election 2013
Karachi’s constituency wars
By Jan Khaskheli
An insight into the PPP strongholds in the city where new realities are emerging, that might bad to some major upsets in the forthcoming election
Though the ruling Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) leadership is investing a lot by way of money and time to bring winning horses from rival political parties into its fold, it is losing its own loyal cadre by consistently ignoring it when it comes to development and decision-making. 

Clash of the lashkars
The TTP and LI are engaged in a serious battle to take over the Tirah Valley, once a scenic tourist spot
By Javed Aziz Khan
Once popular for its beauty, the remote and picturesque Tirah Valley in Khyber Agency has turned into a battlefield between various militant and anti-militant groups that want to take control of the scenic mountainous region, close to the Durand Line.
The fresh clashes started on January 24 when the militants attacked the Bagh Maidan to take control of the strategic area. The local tribesmen, volunteer of the Amn Lashkar and members of Ansarul Islam (AI), another armed group in the area offered stiff resistance, triggering a big clash between the well armed warring factions.

Yeh Woh
Damned by ‘democracy’
By Masud Alam
Canada is a strange country. It is breathtakingly beautiful, its people are among the most civilised in the world, and they have multi-culturalism in their Constitution. There is no Punjabi and no Baloch there. Everyone has equal rights, both as individuals and as groups. Why would a part of Canada then wish not to be a part of it? Therein lies the strangeness of this country: It not only recognises the right of a federating unit to secede, it also lays down the procedure for it and allows dissidents to walk that path safely and with dignity. 

issue
Party to the province
The renewed demand for the creation of a province in South Punjab at this point seems like a race between the PPP and PML-N for political gains
By Aoun Sahi
Would it be an overstatement to say the creation of a new province, or provinces, in South Punjab is the crux of the general elections 2013?
The people in the area associate with the demand strongly; and believe it will eradicate unemployment and backwardness. According to analysts, their demand is being led by the PPP both in South Punjab and in the parliament.
The parliamentary commission on the creation of a new province in Punjab has already presented its report and has proposed a constitutional amendment bill to carve out a new province. 

Sceptic’s Diary
The trouble with integrity
By Waqqas Mir
These are probably one of the most polite times, throughout human history, in terms of public discourse. We live in an age of political correctness. We invoke niceties left, right and centre and refer to laudable words such as neutrality, integrity and impartiality. We bite our tongues before saying someone is partial. And evidence of partiality is somehow on assault on someone's integrity.

Two doses too short
Huge difference of routine immunisation coverage between provinces, districts and cities is at the root of the current measles outbreaks 
By Waqar Gillani
The start of the year 2013 does not augur too well for Pakistan - as the outbreak of measles has claimed lives of more than 100 children across the country in January alone. 
Statistics gathered by the World Health Organisation (WHO) are shocking: More than 310 children died of measles in 2012 as opposed to 64 in 2011.  

 

 

   

election 2013
Karachi’s constituency wars
By Jan Khaskheli
An insight into the PPP strongholds in the city where new realities are emerging, that might bad to some major upsets in the forthcoming election

Though the ruling Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) leadership is investing a lot by way of money and time to bring winning horses from rival political parties into its fold, it is losing its own loyal cadre by consistently ignoring it when it comes to development and decision-making.

Karachi is being seen as the major battleground for the PPP where it is facing difficulty in constituencies that were its strongholds in the past.

Mostly, these people are taking local issues seriously. They say neither the party’s elected representatives (MNAs and MPAs) initiated any uplift scheme during its five year tenure nor the party leaders fulfilled the promise to regularise the old villages, which are under threat of land grabbers and builder ‘mafia’ in Karachi. This approach of successive governments, especially the PPP, has left the villages vulnerable to the builder mafia. The government is also criticised for hardly doing anything for the older settlements of the city.

Obviously, it is a setback to the party which has lost its strong supporters in Karachi. These party elders have the community’s backing and may pose a great threat to the PPP as they strongly feel the leadership has abandoned them. The PPP legislators, commenting on such developments, said: “It is nothing but a futile attempt by the opponents to create rift within the party. These people are loyal only to the Bhuttos.”

At this, the annoyed cadre replied: “Now portraits of Bhuttos are slowly disappearing from the billboards displayed in different areas. This shows the PPP is changing its face.”

Presently, the PPP has three seats in the National Assembly (NA) and six in Sindh Assembly from Karachi.

Quite recently, around 120 notables, mostly chieftains of villages and community elders, attended a meeting convened by a PPP local leader and former union council Nazim Mubarak Sanghu, at his native Sanghu village, located near the famous picnic point Hawks Bay, to discuss the pre-election situation. The objective of the meeting was clear — to develop a consensus on a candidate acceptable to the locals. They say PS-90-Karachi has remained with candidates unknown to the locals, who never made any effort to come up to the expectations of the local voters.

The host of the meeting Mubarak Sanghu told TNS: “The party has decided to convey the decisions to the high command. We want the leadership to realise that we need a party ticket and support for the local people. We have clarified to the party that the voters have a right to choose their own candidates. If the party ignores us, it will be responsible for the consequences.”

Mubarak Sanghu is a committed PPP activist from coastal areas, from where the sitting MPA Nadim Bhutto was elected, twice. Before him, his father Lal Bakhsh Bhutto had won the same seat twice on the PPP ticket. Nadim Bhutto hails from Shikarpur and is contesting the elections from Karachi’s stronghold, depriving the local deserving candidates.

The PPP supporters in other areas of Karachi have the same reservations about nominations of the candidates like Muzaffar Shujrah who belongs to Kandhkot, Kashmor district. He remained MNA and was then elected MPA from Karachi but has done no development work in his constituency. The area, people say, needs potable water, sewerage system and healthcare facilities. When contacted, Shujrah showed anger over the question and refused to comment.

Asif Bhatti, President of Native Islanders Welfare Association, whose family remained the most loyal to the PPP since its inception, said: “We are conveying to the party leadership that candidates imposed upon us are not acceptable to local people any more.”

Bhatti represents the islander community in Karachi. He added: “We have reservations against such candidates and this time we will not support them at any cost. We intend to extend support to local candidates.

“The PPP supporters in PS-89 are also planning to have similar meetings to discuss who could be the suitable candidates for us in the next elections. The present PPP MPA has not done any work in the area. The island localities have not received a single uplift scheme during the present PPP tenure.”

Former Chairman District Council of Karachi and a leader of fishermen community, Haji Shafi Jamot, and Khudadino Shah, President Malir Bachao Movement have recently joined the PML-N, which inspired other local leaders like former provincial minister Abdul Hakim Baloch in the Malir area to provide a launching support to PML-N with his supporters. Now Abdul Hakim Baloch and Haji Shafi Jamot are said to be potential candidates against the PPP nominees in Karachi’s rural areas.

Local people also say that a broader alliance of nationalists and the PML-F is being formed with the PML-N, which will benefit these candidates against the common rival PPP.

Like other areas of Karachi, Lyari has been a stronghold of the PPP and almost all national and provincial seats have always been won by the PPP for the last 40 years. Presently, there are rumours that PPP may nominate Bilawal Bhutto Zardari for the NA seat from Lyari.

The residents of old city area have been experiencing a horrible situation; street war among groups, police operation, killings and kidnappings, prolonged closure of schools, shutting down of businesses and displacement of families to avoid tension. The rising tension has also compelled all the elected candidates to shift their families outside the city and many of them cannot dare to come to meet their voters.

MNA Nabil Gabol took the initiative to defeat the armed people, who were united under the flag of Lyari Amn Committee and challenged the party representatives.

The Amn Committee has asked the party leadership that now they will decide who should be given the party ticket. They have warned that if their chosen candidate is not given the PPP ticket, nobody from the party will be allowed to enter the area.

Surrendering to pressure from the Amn Committee, the party high command has handed over the Lyari affairs to this pressure group. Now the Amn Committee may choose the candidates for the forthcoming elections. This decision has annoyed PPP MNA Nabil Gabol who is showing reservations against the PPP. Although he denies having left the party, he has reportedly held a meeting with the PML-N leadership in Lahore. Local analysts see the situation in Lyari to have far reaching consequences for the party.

caption

Posters of Benazir and Z.A. Bhutto are rarely seen now in Karachi




Clash of the lashkars
The TTP and LI are engaged in a serious battle to take over the Tirah Valley, once a scenic tourist spot
By Javed Aziz Khan

Once popular for its beauty, the remote and picturesque Tirah Valley in Khyber Agency has turned into a battlefield between various militant and anti-militant groups that want to take control of the scenic mountainous region, close to the Durand Line.

The fresh clashes started on January 24 when the militants attacked the Bagh Maidan to take control of the strategic area. The local tribesmen, volunteer of the Amn Lashkar and members of Ansarul Islam (AI), another armed group in the area offered stiff resistance, triggering a big clash between the well armed warring factions.

As the area is so remote that there is no developed communication there, it is not accessible to journalists. One has to believe in reports reaching from different sources. Some of these reports said 52 people have so far been killed in clashes between the two groups while other reports said the casualties were over 80.

Media reported in the first two days that militants of Lashkar-e-Islam (LI) supported by Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) had captured check posts in Angori Morcha, Bucha, and Kala Wuch, Dri Addi, Haidar Kandau and Adamkhel areas. The tribal volunteers of the area were deployed in these posts by the local Amn Lashkar in support with the AI.

The spokesman for the AI, Saadat, said 23 of their men were killed in the attacks. However, he added that over 45 of the attacker militants were also gunned down. The spokesman told media people that the AI is not going to let the TTP increase its influence in the area as they are the ones who are carrying out blasts in mosques and killing Muslims.

The commander of LI, Sabeel Khan, on the other hand claimed their men were killed in the fighting.

According to the political administration of the Khyber Agency, militants had captured 23 posts of the AI that their men had vacated due to severe cold and snowfall in the area. The officials, however, said the AI recaptured 22 of their posts the very next day while fighting was on for the Singarh Check Post.

Several civilians have also fallen victim to bloody clashes between the two groups in which rockets, mortar shells and heavy weapons are being openly fired. Among the civilians killed in the clashes included Anar Gul, his son and wife. They were killed when a mortar shell landed on their house in the Rajgal area of the valley.

Till a few years back, Tirah was known only as the summer hill station for the tribal Khyber and Orakzai Agencies. People of Khyber, Orakzai and Kurram Agencies used to spend their vacations in the area, mostly with their relatives since it was not a developed tourist spot. The access to the area was not that easy as one had to walk up the mountains for several hours due to the road condition.

Located close to the Durand Line, Tirah remained virtually independent since the colonial times. It was in 2003 when, for the first time, Pakistani forces entered the Tirah valley after militants started spilling over to different tribal areas, first from Afghanistan and later from the North and South Waziristan.

The huge mountains along with the difficulty of its passes and the fierceness of its inhabitants protected it from all the invaders whenever they tried to take control of the valley, comprising the major towns of Maidan, Rajgal, Waran, Bara and Mastura.

Tirah is in media for the last many years, mostly because of clashes between rival groups. The clashes began when the local tribes opposed and fought with Mangal Bagh-led Lashkar-e-Islam (LI) when the top men of the banned organisation got shelter in the mountains of the valley after a military operation was launched against them in the main Bara town of the Khyber Agency. The Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) which was once a rival of the LI openly joined hands with Mangal Bagh against the army and the local tribes. The TTP and LI are making serious efforts to take over the Tirah Valley and give tough time to the forces.

Besides forces, a militant group Ansarul Islam — a rival of the LI whose head Haji Namdar was killed in an attack inside his seminary in August 2008 — and Tauheedul Islam, a group of local Zakhakhel tribes, are offering strong resistance to the TTP and LI for the last several months. Tauheedul Islam (TI) was raised in the Khyber Agency after the LI allegedly killed a local religious scholar Maulana Hashim in March 2011. The TI men held a commander of the LI and killed him in revenge announcing a war against the Mangal Bagh-led forces.

The fresh clashes, however, started last week when the TTP launched new attack to capture key points in the Bagh Maidan area on Thursday January 24.

Not only the people of Tirah Valley but the entire Khyber Agency and other parts of the Fata and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa are suffering for the last many years, first because of militant attacks and now compounded with military operations. The killings of innocent people in suicide bombings, blasts, rocket and other lethal attacks such as mortar shelling are going on unabated. Peshawar has been the worst hit where several people died when mortars landed in residential areas of the provincial capital from the nearby Khyber Agency.

Haroon Bilour, an advisor to the KP government and son of late senior provincial minister Bashir Ahmad Bilour, has suggested the elders of Pakhtun nation from KP, Fata, Balochistan and other parts of Pakistan as well as those in Afghanistan to call a grand jirga and sit together to discuss the law and order situation in the region. Haroon Bilour believes that tens of thousands of Pakhtuns have been killed on both sides of the Durand Line and now it’s time for the elders to bring an end to the bloodshed.

The writer can be reached at javedaziz1@gmail.com and followed on Twitter at storyteller147.



 Yeh Woh
Damned by ‘democracy’
By Masud Alam

Canada is a strange country. It is breathtakingly beautiful, its people are among the most civilised in the world, and they have multi-culturalism in their Constitution. There is no Punjabi and no Baloch there. Everyone has equal rights, both as individuals and as groups. Why would a part of Canada then wish not to be a part of it? Therein lies the strangeness of this country: It not only recognises the right of a federating unit to secede, it also lays down the procedure for it and allows dissidents to walk that path safely and with dignity.

Quebec is the largest province in terms of area and second largest in terms of population. French speaking people are in majority and the official language of the province and one of the two official languages of Canada is French. It is a quaint and pretty European corner preserved in North America. It is hard to imagine that only forty three years earlier Quebec had its ‘liberation’ army with extremist leaders and guerilla fighters who looted, bombed and burned the property of mostly English-speaking Canadians in the province, in the name of nationalism. In 1970, they kidnapped the deputy chief minister of the province along with a British diplomat. The former was found strangled with his own rosary after a few days.

The state responded by arresting less than 500 people of which 62 were charged. The terrorist outfit was broken before it could become Taliban. Its active membership and public support died and the brief chapter of secessionist violence ended. Drive to secede did not.

It became a political movement and advanced in constitutionally sanctioned ways. In1980 the pro-independence ruling party conducted a referendum to demonstrate public support for making Quebec an independent country. While a simple majority would have won them their case, and they seemed to expect that result, at the least. They lost heavily instead. Secessionist parties nursed their embarrassment for 15 years before asking Quebecers to come out for the second referendum. This time they almost succeeded but ended up some decimal points behind at the finish line of fifty per cent.

They still have the option of calling another referendum but they seem to have understood that it is not easy trying to liberate people who do not wish to be liberated — during the referendum campaign a TV reporter asked a French-Canadian woman what passport would she be carrying as a citizen of an independent state of Quebec and her answer was: Canadian of course.

There aren’t many similarities between Canada and Pakistan, but we do know a thing or two about secession, and being a normal country, we treat it very differently. We left India to make this country, then more than half of us left to make another country and three of the four provinces want to be independent states. The federal government usually responds to separatist demands by bombing, kidnapping and killing dissidents. Southern Punjab has kept alive a voice of independence — as a separate province not a country though — for decades, as have half a dozen other ethnic groups in Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan. The demands may or may not enjoy public support. As the teacher in a children’s TV show ‘Magic School Bus’ used to say: ‘there is only one way to find out’. Ask the people of southern Punjab in this case.

No one did, no one does. Meanwhile the demand for provincial status went into hibernation, as long standing demands tend to.

And suddenly the federal government wakes up from a bad dream and takes pity on this backwater for millions of extremely poor people by bringing up the Bill for a new province to be discussed in the parliament, creating a funny situation where the province to be bifurcated and the people to be given a new province are all agitating against the move.

Canada is a big and rich first world country. Pakistan is small, poor and illiterate. Size, money and education, however, do not make Canada a democracy any more than the opposite makes Pakistan a third class nation. Relationship between rulers and the ruled does. The state of Canada demonstrates concern for its people and that’s what makes it a first world democracy where people willingly submit to the writ of the state. The state of Pakistan treats its population as juicy grapes to be crushed under its feet to make a pitcher of wine for the palace dinner table, and the population, in turn, treats the state as a highway robber to be avoided at all costs and cheated whenever possible.

That is the difference between democracy, and ‘Pakistani democracy’.

masudalam@yahoo.com

 

 

 

issue
Party to the province
The renewed demand for the creation of a province in South Punjab at this point seems like a race between the PPP and PML-N for political gains
By Aoun Sahi

Would it be an overstatement to say the creation of a new province, or provinces, in South Punjab is the crux of the general elections 2013?

The people in the area associate with the demand strongly; and believe it will eradicate unemployment and backwardness. According to analysts, their demand is being led by the PPP both in South Punjab and in the parliament.

The parliamentary commission on the creation of a new province in Punjab has already presented its report and has proposed a constitutional amendment bill to carve out a new province.

Senator Farhatullah Babar, chairman of the commission, presented the report to the Speaker National Assembly, Dr Fehmida Mirza, on January 30, 2012. "To alter the boundaries of an existing province, the Constitutional Amendment Bill is required to pass with two-thirds majority in both the houses of the Parliament. Even after its passage by both houses it is needed to be passed by the Provincial Assembly of the Punjab with two-thirds majority before the President could give his assent to the Bill," he said while talking to media, adding: "It is the right of the parliament to amend, alter, accept or reject the constitutional amendment bill. Punjab assembly can also reject the proposed amendment."

Jamshad Dasti, PPP MNA from South Punjab and member of the commission, tells TNS the commission has proposed the formation of a new province, 'Bahawalpur Janoobi Punjab', with 49 general seats in the National Assembly and 12 reserved for women and minorities. "It is true the process of formation of new province is lengthy and complicated. We have initiated the process. No party dare reverse it. People in South Punjab will not settle for anything less than a new province."

The PML-N is opposing the formation of the province from day one. Its nominated members refrained from participating in the proceedings of the commission.

"The commission was formed after the Punjab Assembly unanimously adopted two resolutions which called for creation of the South Punjab province and the restoration of provincial status of Bahawalpur, while the presidential reference had also directed the same to the commission. However, the commission has recommended the formation of a new province named 'Bahawalpur-South Punjab Province' which is beyond its mandate, says Chaudhry Saud Majeed, PML-N MNA from Bahawalpur who was nominated as member of the commission.

"A majority of people in Bahawalpur want its status to be restored as a province because they feel exploited by Multan. Former PM Yousuf Raza Gilani spent around Rs100 billion on different projects in Multan division while he did not divert any development funds to Bahawalpur.

"The day PPP submits the proposed constitutional amendment bill to form Bahawalpur South Punjab province in the parliament, my party will submit bills for the creation of two new provinces - Bahawalpur and South Punjab."

Dr Mussawar Bokhari, professor of Political Science at the Islamia University Bahawalpur, says PML-N does not support the division of Punjab. "It has been playing the 'two-province' card to damage the movement. But I don't think this time anyone will be able do so. The PPP has been playing its cards wisely while PML-N is clueless."

He recalls Benazir, in her second tenure as PM, started supporting the Seraiki movement though she never publicly expressed it. She talked about oppressed nations, and included Seraiki to Sindhi and Baloch. "The local leadership of the PPP is running the Seraiki movement effectively. The party is bound to gain politically in the area in the coming elections".

Bokhari says the PML-N has also been trying other options - like supporting the Baloch nationalist parties in D.G. Khan and Rajanpur districts that want these districts to be part of Balochistan. "It would be tough to heed the nationalists' emotions once they are raised in South Punjab. Any attempt to suppress it would result in severe consequences for people and society in Southern parts of Punjab which has good numbers of Punjabi and Baloch settlers," he says.

Presently, Bokhari thinks, the situation is under control because settlers are also supporting the idea of new province. But one should have in mind the situation of early 1980s, when thousands of Punjabi settlers were forced to leave the Sindh province and many of them settled in South Punjab. "The issue needs to be tackled wisely", he says.

"We will resist the inclusion of D.G. Khan and Rajanpur districts, that are overwhelmingly Baloch-dominated, in the South Punjab province," says Kaka Buzdar, member central executive committee of BNP-Mengal from D.G. Khan.

Both D.G. Khan and Rajanpur were part of Balochistan till 1948. Around 90 per cent of the total population of these two districts is Baloch and 75 per cent of them speak Balochi, while only 25 per cent speak Seriaki. "We would never go with Seraiki," he says, adding that though the PML-N does not been support the demand openly, Nawaz Sharif knows that Punjab will be disintegrated in the coming days.

Leaders of the Seraiki nationalist movement strongly condemn the role of the PML-N and term it an effort to divide the Seraiki nation. "It is a colonial mindset. Nations are named after their lingo-cultural background and not geography. The PML-N will soon become a party of G.T. Road. It is so sad that Seraiki has been made a sign of prejudice by Punjabi elite and media," says Seraiki Qaumi Party (SQP) general secretary Mansoor Kareem Seyal.

Journalist Rauf Klasra, who hails from South Punjab, says people in the region generally vote for the PPP, even when it did not support the idea of a new province. "In the 2008 election, when the creation of South Punjab province was nowhere on the cards, the PPP won 28 out of 48 seats in the area. The PPP started using the slogan of Seriaki province in 2010. It needs it politically because Asif Zardari cannot afford to not get re-elected as president for the second term. The PPP is hoping to win at least 25 National Assembly seats in South Punjab. If they succeed in forming this province, it will help them secure further majority in Senate."

He believes the PML-N may face problems within the party ranks when the bill to divide Punjab is presented in the parliament. "One of the main reasons Javed Hashmi left the PML-N was its stance on South Punjab. I am afraid if the issue is not tackled by the leadership of the PML-N, it may lead to severe consequences in the area," he says.

Apparently, according to the findings of the parliamentary commission, only 18,000 out of 140,000 Punjabi employees of federal government belong to South Punjab. "Of the 46 grade-22 Punjabi officers at the federal level, only four of them belong to South Punjab," Klasra says.

For 2012-13, Punjab government allocated Rs72 billion for development. However, only Rs16 billion was allocated for the schemes in South Punjab. "The people of South Punjab will not be exploited anymore," he says.

 

   

 

Sceptic’s Diary
The trouble with integrity
By Waqqas Mir

These are probably one of the most polite times, throughout human history, in terms of public discourse. We live in an age of political correctness. We invoke niceties left, right and centre and refer to laudable words such as neutrality, integrity and impartiality. We bite our tongues before saying someone is partial. And evidence of partiality is somehow on assault on someone's integrity.

But should it be that way?

There is something deeply sad about the times in which people with passionate views and beliefs have their integrity questioned. Why is neutrality a pre-requisite to integrity?

A case in point is the debate surrounding the soon-to-be-announced care-taker set up leading to Elections 2013. Recently, Imran Khan has objected to the idea of Asma Jahangir being appointed care-taker PM since she allegedly is not "neutral" enough. Jahangir is an indefatigable champion of human rights and a trail-blazer when it comes to speaking up for marginalised groups. I am sure Khan would agree to this. But he doesn't seem to trust Jahangir's ability to show fidelity to relevant requirements of neutrality under an oath. This is quite simply a contradiction. Allow me to explain why.

Why do we have to believe that someone who is deeply passionate and can advocate nuanced positions is somehow incapable of having enough integrity to be faithful to the responsibilities of an office they are saddled with? It is profoundly sad that Khan believes this. As so often in the past he is trying to align his voice with that of the times and screaming criticism that lacks nuance. His loss. And ours too.

People like Jahangir are celebrated precisely because they have the "integrity" to stand out from the rhetoric of the mob that surrounds them. These people are breathing, indeed shining, examples of what integrity should be - speaking up for rights not just because it is convenient but because it is the right thing to do.

There is an obvious irony here too in Khan saying a lawyer can't put aside her personal views. This may be news to Khan but every day we lawyers put aside our personal views, wear a hat (reflected in our brief) and faithfully argue positions we may or may not personally agree with. We argue those positions because the system demands that "integrity" from us. But there is more to this debate.

We are asking people to be muted conformists if we ask them to believe that neutrality somehow means not taking a position - and not taking a position ever. What is greatness then if not taking positions we passionately believe in?

 Take Supreme Court judges in any country. We harp on their independence and neutrality. But think about it: a lot of them were lawyers who helped corporations, including very rich ones, take positions and prevail with stances that shaped national policies and economies. They aligned themselves with certain social, political and economic positions that helped them get clients and win cases. But once they take an oath we trust them, don't we?

It is fidelity to that oath that defines integrity and not your positions or personal views previously articulated. We will kill ambition in our future generations if we tell them that neutrality means not taking a position. Or that taking a position somehow means being banished from offices that require neutrality or integrity.

All of our public offices carry implicit and often explicit requirements of integrity - and that integrity simply cannot be interpreted to suggest never having voiced a controversial or even partisan opinion or viewpoint. Men and women with a sense of history and their responsibility separate the personal from the professional. Everyone including bureaucrats, military generals and judges cast votes. Those votes are expressions of opinion but would Khan question their integrity regarding their offices? Isn't he accepting that judges and bureaucrats, despite holding political opinions, don't let them interfere with their duties? And doesn't he precisely trust their fidelity to the oath after they took it?

It takes a certain amount of courage to openly express views and their expression shouldn't be punished by sidelining people like Jahangir at this time. Intellectual giants like her enrich our public discourse not only by taking positions but by inspiring us to voice our views. People like her remind us that integrity resides not in ever taking a position but by being faithful to your responsibilities at that particular point in time.

The views cited by Khan were expressed by Jahangir when she was not holding a public office that demanded impartial treatment of parties. Her criticism of the superior judiciary reflects her courage and not partisanship. Public offices will be poorer if they are occupied by people who cannot voice a difference of opinion.

Nothing in Jahangir's past gives anyone a reason to doubt that she will be faithful to her oath as caretaker PM of this country.

Professor Noah Feldman at Harvard Law School reflects upon such discourse too. While talking about his book, "Scorpions: The battles and triumphs of FDR's Great Supreme Court Justices", Feldman has repeatedly lamented the discourse suggesting that future US Supreme Court Justices should play it "safe" throughout their career if they want to be nominated to the bench. He is justifiably saddened that our ideas of greatness, independence and impartiality are now coloured with requirements of never writing or voicing an opinion in which you might be seen as taking sides. No ambitious person will aspire to any public office (since all require "integrity" as Khan defines it) if integrity is equated with never speaking your mind.

All integrity should mean is: don't allow your personal views to violate requirements of your oath. It shouldn't mean "stop voicing views since someday you might aspire to an office requiring impartial conduct."

This can only be done by individuals who are brave, courageous and can handle criticism. Jahangir is one such champion. Khan is being short-sighted. It may or may not cost him an election but it has cost him the respect of many Pakistanis - including this one. Does my opinion here mean I can never aspire to be a holder of a public office requiring impartiality or integrity? I will take my chances - and that is an inspiration I and many others owe to the likes of Jahangir. Kudos to her.­

 

 

Two doses too short
Huge difference of routine immunisation coverage between provinces, districts and cities is at the root of the current measles outbreaks 
By Waqar Gillani

The start of the year 2013 does not augur too well for Pakistan - as the outbreak of measles has claimed lives of more than 100 children across the country in January alone.

Statistics gathered by the World Health Organisation (WHO) are shocking: More than 310 children died of measles in 2012 as opposed to 64 in 2011. 

The worst hit province is Sindh, where this respiratory disease has killed 69 children in the first month of the year 2013. Last year, mostly between October and December, some 210 child deaths were reported, says a WHO official.

According to this global health organisation, Punjab has reported 25 children dead due to measles and Balochistan 33 in the first three weeks of 2013.

"It's certainly an alarming situation," says Maryam Yunus, spokesperson WHO, adding, "The WHO and UNICEF together provided 4.4 million doses of measles vaccines last year to target children in the flood-affected areas of Sindh." Figures collected from various official sources and surveys place abysmally low vaccination coverage, malnutrition, severe deficiency of Vitamin A and low immunity at the root of this problem.

According to Pakistan Social and Living Standards Measurement survey (2010-2011), Pakistan's routine immunisation coverage does not meet the optimal routine immunisation rate of more than 80 per cent. "Pakistan's routine immunisation coverage is close to 65 per cent with only some important cities of Punjab recording a better performance," says Dr Sabatinelli, country director WHO. He maintains that the huge difference of routine immunisation coverage between provinces, districts and cities is at the root of the current measles outbreaks.

As an emergency response to the outbreak of measles in Sindh, the Provincial Health Ministry started a measles vaccination campaign, targeting 2.9 million (2,900,000) children between December 31, 2012 and January 9, 2013 in eight districts of Sindh - Sukkur, Khairpur, Larkana, Qamber-Shadadkot, Shikarpur, Jacobabad, Ghotki and Kashmore.

Measles is a highly contagious disease caused by a virus, specifically paramyxovirus. In 1980, before widespread vaccination, measles caused an estimated 2.6 million deaths each year. It is one of the most readily transmitted communicable diseases. A dose of measles vaccine, given by the intramuscular or subcutaneous route, with opportunity for second dose at least a month after, may prevent a child from this disease. The WHO recommends every child must receive two doses of measles vaccine.

The vaccination campaign is now well expanded in Pakistan. Vitamin A doses are being provided to all vulnerable children during vaccination campaign and health awareness and education is also being imparted at operational sites. "We have also stepped-up the vaccination campaign while control room has been established in the office of director general health o monitor the campaign," says Dr Nisar Cheema, director general Health Services Punjab.

"Measles spreads rapidly among un-immunised children and adults," says Dr Tariq Bhutta, chairman National Immunization Technical Advisory Committee WHO, which works independently in Pakistan.

He says the measles vaccination coverage in Pakistan is only 50 per cent, and even among those who have been immunised about 20 per cent is likely to not develop immunity against measles. "This means that every second year there will be an outbreak of measles in the country," he adds.

In Pakistan, "displaced people are particularly vulnerable to the disease. Severe malnutrition and overcrowding causes the virus to spread rapidly," Dr Bhutta adds. 

Even though the strategy of responsive surveillance by the government has improvement, "it's too late now. We always wake up late," he laments. Currently, he says, "measles vaccine is available in Pakistan in short supply. There is also shortage of the Vitamin A. Punjab and Sindh have placed an order for more doses of measles vaccination".

The situation could be further alarming in Pakistan in coming weeks, fears Dr Bhutta, adding, "The devolution of ministry of health after the 20th Amendment and lack of capacity of the provinces to handle the issues of health is also a major cause of the low coverage of vaccinations and outbreaks."

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