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APC review Statues
not sculptures Emotional
outbursts
In the battle between the 'so-called' liberals and conservatives, what seems to have been put on stake is the ideal of complete transfer of power from the military to the civilian rule The London Conference,
ostensibly organised to show the unity of the opposition parties At the London Conference, the PPP neither agreed with other parties to form a united front of all opposition parties nor did it commit to resignation of its members from the parliament in case Gen Musharraf seeks his re-election from the current assemblies. All other like-minded parties founded their separate All Parties Democratic Front thus in effect putting a seal on the PPP-PML-N alliance, the ARD. The PPP may decline any rumours of a deal with the regime, but there are clear signs are that the party has some sort of understanding with the regime. The London Conference (July 7-8) was another manifestation of this. Benazir Bhutto refused to attend the moot saying she would not do so because she did not want to sit with the Majlis-i-Amal leaders. Her position was she will shake hands with the MMA leaders only when the party quits the Balochistan government -- something the latter does not agree to. The same condition was put forth by the PPP for considering the option of resigning from the assemblies. After Mian Nawaz Sharif had announced that the all parties moot had agreed to a joint declaration, PPP's Makhdoom Amin Fahim threw the whole issue into a tailspin by saying that the PPP did not sign the declaration issued there. But at the same time he insisted that his party will neither accept General Musharraf in uniform or without it, nor will it support his re-election from the present assemblies. He said that all opposition parties agreed on the one-point agenda of continuing the struggle for restoring democracy. The PPP also stressed the need for reconvening an opposition meeting to determine the future strategy after the MMA had resigned from the government if General Musharraf sought re-election from the present assemblies. The PPP leaders say the party has only been seeking an assurance from the MMA that it would not backtrack if the opposition decides to launch a movement against the government. But the other parties did not agree to this. In fact, the differences between the PPP and the MMA seem to be too deep to be narrowed down. The July 10 events in Islamabad exposed the division more than ever. The PPP chairperson Benazir Bhutto quickly announced her support to the action taken against militants of Lal Masjid while the MMA denounced the action blaming President Musharraf for what it called the bloodshed. The divide deepened and polarisation increased. Storming the Lal Masjid, it seems, was Gen Musharraf's masterstroke who managed to achieve two objectives in one go: One, he restored his credentials in the eyes of the West where the media and the thinktanks were becoming increasingly critical of him. Two, the operation timing, intriguing as it may seem, was such that it exposed opposition parties' disunity when they were posing to be sitting together. The way May 12 violence in Karachi cut down the MQM to its size and removed one major hurdle between a compromise between Benazir and Musharraf, the July 10 events in Islamabad has weakened the position of PML-Q's Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain and Chaudhry Pervez Elahi. The religious right being their traditional constituency, the Chaudhrys are now on the defensive regarding the Lal Masjid operation. The Chaudhrys have been another obstacle to Gen Musharraf's coming close to Benazir Bhutto. Now after the Lal Masjid, they have to either accept the new alignment or leave the regime. The week long live TV coverage of the Lal Masjid episode helped divert attention from the chief justice issue, where the government seemed to be in a weak position after the apex court fined the federation on committing perjury. The misery of more than two million people falling victim to ravages of storm and floods in Balochistan also disappeared from media spotlight. But the way seminary militants and their leader Ghazi Abdur Rashid stood their ground in the face of military assault was perhaps not expected. The high death toll including that of children and women could arouse sympathies among the general public and become a rallying point for extremist and right-wing parties against the regime. The July 10 incident hastened the formation of an alliance between the PML-N and the MMA which in any case appeared to be a compulsion for both of them. Nawaz Sharif could not go in to the electoral process without allies. Under an agreement brokered by the Saudi rulers Nawaz is bound to live in exile three years after the general elections. Most members of his party have been made to defect to the ruling faction of the Pakistan Muslim League. As the PPP seems to be dragging its feet to get along with the rest of the opposition, Nawaz Sharif is in need of new partners to fall back on. On the other hand, in the face of increased US pressure on Islamabad to act against so-called Islamists, the MMA also needs an anchor to stay afloat. This has come in the form of All Parties Democratic Movement. So far, the PPP's policy has been not to completely alienate the PML-N and other parties in the ARD despite its differences on the future line of action. This approach is helpful in keeping the middle class and intellectuals on its side who despise any understanding with the military-dominated regime. Also, in its bargain with the Musharraf regime, the party carries more weight if it remains part of the larger opposition. Benazir Bhutto has kept her cards hidden in the hope of extracting maximum advantage from both sides. Nawaz Sharif's decision to launch a united front along with other parties has now narrowed down his options. With last week's political roller coaster, the battle lines now seem to be clearly drawn. Since 1970s, the country's politics has been divided between pro-Bhutto and anti-Bhutto political camps. Now it appears that the polarisation is along the lines of conservatives and liberals. In this battle, what seems to have been put on stake is the ideal of complete transfer of power from the military establishment to the elected representative institutions. Minimum agenda The eventual disunited face notwithstanding, the declaration made some bold statements... Despite the disunity on some crucial issues, the opposition's moot is not without some valuable contribution. The parties managed to agree on some crucial points, which may be termed as a minimum agenda for the restoration of democracy. The declaration says that the nation has had enough of generals' rule, that President Musharraf must resign, and a caretaker government be installed to hold a free and fair election under an independent election commission. They also agreed to stopping the military operations in Fata and Balochistan, releasing all political prisoners, including those belonging to MQM Haqiqi, ensuring free and fair elections, repealing the Pemra ordinance and appointing a caretaker government. The parties in the London Conference unanimously condemned the MQM, which seems to be completely isolated as after May 12 it has lost the support of its coalition partner, the PML-Q. The opposition parties called it a fascist party, and have promised not to have any relation with it. --
Adnan Adil The recent book by Inayat Illahi Malik covers the present and the recent past and gives us the flavour of the music, the audiences and the system of patronage Singer
not the Song One of the better aspects
about 'Singer not the Song', the recently published book by Their being mentioned may have been possible because the book is a collection of articles that Inayat Illahi Malik had been writing in the newspapers recently. The demand to cover the current happenings is the pressing hazard of all journalism but the fact that he has included these articles from among many that he may have written -- pointing to the significance he attaches to musical activity by those who had not really made it to the top. This side of music activity may not appear to be that important in other societies but in Pakistan, where the conditions are peculiar, one wonders what was it that made all the artists persist with what they were doing. In the absence of recognition and reward, their persistence, if anything, should be lauded and not judged exclusively on the basis of its musical significance. Those mentioned in the book
Khadim Hussain Hydari, Muhammed Latif, Muzzaffar Akbar Though it is a generalisation but holds true for the artistic types that they are condemned to do what they are doing. Put them in some other slot and they will prove to be the squarest pegs in round holes but it has also been commonly observed that many of the artists have quit their vocation and opted for other professions. In the case of musicians many have gone into tailoring, motor mechanics or lower level desk jobs. Since music was closely allied to the blood lines the musicians, besides inheriting musical knowledge, also found a niche within the circles that promoted and patronised music. With the greater role of the market and open competition the prospects of a secure professional absorption dimmed and these musicians were thrown into the wider bigger world to fend for themselves. Many could not rely in their music to find an opening and instead were forced into doing that provided them with bread and butter. Khadim Hussain one has known for years, playing interlude pieces for songs and endlessly waiting for the next opportunity to perform, Muzaffar Akbar has done stints with the Arts Councils and waited outside studios for his next programme and Muhammed Latif has played sitar in hotels while people had lunches and dinners, hoping for better times. Those better times have been only in the occasional radio, television programmes or a concert at the Arts Councils. Ghulam Haider has switched to research and writing on music bidding the practice of music an unannounced farewell. And research and music scholarship has been even more random than music itself. One wonders what scholars like Rasheed Malik, Saeed Malik, Islam Shah and Israr Ahmed got out of their research and writing except the satisfaction of fulfilling a passion. And one wonders what Inayat Illahi Malik has got out of his obsession except the same simple satisfaction. He has been a known figure in the music circles of the country, Lahore in particular, and has written at least four books on music, 'Sur Sangeet', 'Raag Rung' and 'Private Life of Ragas' besides the one being reviewed. One is not questioning their call of passion but it makes one wonder as to how much talent there is in the country that appears on the surface and then sinks without a trace. If only the output of all these scholars doing random research, with no academic qualification or systematic education could be coordinated and organised the result may be more worthwhile and long lasting. Similarly there are many connoisseurs and collectors of music who have gone to extraordinary lengths to cultivate their passion. One such person was Sikander Kaleem who just collected music and literature on music and took great pride in having people over to listen to his choicest numbers. He travelled in search of music and when going to India he often sneaked in as a pilgrim and was found doing the rounds of all the major music outlets of that particular city. After his early death it was feared that his collection would be lost but fortunately it has found a new home in Nairang Gallery. Usually books that are written either cover the biography of famous musicians or are engaged in hair splitting analysis about some issue of a micro tone or the proper intonation of a sur. This book covers the present and the recent past and gives us the flavour of the music, the audiences and the system of patronage. It has a generous coverage of the contributions of the well-known musicians like Roshan Ara Begum, Amanat Ali, Fateh Ali, Nazakat Ali Salamat Ali, Amjad Ali Khan, Bismillah Khan, Bade Ghulam Ali Khan, Fareeda Khanum, Pandit Jasraj, Noor Jehan and Muhammed Rafi and it is much more about the present state of the music than a debate on some arcane point.
Sadiq Ali Shahzad's work makes one question the status of sculpture in our society Except his close friends
and acquaintances, not many people from the art world know These figures were small in scale and constructed with intricate details -- the lines of hair, the patterns on clothes, the texture of melting candle, irregular tree trunk and folds of skin. Besides this skill in execution, the unusual aspect of the exhibition was its difference from normal sculpture shows. To start with, each piece had a label with a few lines of poetry, in Urdu and Punjabi, or a title that reminded of some aspect of poetry. Some of the lyrical themes were unrequited love, fatalities of old age, frivolousness of youth, passion of young women and lovers from folk tales. All themes signified through verses as well as the way figures were composed in groups and in their settings. Due to all this -- the
size, the naturalistic treatment of figures and a prominent literal This distinction between the two words -- though both denote three dimensional works -- is a separation of two different functions. The statues have a direct religious purpose in which aesthetics elements are not important (which doesn't mean an absence of these aspects). That's why one does not hear the word statue in art discourse, but only in disciplines such as anthropology, archaeology and art history. The reason why the works on display at Alhamra could be defined as statues rather than sculptures is because these pieces were shaped to communicate certain concepts. These ideas, rendered with a narrative approach, are beyond the limited sphere of art and indicated a wider sphere -- culture. They suggest the way we conceive beauty and aesthetics: Much like popular poetry, films and theatre, in which the form is not important but the content is essential. And usually the content is constructed on sentimental elements which may have a direct appeal for the masses. Thus the work of Sadiq simply sate certain notions about poetry, life and beauty. His approach is not dissimilar to what one observes in the illustrations on popular bestselling digests and magazines and even our films. In fact the sensibility that marks the local cinema and popular imagery is connected in many ways, as both aim to communicate the message in an effective and direct manner. Hence images like weeping kids, longing maidens, lost youth and old men and women -- all participating in the tableau of life. Here too the figures are presented as three dimensional versions of our popular imagery. Probably due to this overt sentimentality and the presence of a 'story' his statues were highly appreciated by the general public. For them the skill of the artist matched with the clarity of his ideas, easy to grasp visuals and quickly comprehensible narratives. Enhanced with the inclusion of poetry, the works in plaster appear to be the construed form of the verses. Once in the exhibition, one cannot resist the immediate appeal of these statues. At the same one cannot help questioning the status of sculpture in our society. Maybe the minimal visibility of sculpture in our surroundings is not as linked to religious pressures as it is commonly believed. Perhaps the abstract components of sculpture (formal elements even in figurative works) have distanced our audience from this genre of art; since they cannot identify with the geometric shapes in stone, pieces of irregular wood and stylised objects. Or even the human bodies, carved or sculpted, but without any evident 'story' do not interest them. For them, only when a sculpture is 'converted' into a statue does it start to have some relevance and meaning. Sadiq Ali's show may not be important for the art world, but it does pose a question for the sculptors: How can one make a bridge between sculpture and statue in our culture? That is if one still wishes to be a part of society and not end up as an elite practitioner, like others.
Dear
all, The storming of Lal Masjid has once again evoked the most emotional reactions from the most unexpected quarters. By this I don't mean official reactions, I mean reactions from friends and family. After the commando action on the Lal Masjid early on Tuesday, they have directed a great deal of criticism against the government. But my only response is: What else could they do? The tensions and immense responsibility of resolving a hostage situation are almost impossible to understand for most people, and in this case the difficulties faced by the authorities have not, perhaps, been properly highlighted. Friends lamenting the bloodshed at the mosque blame the government for their sponsoring Abdul Rasheed Ghazi and for acting so late in this case. But should we assume that the people who had to clear up this mess are the same people who made this mess? We all (at work, at home) inherit various problems, but how we deal with them is not necessarily the way those who created the problems would. What was the way out of the Lal Masjid mess? It did seem as if the authorities were trying to minimise possible deaths by negotiating to get the students out. Should the government have given in to militants' demands and let them off the hook? I personally don't think so. If they had, they would have been bowing to the dictates and blackmail of maulvis and basically sending the message that yes, it is okay to encroach on land that is not yours, it is okay to take the law in to your own hands, it is okay to kidnap, intimidate and blackmail, and it is okay to claim that you are doing all this for your god and your religion... Watching the coverage of the Lal Masjid issue also gave an insight into the development of our media. While reporters followed the story tirelessly and conscientiously and kept the story up to date, their use of language and their emotive approach was often a little disturbing. The storming of the Lal Masjid, and the action against militants who decided to take the law into their own hands could mark a turning point in the way we choose to deal with religious megalomaniacs and jehadis. Of course we can only do this if the state gives up its patronage of jehadi elements and mulla politicians, who are so useful to it at such regular intervals. General Musharraf has paid lip service to routing out extremist mullas and misuse of religion but his actions did not match his words. While so called religious parties were banned, somebody like the hatred spewing, murder inciting extremist Azam Tariq was allowed to contest the 2001 elections. Not just that, the alliance of religious parties was allowed to have the book as their election symbol, which is outrageous when you consider how many people were exploited by telling them that as Muslims they had to vote for 'the Book'. The other thing it highlights is how the state has not put enough into the social sector in terms of schools and support for poor children. Surely the government needs to look at this more closely. Surely we need schools and institutions that house and support these needy children and teach them not just about being a 'good Muslim', but also about being good and law abiding citizens, with responsibilities. How much money are we putting into primary schools? How are these schools regulated? What do we need to do to make these institutions respond to the needs of the population? Well, I started off by expressing astonishment at the reactions of my friends and family at the mosque bloodshed, and indeed I am constantly surprised by the conspiracy theory explanation that is always given for anything involving Muslim perpetrators. A very senior colleague is convinced that the case against the London bombers is all fabricated and that the video in which Khan talked about the attacks (and made the "unless your people stop killing my people" remark) was a fake that was prepared digitally. Another colleague floated the possibility that the recent bombing attempts in Britain in which the suspects are Muslim doctors, was in fact a conspiracy to discredit Muslims especially professionals, as Muslim doctors are very well respected. (How did the conspirators persuade a Muslim doctor to drive his car into Glasgow airport or get him to set himself on fire?). I am surrounded by people who think the July 7 bombings were not done by the four Muslim lads from North England, or who think that 9/11 was a Zionist conspiracy. These people are all convinced that the world is out to destroy Muslims. But I think that won't happen, because we'll probably destroy ourselves first! We need to get out of our paranoia and move on to a more rational and responsible way of approaching the world. But I'll elaborate on this sense of otherness I find in many British Muslims some other time. Till then, Best wishes, Umber
Khairi
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close to general elections, led to the re-alignment of political forces in
the country. The Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz joined hands with the Muttahida
Majlis-i- Amal (MMA) and some regional parties, and for the time being, the
PPP appeared to be isolated from the rest of the opposition.
Inayat Illahi Malik, is that he has assessed, though briefly, the work of
artists who practice the classical forms but are hardly mentioned in the
reviews or figure in the media coverage. They might only have been cursorily
mentioned falling in the category of those who also ran.
Khan, Beenish Pervaiz, Shahid Ali, Zohaib Hassan, Ghulam Haider, Zahid Farani,
Jaffar Hussain Khan, Habib Ali, Ghulam Shabbir for example will never get
adequate space or an appropriate reference in a book though they may have got
some media coverage. Few of the artists mentioned are younger like Zohaib
Hassan, Beenish Pervaiz, Shahid Ali and have the youthful enthusiasm to be
optimistic about the future but others have been toiling to eke out an
existence and have barely survived to live the next moment.
Sadiq Ali Shahzad. Based in Multan, Shahzad is a self-taught artist who
recently held his solo exhibition at Alhamra Art Gallery, Lahore. The show
comprised 38 figurative sculptures made in plaster of Paris.
approach
-- the figures could be described more as statues rather than sculptures.
According to Oxford English Dictionary, there is no essential difference
between sculpture and statue (except that the latter is associated with
representation of a living being -- human and animal). In the art world there
is a distinction between the two words where the term sculpture is especially
employed for artwork mainly for display as an aesthetic item, whereas the
statue is used for objects which are conventional and often created (in the
past) for the purpose of worship.