do you agree that the failure to address acute socio-economic problems will lead to anarchy? HG: Along with some colleagues I have tried to look carefully at the anatomy of the Taliban-al Qaeda takeover of specific regions of Pakistan. I think that we are right in concluding that in Pakistan and Afghanistan there is a method at work. In conditions of chaos the most organised force takes over. In places where the requisite level of chaos does not already exist, you do everything possible to engender chaos and then provide yourself as the stable alternative. This was the pattern in Afghanistan in the 1990s, and this happened in our tribal areas and in Swat after these organisations returned to Pakistan. There is another curious pattern. These groups have almost always started their attack on a society by putting themselves forward as honest brokers and providers of quick justice. There is great resonance between their stress on quick justice and the cacophony of the rightwing forces in mainstream Pakistan who like to frame all social, economic and political issues as matters of 'justice'. It is hardly surprising that those who were romanticising 'jirga justice' until a few years ago are today calling for negotiations with the Taliban. Questions of power and rights are subsumed under this all-embracing but ultimately vacuous category called justice. Then they can appeal to the moral authority of religion to place themselves in the position of arbitrators. Anyone with even a limited understanding of contemporary society knows that 'justice' cannot be equated with arbitration. It is also clear to most sensible people that justice is subsequent to a prior statement of rights and entitlements. But, unfortunately, the catchy slogans of quick justice have whipped up a lynch-mob type of frenzy which creates ideal conditions for the anarchy that you hinted at. TNS: To what extent external factors are responsible for the economic crisis faced by Pakistan government? What steps should be adopted to contain it? HG: We can look at economic problems at two levels. Some are long term structural ones and others relate to short-term crises. There is a link between the two, of course, but it is useful also to see them separately. The longer term problems relate to the absence of a core of decision-making relating to economic development over the decades. As a result, the Pakistani economy has developed in a 'shallow' way. The productive sectors have not really moved in any concerted direction to take advantage of natural opportunities provided by existing resources or strategic location. Service sectors revolve around the trade, distribution and servicing of imported commodities and technologies. And our people are only able to capitalise on their individual ingenuity, hard work and enterprise by going abroad. The day-to-day health of the economy is dependent on the nature and quality of our economic transactions with the rest of the world, and these transactions are highly dependent on our tactical involvement in our peoples' strategic games. This is not going to change in the short-term. Which is why for short-term crises such as the one brought on last year as a result of the economic profligacy and mismanagement of the Musharraf-Aziz period as well as global economic conditions, had really had no choice but to leverage our strategic position once again and get help for stabilisation. Yes, we can get out of this cycle of dependence and strategic prostitution, but for that to happen the first condition is some level of agreement between different elements of the elite on sharing power. If not then external players will continue to arbitrate our internal disputes and our economy will remain structurally dependent on strategic assistance. In this case too I can reveal my own political bias. I believe that the main culprit is the apparatus; the political elite is only a minor culprit. TNS: To what extent NFC award will help in alleviating the grievances of smaller problems? HG: I think it is a great achievement of the democratic process. Musharraf for all his power was unable to arrive at a compromise for a simple reason. His government used differences between the provinces in order to hold on to an unreasonably high federal claim on our resources. The compromise between the provinces was made possible by the 'sacrifice' made by the federal government. This is not just good for the smaller provinces, but all provinces, and for democracy in Pakistan. TNS: Given the fact that the Baloch youth is almost totally alienated, will Balochistan package bring some solace to the impoverished province? HG: The Balochistan package touches on virtually all issues of importance to the Baloch people. There is one issue of concern that is not immediately covered, but that too is implicitly covered if you read the small print. That issue is the one relating to the demographic anxiety of the Baloch people. Well, the package states that all unanimous resolutions of the Balochistan provincial assembly since 2002 will be honoured, and as far as I know there is more than one such resolution dealing with the issue of inter-provincial migration. Anyway, the main problem with negotiation today is two-fold. The Baloch side does not know if the civil government will be able to deliver on its security-related promises, i.e. the recovery of disappeared people, the issue of cantonments, and military operation, etc. It is quite justifiably, given our history, waiting to see how far the civil government has been able to gain concessions from the security side. On the other side, the problem is that the Baloch political movement is highly fragmented and that is partly the fault of the apparatus. But the consequence of fragmentation is that it is hard to find credible parties on the Baloch side with which to negotiate. Despite these problems, I think that negotiation is still the only way out. And the roadmap to negotiation will always be something like the package that has been offered. Let us see how things move forward. This also, incidentally is an example of the capacity of the political elite over the apparatus in handling tough political questions. I will, in fact, even include the much-discredited PML-Q in this regard. After all, the parliamentary committees came to the same conclusions as the present government. In fact, it is hard to come to any other conclusions. It was the apparatus side of the previous government that is thought to have skippered the negotiation process. TNS: How will you assess the role being played by the judiciary? Is it going too fast? HG: It is always going to be a problem when one segment of the state becomes too powerful, particularly if that segment belongs to the apparatus side rather than the political side. The judiciary faces similar problems to those faced earlier by the bureaucracy and the military. That it will be seen to have too narrow a social base -- a loud and populist constituency, but nevertheless a narrow social base. In most mature systems whenever you have the argument for judicial activism you also have, from within the same institution, the argument for responsibility. In England, this is called the doctrine of judicial self-restraint; in the US it is called the doctrine of the 'political question'. The point is that the preservation of the judiciary as a legitimate institution is dependent on it being seen as non-political. It is not an issue of political partisanship. No, the question is that if the judiciary is seen to be involving itself in political questions it will sooner or later lose its social legitimacy. This would be disastrous in Pakistan, whereas we have already seen, the entry point for the revolutionaries is an attack on the system of adjudication and arbitration. TNS: Given the dominating role of the armed forces how crucial is it to pay heed to health and education sector? HG: This allows me to address something I deliberately left aside at the outset; that social crises are more acute than political ones, but political stability is necessary for moving ahead on social issues. It is not just education and health. We need to adopt entirely new approaches to all the 'social sectors'. So far, our approach has been incremental. We say that some more people should have healthcare, or some extra children should be in school. In fact, this incremental progress will only take place if our targets are universalist -- both in terms of coverage and in terms of outcomes. If it becomes unacceptable -- in a qualitative sort of way -- for any child to be illiterate, the design of our systems will be quite different from what it is at the moment. The same goes for health. There is some shift in this direction. The idea that all people are potentially eligible for income support and will then be selected from a universe according to some criteria is valuable. This encourages universal registration, even if the benefits are targeted. We need similarly universalist goals in all social sectors. Incidentally, the social and military sides are somewhat similar in their approaches. In many countries the military is seen as an instrument for nation-building through universal draft. I am not advocating this, but merely pointing out that in our case social achievements as well as military participation is seen as something that can be incremental rather than by society as a whole.
Is interferon approved by WHO? Dr Asif Khan, Coordinator of Health Communication Forum, says according to the Drug Act, medicines purchased by the government need to be tested by the drug inspectors before being administered to the patients. "The only safeguard against substandard biomedicine in the past was their direct supply from international agencies like WHO and UNICEF but now local importers, in connivance with corrupt health authorities, are importing low quality and unchecked biomedicine." The Supreme Court had taken a suo motu notice in October this year against the alleged use of substandard vaccines for hepatitis B patients in the programme and had issued notices to the health ministry and a local pharmaceutical firm based in Lahore. Zahid Saeed, Chairman Pakistan Pharmaceutical Manufacturers Association (PPMA) says that as per 212th meeting of the drug registration board, only WHO certified bio-drugs can be registered and purchased from WHO certified sources. When he is asked whether the Chinese interferon being supplied in the PMPCH is WHO-certified, he replies, "not confirmed". NWFP coordinator of the PMPCH, Dr Mohammad Azam Khan, says that the Chinese interferon is of good quality, certified by ministry of health, and has 70 percent successful results in patients, besides being more economical as well, "The problem is that there are around 13 kinds of hepatitis. Some kinds might not respond well to interferon but this doesnt mean that the medicine is substandard. It is only 4 to 5 percent less effective than other brands." A number of senior officials of the federal health ministry were contacted but no one was available for comments. Email messages containing questions on the issue were also sent to the federal health secretary and health minister, but there was no response till the filing of this story on Tuesday morning. Tahir Ali
It's about time a civilian Pakistan functions as a peaceful country with fair share of resources put into people's welfare By Raza Rumi That Pakistan's endemic political instability is a
function of its inherent power imbalances is well known. The continued
spells of authoritarian rule have also retarded the growth of political
parties and other necessary institutions essential for democratic
governance. We are a country trapped in our history, our self-fulfilling
conspiracies and intrigues that are also rooted in the various phases of
colonial era. Our geo-political situation, celebrated by a rentier state,
has not helped us either. From the 1950s we have been in close partnership
with global powers that are viewed as the ultimate saviours of a
dysfunctional polity. In 1971, we lost half the country. While the seeds of discord in East Pakistan had been laid by West Pakistan's ruling elites, our vengeful neighbour took full advantage and supported the Bangladeshi liberation movement. By all accounts, this was an avoidable tragedy had the national security-obsessed state dominated by West Pakistani vested interests could have seen the writing on the wall and fixed the issues of federalism that still haunt us. The current mess in Pakistan is nothing different from the historic cycles of instability. It is true that the growth of a middle class, relatively independent judiciary and a media that is trying to unshackle itself are clear trends. However, the way Pakistan is governed, its resources are distributed and its state priorities are rolled out in the name of nationalism remain the same. This is the disconnect that has now been exacerbated to the extent that once again, an existentialist dilemma has become common parlance. This is not to suggest that anyone, God forbid, is working to disintegrate Pakistan. Nor do the regional and international players want such a catastrophic outcome. However, the long-standing issues confronting Pakistani state and society have become untenable and if not addressed will explode bringing us all down. Some say the process has already begun. The first looming question is whether we will work towards civilian supremacy or not. It appears that while there is loud rhetoric about democratic process, elections and constitutionalism, the conduct of major elements of the state are not wont to exercise power in an accountable manner. If on the one hand, the political parties are dynastic entities supported by clans, tribes and feudal configurations the unelected organs of the state are no less driven by similar imperatives. It may be easy to say that politicians are corrupt and atrocious managers of the state, but this view comes in a complete vacuum. Take, for instance, the past one decade where failed devolution reform has been accepted as a fait accompli without ascertaining who actually caused the mayhem in the country. The economic mismanagement and the economic meltdown inherited by the present government was in large measure a result of the Musharraf's economic managers who all are now absolved of their role and not even questioned by those who are all of a sudden hungry for accountability. The reason is simple: no one can take on the uniformed strongmen whether in and out of power. This is a clear lesson. General Yahya Khan and his cohorts broke the country in two parts but they were never summoned to courts or even tried. Even the Hamood-ur-Rehman Commission report was not made public until decades later. Second, the thorny issues related to imbalanced federalism have turned into sources of continuing instability. From 1947-1971, the populous wing was never given the democratic rights of a majority province. In fact, there was a constant effort to make it equal to the smaller West Pakistan either through the problematic construct of 'parity' and creation of a One Unit. The distribution of resources, wars with India and policy setting almost always remained the domain of unelected institutions who were dominated or, shall we say, controlled by the West Pakistani elites. The results are all too known. We lost our majority province. Today Balochistan is wrapped in an insurgency. Pakistani flags have been burnt in many schools and the singing of national anthem has been abandoned. Key Baloch tribal leaders, who are a part of the problem, are all set to reject the federation. The Balochistan package, rightly called as a first step, aims to address this problem. But what has been the response to the package -- the media gurus want to sell news that reject the package because it was initiated by a government that is not acceptable to its traditional detractors. NWFP and FATA are in the grip of a war that we got involved in due to the circumstances, geography, and the ill-fated policies of our security establishment to nurture strategic assets and find imaginary depths in Afghanistan. Add to this the concerted campaign to dislodge the co-chairperson of the ruling party whose Sindhi leadership has been brutally killed twice over. There is a perception in Sindh that its prime ministers, and now the president, are always unfairly treated. Thus, the Sindh card. The card has been trashed by many a commentator by using the testimonies of Sindhi politicians with no mass support or representatives of Sindhi nationalist groups who are equally weak in their public support. If and when the incumbent is thrown out or resigns, the political dynamics will change. It was only two years ago when a Sindhi and federal leader was shot dead in broad daylight in the heartland of the Punjab. The third threat to contemporary Pakistan relates to the rise of Islamism and its impact on the society, foreign policy, and political process. The non-state actors it appears have grown bigger and mightier over the past decades. Such is their nuisance value. The danger is that these are not groups which are clustered or regional anymore. These groups are found across the country with astounding weaponry and ammunition. From the sleepy towns of Southern Punjab to the highly dense urban jungle known as Karachi, these groups operate in a policy framework that allows for pernicious curricula to be taught and utter lack of state capacity to track their funding lines. At a much deeper level, the mass disenchantment with the status quo and sham governance has aided the growth of Islamism. It is an alternative ideology and in the short term provides livelihood to otherwise destitute families. Take the case of Ajmal Kasab or the young Taliban recruits whose stories are now being documented confirm this phenomena. Last but not the least is the issue of economic and employment opportunities that are stymied due to the political instability and the chorus that accompanies it. This is a vicious cycle -- political instability has clear cut economic repercussions and vice versa. Given that Pakistan's demographics are fast changing leading to an explosion of sorts within the next two decades this is a worrisome trend. We already have young men and women who find or see no hope in the country and with this situation continuing the results will be disastrous. Recent surveys of youth are disturbing to say the least. The generation that will steer Pakistan into the immediate future is extremely upset and disillusioned. And, who can blame them when the ruling classes -- elected and unelected -- continue to fight for scrambles of state power and pelf. Our education system has collapsed, employment is growing at a snail's pace and insecurity and lack of certainty of Pakistan's future does not instill much confidence in our younger citizens. With these four clear threats, it is almost certain that if policy shifts are not effected or deliberated we will fast move towards the scenario where our domestic turmoil and internal factors will result in social and political upheavals that will undo Pakistan given the fact that state capacity has dwindled over time thanks to the rotting colonial institutions of governance. Many post colonial countries are undoing the legacy but we stick to it as faithful followers. The elites who bargained for Pakistan and benefited from it only know one version of reality. But Pakistan is changing and there seems to be no acknowledgement of this reality. In these circumstances, we the citizens have to pressurise our governing elites to ensure that vicious cycles of the past are undone. A civilian Pakistan functions as a peaceful country with fair share of resources put into welfare of the people. Without this there is no way out. We may already be too late. agriculture Free to fertilise The government should provide facilities to farm services centres By Tahir Ali The Farm Services Centres (FSCs) and Model Farm Services Centres (MFSC) can solve most of the problems relating to agriculture provided they are given more financial support from the government and the numbers of these institutions increase. FSC and MFSC, brainchild of farmers, aim at capacity-building of farmers and are supposed to create linkages between farmers and public/private departments and associations. According to the procedure, farmers can become FSC
members after paying an enrolment fee of Rs100 and a share-money of Rs500
each once. The NWFP government provides a matching grant equal to the
farmers' share. It has spent around Rs 255 millions so far on the scheme. Each FSC and MFSC has a revolving fund made up of membership fee, matching grant by the government, and the income earned by these organisations. It uses the fund to buy agricultural inputs and offer it to member farmers on comparatively cheaper rates than the market. This way their revolving funds increase with the passage of time. However, there are discrepancies in revolving funds of the MFSCs. Some bodies like those in Laki Marwat and Haripur have large amounts at their disposal while others, because of fewer memberships, have small revolving funds with them. There are 90 FSCs in all with around 50,000 farmer members throughout NWFP. Twenty of these are, however, non-functional. The number of FSCs and their membership is much less as there are 1.356 million farms in the province. On average, there is one FSC per ten union councils. Farmers say the ratio should be at least three FSCs in each 986 union councils of the province. All the member farmers form the general body (GB) of an FSC. The executive body (EB) of FSC is supposed to serve as a bridge between the GB and the management committee (MC). But interaction between them and between EB and MC is not a regular feature. In some areas, the GB and EB members pursue their individual needs which may weaken the FSC system. The MC is supposed to take all important decisions, but in effect 75 percent of all FSCs are predominantly managed by agriculture officers because of their final say in financial matters. This goes against the dictates of the FSC by-laws that promised autonomy to these establishments. MFSCs have been built in 23 of the 24 NWFP districts. Kohistan is yet to have one. Unfortunately, those in Swat and Shangla are non-functional these days. In 2007, MFSCs were opened in every district of NWFP. The government constructed a building complex for each MFSC that had offices of all relevant departments along with a warehouse having equipment, machinery and a training and conference hall. A president, invariably a farmer, heads each MFSC. The government provided one million endowment funds to each MFSC. The NWFP project director of MFSCs, Rasool Mohammad, says after the completion of the project, it is expected that MCs of MFSCs will be able to run their activities on their own. "This objective will be obtained through consultation and training of farmers. MFSCs will provide fertilisers, quality seed and other services to their member farmers at cheaper rates. These services will form sources of income for MFSCs as well as save time, energy and money for farmers besides expediting the pace of work and services." According to the director, seven departments -- agriculture extension, agricultural research, water management, soil conservation, cooperative inspector, water and soil testing, livestock/poultry and plant protection -- will have offices in MFSCs and provide services to farmers. Some departments, he says, are yet to be shifted to MFSCs. "Millions of funds are available with FSCs. If these funds are spent judiciously with technical advice and expertise of the government, it will go a long way in the development of agriculture in the province," he says. MFSCs and FSCs have been registered under Cooperative Societies' Act. The bodies should have an independent act of their own. This is vital to give sanctity and credence to the entity and its resolutions. Asif Ali Jah, a farmer and President of MFSC Haripur, says formation of MFSCs is a very good idea that could solve all the agriculture-related problems. "We provide cheap inputs, modern machinery on rent and even interest-free loans in the form of inputs that had 100 percent recovery ratio. We have also provided over 2000 fertiliser bags to our members this year. This has resulted in the stabilisation of prices in the market and the fertiliser mafia was no more the sole arbiter of things," says Jah. But he points out that these bodies have limited membership. "Though there are around 0.7 million farmers in Haripur, just 1,630 farmers have joined MFSC. Our MFSC, fortunately, is the only body in NWFP that has around 80 female farmers as its members," he claims. "Fertiliser dealership and provincial organisation for MFSCs should be ensured. Small projects for value addition be planned and subject matter specialists pertinent to the area potential, like poultry in Mansehra, should be nominated for all MFSCs," demands Jah. Hafiz Minhajuddin, President of MFSC Laki Marwat, says MFSC makes coordination between growers and government possible. "It provides cheap agriculture inputs and services. It provides farmers guidance and marketing services for their outputs which in turn increases their incomes." Minhajuddin says his body has 4500 members while there are an estimated 0.7 million farmers in the district. "The government will have to offer incentives to farmers to join the system," he says. Malik Jamshed, President of MFSC Mardan, says MFSC offers many benefits to farmers. "Our MFSC provided seed at Rs 1600 per bag as against Rs 2000 market price the previous year. Member farmers were sold a bag of urea at Rs 670, much below its market price of around Rs 1100." Jamshed believes, "a processing and cold storage, seed certification, soil and water-testing facilities for MFSCs should be provided. The government should give endowment fund of Rs 5 million to each MFSC to purchase inputs and machinery. Maximum limit for farmers from MFSC fund should be increased and the period of loan recovery extended. All departments should be asked to cooperate with the bodies." President of MFSC Charsadda, Mohammad Zahir Khan, says MFSC is the best available option but lack of policy implementation and support by the government, and lack of resources have baldy damaged the initiative. "Its membership should have been rising but it has stopped. To be able to have a leading role in the distribution of fertilisers, the bodies should add more members and funds as it works on self-help basis for its registered farmers." Following reports that three fertilisers are being used in making indigenous bombs, the provincial government has decided that the commodities will be provided through MFSCs and FSCs. NWFP Minister for Agriculture Arbab Ayub Jan tells TNS that the bodies will send weekly reports to the government as to who took how much of the fertilisers along with their identity cards. "In areas where there are no MFSCs, district offices of the agriculture department will serve as provision centres," he says. President of MFSC Swat, Mohammad Naeem, says it is the best forum to solve the agriculture problems of farmers. "For this to happen, however, strengthening of MFSCs and increase in their membership is vital. The government will have to offer incentives to farmers to join these organisations. Our body has only 2000 members while there are around 0.3 million farmers in the district. Almost 80 percent are small/poor farmers who do not have money to buy agricultural inputs. The government should provide free fertiliser or provide these bodies with a minimum of Rs 5 million," says Naeem. Naeem says the office of their body was ransacked by Taliban in 2007 and agriculture inputs of around Rs 6 million were taken away. "We have no money to buy seeds or fertilisers to offer to farmers," he says, urging for a special revolving fund for their organisation.
The deal spells disaster for people in countries already suffering the impacts of climate change By Irfan Mufti The Copenhagen climate summit has ended without the
fair, ambitious, and legally binding agreement that millions of citizens
around the work demanded. Despite the calls from millions and millions of
voices all over the world demanding action and moral leadership, the 120
world leaders gathered for the last two days of the summit were unable to
resolve issues blocking the road towards a just outcome. Hopes have been dashed. Despite a mandate from citizens around the world, and over 120 world leaders attending the Summit, the bickering continued and the leaders did not lead, they did not act. The summit has failed to produce anything that could be called a fair or better deal. The city of Copenhagen shows a climate crime scene, with the guilty men and women fleeing to the airport in shame. World leaders had a chance to change the world, to seize the day, and put the world on a path way to peace and prosperity, to embark on a path of climate justice. In doing so, they could have banished the spectre of catastrophic climate change. In the end, they produced a poor deal full of loopholes. As a result, world leaders have failed the millions of people all over the world who are living on a daily basis with the very real impacts of climate change. One positive outcome from Copenhagen has been the appearance of a new movement, touching millions of people in hundreds of countries around the world that saw civil society cooperating on a single issue as never before. Three days of global action broke records with climate demonstrations, and movements -- perhaps the most diverse ever seen -- stands united as the people still look to the future. Millions of people around the world look to the future and see hope, justice, and opportunity. The groups gathered in Copenhagen made a strong promise that they will continue to speak out to get the real deal that the world needs in 2010. The most marginalised and vulnerable people need to be heard by leaders if a climate deal is going to meet their needs. The Copenhagen Accord is based on a proposal tabled on Friday 17 December by a US-led group of five nations -- China, India, Brazil and South Africa. The accord includes recognition to limit temperature rises to less than 2 oC and promises to deliver $30bn aid for developing nations over the next three years and outlines a goal of providing $100bn a year by 2020 to help developing countries cope with the impacts of climate change. The accord was not universally agreed upon by all the negotiators attending the summit. In fact, a number of countries have objected to it, in particular a number of South American countries who opposed the undemocratic way in which it has been tabled by the US. The most critical reaction came from Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, who called the deal as undemocratic. He said that the poor countries will not accept any text other than that which comes from the working group for the Kyoto Protocol and the Convention, which are the legitimate texts that we have been so intensely negotiating for these past two years." African delegates also expressed their outrage at the draft text with Group of 77 and China calling it the worst deal in the history of climate negotiations. This deal will definitely result in massive devastation in Africa, Asia and small island states. It has the lowest level of ambition and nothing short of climate change scepticism in action and will locks countries into a cycle of poverty for ever. A poor deal full of loopholes the accord spells disaster for people in countries already suffering the impacts of climate change. For example: There is no reference to a legally binding agreement, There is only a recognition to limit temperature rises to no more than 2C above pre-industrial levels (despite strong statements from African and Small Island Nations that anything over 1.5C was suicide) There was no further commitment from the European Union to adopt a more ambitious position on reducing carbon emissions, groups were calling for a 30pc reduction compared to the 20pc committed by the EU. While $30 billion in aid for combating climate change has been promised immediately for the period 2010-2012 -- not only is it not clear where this finance is going to come from but the commitment falls short of the amounts. The voice of people especially those from the under-developed countries were also presented by forum that organized climate hearings in more than 27 countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America. The aim of these hearings was to allow those who have been impacted by climate change to share their stories, voice their concerns, and demand a space in the policy debate around climate justice. A number of these were presented in Copenhagen but without any favorable consideration from the negotiators. There were also strong protests and actions outside the conference venue involving the symbolic burning of accreditation badges to send a strong message to world leaders that any agreement reached would not be legitimate as the voices of the communities directly affected by climate change had not been heard. Despite overwhelming scientific evidence, and massive popular support from citizens in countries North and South, world leaders chose national political self-interest over the fate of future generations and failed to resolve the issues blocking the road towards a just outcome. While this deal cannot be judged as a success, it is impossible to be without hope. Millions around the world look to the future and see hope, justice, and opportunity. The next Conference of Parties (COP 16) will take place in Mexico in 2010 to further monitor the enforcement of the deal and negotiate other points. The world's leaders will have another chance to get things right in Mexico. They must realize that world expect, and will not accept, anything less. They're not done yet. Neither are the people of the world.
Commemorating Pakistan's first nation-wide student movement that embodied student unity, cutting across political, class and ethnic divisions for a common cause: students' rights By Beena Sarwar "This man is my guru," said the poet Habib
Jalib at a book launch at Karachi Press Club, affectionately putting his
arm around Dr Sarwar who towered above him. My father, pleased but
embarrassed, changed the subject. It was hard to visualise him an
essentially calm, peace loving a man of few words who rarely ventured out
-- as a fiery leader who had spent a year in prison during his student
days. But like many others, Jalib revered him for his role in Pakistan's
first nation-wide student movement, the Democratic Students Federation (DSF)
started in 1950 at Dow Medical College. "Sarwar was a good man and a good friend, a lovable person, a significant personality -- I could go on. These will be reasons good enough to celebrate his life. But more than that, we celebrate his life because of his role in the student movement of the early 1950s - a movement of which progressive people can still feel proud. For me, Sarwar's passing away and the reactions and responses it evoked provided a great opportunity to celebrate that movement: But most importantly, we look back not to revel in nostalgia, we look back to look forward," wrote his old friend, former journalist Eric Rahim in an email recently, discussing an event we are planning in January to commemorate the movement. "For this we need to consider the circumstances that led to the creation and development of that movement, causes of its decline and to some extent we need to understand what has happened (good as well as bad) during the intervening period." While researching for a documentary on the movement, I learnt that Jalib was then a student at Jacob Lines High School. He may have been part of the spirited High School Students Federation (HSSF) that then existed. He would recite poems at DSF gatherings, including at a cultural programme at Theosophical Hall, when the students held a National Convention at Katrak Hall in December 1953. The Convention is memorable for the attack on it by right-wing goons, and for then Law Minister A.K. Brohi's attending it as promised rather than backing out. Fe the accompanying cultural event was also important. It was only after my father passed away in May this year, that in the course of family reminisces, a surprising nugget of family history emerged linked with the student movement. I knew that Shahida Haroon and Rashida Iqbal, my father's younger sisters, both then in college (later a social worker and schoolteacher respectively) were politicised and went out in public to collect funds for the DSF, raising awareness as well as money. Now I learnt that they also acted in a play at the cultural event, written by a student they recalled -- 'Baat Karta Nahin Muqarar Kahey Baghair'. "Jalib was very junior then." The person who stood out was Himayat Ali Shair with his poem 'Ma' dedicated to the 'martyrs of the January movement' -- Sama loot liya tha, sab ko rula diya tha" (he stole the show, had everyone in tears). The "January martyrs" -- students and passers-by -- had died during student processions on January 7 and 8, 1953 that police opened fire on. Shopkeepers and residents including Parsi families in Saddar supported the processionists, providing wet towels, water and even shelter. For years, students commemorated January 8 as 'Martyrs' Day'. One group borrowed my father's collection of the fortnightly journal of the students, Students' Herald and never returned it. The Students' Herald editor, S.M. Naseem (then at S.M. College) recently lent me his photocopied bound collection, incomplete, but a treasure trove of information. On January 7, 1953, DSF and the Inter-Collegiate Body (ICB, linking student unions) observed 'Demands Day' and planned to march to Education Minister Fazlur Rehman's house near Karachi Club. They wanted to submit a petition demanding revised fee structure (make fees payable monthly instead of six-monthly), improved laboratory, library and hostel facilities, a university in Karachi (where none existed) and security of employment. "We didn't just get up and start protesting," says Saleem Asmi, former editor of Dawn, then at SM College. "We put in two-three months of preparation and kept trying to meet the Education Minister, but he wouldn't meet us." The security of employment demand was seen as part of the "communist agenda". The Pakistan government, trying to please Washington (some things never change), shunned these 'leftists' this was the 'McCarthy era' marked by witch-hunts against the 'reds', brilliantly depicted in the Hollywood film 'Good Night and Good Luck'. DSF was seen as the 'student wing' or a 'front' of the nebulous Communist Party of Pakistan (CPP). Many DSF members were indeed leftists or even members of the CPP, but in fact DSF was not aligned with any party and studiously kept party politics out of campuses. Some 6,000 students gathered at DJ College for Demands Day. My cousin Naseem, a student of New Town Girls High School, reached Burns Road. Expecting trouble, the organisers told them to stay there. "We watched the students marching to DJ College," she says. "Some girls joined them. It was very inspiring." Police cordoned off DJ College. They lathi-charged and tear-gassed the unarmed, peaceful students. Near Paradise Cinema (now a cloth market) in Saddar, police opened fire. Several students and passers-by died. Down the road, some unknown persons burnt Interior Minister Gurmani's car, reportedly a dark green Packard. Hundreds of students reached the Education Minister's house. Police arrested the leaders. Hundreds of students held a 'dharna' in front of the Education Minister's house, refusing to budge. The magistrate had to order their release. The released students returned to their comrades and announced another demonstration for the following day, Jan 8. On January 8th, twice as many students gathered at DJ College, despite the announcement of curfew. The police again opened fire at their peaceful procession. According to Students' Herald, twenty-seven people, including high school students, died between Jan 7th and 9th, 1953, "Three Days that Shook the Country". The government's ham-handed response to the peaceful demonstration catalysed it into a nation-wide students' agitation. As news about the police action, arrests, deaths and injuries spread in those pre-television days, DSF received telegraphic messages of support from all over, including the International Preparatory Commission of the International Conference in Defence of the Rights of Youth, Vienna; Bengal Provincial Students Federation, Calcutta; PEPSU Students' Federation, Patiala; East Pakistan Students' Union, Dacca; Dacca Medical College Students' Union; Larkana Students; High School Students' Federation Pir Jo Goth; Government High School, Sukkur; UP Students' Federation; Aligarh Students' Federation; and Government High School Tando Bago. Some 20,000 students gathered in Dacca and Lahore each. Students protested in Rawalpindi, Sialkot, Dacca, Lyallpur (Faisalabad), Montgomery (Sialkot), Hyderabad and Peshawar. Professional and cultural bodies joined the protests, like the All Pakistan Postmen and Lower Grade Staff Union and the Sindhi Adabi Sangat. Prime Minister Khwaja Nazimuddin sought a meeting with the ICB representatives and agreed to their demands, including a plan for Karachi University based on a blueprint of Mexico University that the students approved. "I wish the Prime Minister could have taken personal interest in the matter before January 8th and if he had done so - many precious lives would have been saved," commented DSF President Mohammad Sarwar ('Unity is our weapon', Students' Herald, Feb 6th, 1953). He was supposed to graduate that year, but his fellow-students pressed him into not sitting the exams in order stay on in college and take the movement forward. Sarwar and other ICB representatives toured the country, including East Bengal (as it was known till 1955). They started with Multan, where Col. Malik, the Dow Medical College principal had received an invitation to inaugurate the hostel. He nominated the Student Union President (Sarwar) instead. Sarwar used the ticket money to take along his comrades, travelling by second class. Jamat-i-Islami's attempts to vilify the ICB failed due to the massive support DSF enjoyed. Student representatives from around the country converged upon Karachi in December 1953 for the National Convention at Katrak Hall. Portraits of long gone Zoroastrian dignitaries in this magnificent yellow-stone building with its pillars and cloth-covered benches witnessed the gathering and the attempts to disrupt it that the DSF activists repelled. Unfortunately, the momentum built up by the national Convention was short-lived. After Pakistan signed the Baghdad military pact with America in Feb 1954, DSF was banned and its leadership arrested. Sarwar obtained his degree while in prison for a year. Adib Rizvi gave his intermediate exams in prison. (When Faiz Ahmed Faiz was released from prison in 1955, these former students honoured and supported him.) The well-known poet Zehra Nigah, then a student at New Town Girls' High School, remembers being fired up with the excitement of those times. She wrote a poem after the January movement (a few verses of which she inscribed for me recently). "I felt as if it had all happened before my eyes and we must all do something to support the students' struggle," she said, her eyes alight with the fire of an excitement lit over fifty years ago. During its short life, the DSF remained non-aligned to any political party, focused on specific education-related issues, hard work and organisation. Today, when students across the country face so many problems, not least the direct attacks by right-wing militants on educational institutions, many realise the need to unite and form a common front. With student unions revived, in principle at least for the first time since 1984, are there lessons to be learnt from Pakistan's first broad-based, nation-wide student movement that embodied nationwide student unity across political, ethnic and class divides? Event open to the public: 'Looking back to look forward' Dr M Sarwar passed away in May 2009. Members of the public, particularly students and young people, are invited on Jan 9, 2010, at 4.30 pm, Bokhari Open Air Auditorium, Arts Council, Karachi to honour the legacy of Pakistan's first broad-based, nationwide student movement. The programme includes a documentary film and music by Laal. For details see the Dr Sarwar website, www.drsarwar.wordpress.com
The need of the hour is to educate people about HIV/AIDS to remove unnecessary fear related to the disease By Saadia Salahuddin When Nazir Masih was first detected with HIV/AIDS virus
in 1990, a doctor from the Ministry of Health visited his home, wrote
'AIDS virus carrier' on a paper and asked the family to get it laminated
and make Nazir wear it around his neck. A journalist from a leading
newspaper of the country came to him with a photographer, said the Health
Secretary had sent him, took Nazir's and his family members' photographs,
drew a sketch of his home and left. He did not explain why he was doing
all this. Nazir did not have enough courage to question them then.
"When they had gone I thought I would go to the secretary next day
and ask him why the pictures were taken. I did not get a chance to go to
him. The next day all the pictures and the sketch of our house appeared in
the daily morning paper." This is not all. "Much later when my wife fell ill and was hospitalised, the doctors did not treat her for 24 hours because someone from the staff said she was Nazir Masih's wife and must be an AIDS patient. It was after we got her tested for AIDS from Shaukat Khanum Memorial Trust Hospital, which confirmed her as HIV negative, that the hospital staff started her treatment." Nazir Masih, certainly a brave man, is a role model now and advises people. He has his own NGO which works for the AIDS/HIV victims. And the medical practitioners are also more aware and informed now. Asim is another HIV/AIDS virus carrier for the last eight years. He first learnt about it when he was tested before Haj. At the last moment the authorities told him he could not go. When asked why, they said they had lost his blood sample. Eventually, on much insistence they told him he had AIDS. "For 8-10 days I took nothing. I would tell my nieces and nephews to stay away from me. My cousins who were my partners in business, stopped seeing me. When I was hospitalised, my best friend stood ten feet away from me and enquired how I was feeling." At this Asim's eyes welled with tears and he found it hard to speak. Fortunately, Asim has a loving, understanding family and, above all, a wonderfully supportive wife who married him knowing he had HIV. She is now six months pregnant and HIV negative, which says that the child is also safe. Yes, the virus does not necessarily transmit to the spouse and even if it does, the possibility of transferring that to a child can be brought down to 5 percent through medicines. Taking medicines regularly is a must. And once a person is detected with HIV/AIDS virus, he/she has to take medicines for life. But so do the high blood pressure and sugar patients. The doctor emphasise the importance of taking drugs regularly or the virus keeps mutating. There is a possibility that researchers come up with a medicine which cures for life may be in five years time. There is an estimation that 97,400 men and 30,000 women had AIDS in 2008 and 5,000 died because of it. The HIV/AIDS virus is not transmitted through handshake or a hug, socialisation at public and workplace, by visiting patients at hospital or home, using public telephone, utensils at hotels or restaurants, using common lavatories, taking bath in swimming pool, sneezing or coughing and insect bites. There is no need to separate their plates or glass. HIV transfer ratio is very low as compared to Hepatitis and this is not a genetic disease. It can only be transferred through body fluids; unsafe sex, transfusion of unscreened blood, used syringe or taking drugs through shared syringes. HIV virus can also enter the body through used or blood-stained instruments. Only those AIDS patients are coming to the fore who cannot buy the medicines themselves. Only 2000 patients of HIV/AIDS are being treated in government hospitals when there should have been 20,000. But it is not a failure on the part of the government, it is a failure on the part of the society to create an environment where people can come out and speak about the issue with others. There are four centres in Lahore, one in Sargodha and another one is being opened in DG Khan within a month. Doctors are being trained and the government is aiming to open 8-9 centres for HIV/AIDS patients in Punjab alone. The government has allocated six billion rupees for AIDS. The graph of people dying from HIV/AIDS has come down steadily since 2005. The test that detects the virus is called PCR (polymerase chain reaction) and costs Rs 12,000. A person with HIV virus may not need medicine for two years. HIV carrier means that the virus is there but may not have developed into AIDS. The most infective period is the first six months. "Most at risk population (MARPs) are male sex workers, male hijras, female sex workers and injecting drug users (IDUs). AIDS is affecting women and girls in increasing numbers, which is transmitted to them by men who are heterosexual. Truckers, jail inmates and street children (scavengers) are also at risk. Also, army personnel and those who stay away from home for long are considered vulnerable. Among IDUs, the percentage of HIV/AIDS victim is 20.8 percent. At this the doctors warn against going for injections when a patient has the choice of taking drugs through mouth," says Dr Nasir Sarfraz. Asim says health practitioners need to be educated on how to treat HIV/AIDS patients. Doctors are taught about it in the final year of education. Lack of proper information has a damaging effect on both patients and people in general. The AIDS Control Programme, Punjab, has been distributing posters among the masses lately to educate people about HIV/AIDS to remove unnecessary fear which builds due to lack of information.
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