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conflict analysis Common
climate Pulse
of the problem strategy
Corruption
in theory politics Democratising
political parties
conflict By Raza Rumi Karachi’s mayhem in the past few days has exposed, once again, the primary issue of the megapolis — a weak, encroached state. The city has grown in numbers and is now home to millions of Pakistanis of all varieties. Its cosmopolitanism and centrality to Pakistan’s economy means that Pakistan cannot remain unaffected if its largest city is not functioning well. July has been a bloody month. However, this is not the
first time when the city has been subjected to This is precisely what happened. A strike followed the decision and over 100 people were killed in various low-income settlements comprising mohajirs (migrants), Pakhtuns and others. Public transport remained at a standstill and innocent citizens were targeted by death squads of major political parties which mobilise people around ethnic and linguistic identities. The underlying class-divides among major ethnic groups is also an issue to be explored. The biggest city alas is also the most under-researched region of Pakistan. When the events of early July settled the uneasy truce between MQM and Government was shaken after the firebrand Sindhi nationalist representative of the PPP, Zulfiqar Mirza lashed out against Altaf Hussain, the leader of MQM living in exile far away from the turbulence of Karachi. Calling Mr Hussain a bigger criminal than the leaders of MQM’s breakaway faction, Mirza also made some sweeping, ill-informed remarks against the mohajirs who arrived in Karachi after the partition. The media once again emerged as a major influence in shaping the public opinion in Karachi and elsewhere. The statement of Mirza, which now has been officially denounced by PPP (along with an apology by him), was repeated ad nauseam to indicate how the PPP had initiated an ‘ethnic conflict’. The ethnic conflict has been there for decades and even during the PPP-MQM alliance the phenomena of target killing: has continued. More people have died in Karachi due to target killings than incidents of terrorism in the city. A dying patient: The state in Karachi has been on
retreat and successive federal and provincial governments due to their
short-term goal of holding power have allowed the governance crises to
deepen. Instead of reform, Whither local governance: During Musharraf years, Karachi’s local governance arrangements were improved. To give credit to an unrepresentative military regime, the local government system showed some positive results in terms of service delivery and the citizen-state relations. The MQM ruled the towns of Karachi under the new local governance framework which led to noticeable infrastructure improvement. In the larger political context, Musharraf viewed the MQM and Karachi as his constituency of sorts. Therefore, additional financing for Karachi’s development were injected into the central and provincial budgets. However, major reform such as finalisation of the Karachi Master Plan, introduction of Mass Transit and improvement in security apparatus were not delivered largely due to the federal government’s desire to control the city. The posting of Rangers in Karachi is mind-boggling given that border security forces are ill-trained to manage urban law and order. The recent killing of a young man in a public park by the Rangers demonstrates this syndrome. Mafia vs mafia: Such is the governance culture since the emergence of MQM that ethnic mobilisation and armed wings of political parties are informally accepted modes of transacting power and citizen interest. In recent years, the Pashtun in-migration into Karachi has added a new powerful player in Karachi. The Awami National Party (ANP), therefore, is a stakeholder in Karachi’s politics beyond its domains in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and perhaps parts of Balochsitan. Since 2008, reports suggest that a third power-group in the form of Lyari Aman Committee (LAC) has emerged with a militant wing. Therefore, Karachi has also witnessed the fragmentation of MQM’s traditional ‘control’ and sole-representative status in the city. The three power groups, i.e. MQM and ANP’s militant cadres and LAC now operate in Karachi as the ‘real’ state as the revenue raising authority and influencing policy and development. It is also an established fact that much of Karachi’s business — of all varieties — pay rents to these mafias for their protection and ‘security’ as the state seems to have lost or willingly ‘subcontracted’ that function to private actors. There are Pathan areas; and there are Mohajir areas and other settlements, which through a complex network of middlemen, touts and strongmen pay money also known as ‘bhatta’. Therefore, the political economy of Karachi’s violence is far more complicated than is painted or discussed. Back to the colonial era: The response of the federal government to return to 1861 Police Act as a means to improve Karachi’s situation is unfortunate and untimely. First of all, the Police Order has certain pre-requisites such as district magistrates’ revival of which may not be feasible given the potential conflict with the judiciary on separation of powers. Secondly, urban policing was never the strong point of 1861 law as it was largely designed to exercise colonial control over a largely spread rural population. In any case, restoration of an old law will only lead to further chaos and confusion. In addition, the court battles will erode whatever little impact it may have in the short term. The government will have to think of more contemporary solutions, including community policing. And a Commissioner, once again: Along with the revival of old police system the institution of the Commissioner has also been revived. The Commissioner has no executive powers, especially with regard to law and order as it is a land administration and coordinating office. The larger aim is to revert to the old districts that existed in the pre-2001 administrative landscape. The revival of districts and the local government system of 1979 is an attempt to dilute the city-control and subdivide it as per the demands of non-Muhajir communities living in Karachi. The MQM bitterly opposes this move and it will prove to a contentious issue. Is the MQM isolated? With the unofficial alliance of all non-Muhajir representatives and MQM’s breakaway factions operating under the guise of Sunni Tehreek, there is a greater likelihood of street battles erupting and getting out of control. True that PPP controls the federal agencies such as the Rangers and FC but further escalation of violence and tension will have an adverse impact on the democratic and consensual decision-making. Zulfiqar Mirza’s bravado and PPP’s risk-taking is, therefore, a game of chance that may work or simply backfire with unfortunate consequences. Given the current configuration, MQM is rightly worried about being pushed into a corner. But then it cannot totally absolve itself of the responsibility as it was and remains a major actor in Karachi’s politics and governance. Karachi’s economy cannot function without the inclusion of other communities given the interdependence of economic and social forces. The transport business is largely operated by the Pathans so they simply cannot be isolated from the power matrix and decision-making. As the second largest community, they also have a right to claim their share. As always, Karachi needs democratization of power; and robust accountability mechanisms and strengthening of the state as the mediating agent between diverse interests and lobbies. There can be no other alternative to a responsive local government, a municipal police and effective law-enforcement agencies. The notions of cosmetic, brutal “clean-up” operations are recipes for failure for they cannot change underlying imbalances in the state and society. The democratic option is clear. The major political parties will have to agree on a common agenda for reform and negotiate it. In the absence of such a political compact the dwindling central state will intervene to ‘fix’ things or the jihadis united under the broad umbrella of Al-Qaeda worldview may emerge as the winners. An army intervention has never resulted in systemic changes. Karachi is no exception. Similarly, the reported hideouts of jihadis in Karachi can only flourish under a situation of permanent chaos. Karachi is Pakistan’s only port city; it is also the NATO supply line route and the financial nerve centre. Above all, it belongs to its resilient, inventive citizens who want peace, security and opportunities. Ending violence in Karachi and creating equitable opportunities should, therefore, become a top priority of political parties. Otherwise, they may fail us once again. The writer is a
policy adviser based in Lahore. His writings are archived at
www.razarumi.com. Follow him on Twitter: @razarumi Still waiting for answers There
has been no formal accounting for the Taliban leadership that had
established a virtual By Aasim Sajjad Akhtar This past week I went to
Swat for the first time since the restoration of some semblance of
normalcy to the area. The first indicator of the overwhelming army presence is at Dargai, forty kilometers or so on from Mardan. Starting here, ordinary people — both on foot and on vehicles of various kinds — are subject to routine checking by army and police personnel. Among many other things one is struck by the difference between the two security apparatuses. Policemen are far less aggressive and appear to be as wary of the army personnel around them as anyone else. The experience at army checkposts is far more harrowing: On more than one occasion it was clear that the men in khaki — especially those who are not from Swat — harbour contempt for virtually everyone else around them. From Batkhela onwards, one starts to become acutely aware of the perverse official nationalism on show throughout the Malakand region. On almost every wall, shutter and door is a very recently painted Pakistani flag, often accompanied by an ode to the Pakistan army. What is startling is the similarity of every caricature — it is almost as if a standardised stencil was available throughout the region. Apparently, most of the painting took place in advance of the ‘Istehkam-e-Pakistan’ conference held in Saidu Sharif on the 8th of July in which the Chief of Army Staff (COAS) and Prime Minister were the chief guests. The in-your-face imagery betrays what ordinary people in and around Swat are actually feeling. I sensed an overwhelming ambivalence, and deep psychological scars. There is no doubting that most Swatis are grateful that the gratuitous violence to which they were subjected since as early as 2007 has subsided significantly. It is not necessarily the case, however, that this sense of gratefulness is directed towards the state, and specifically the army. Indeed, there is an underlying feeling of suspicion that derives from the fact that, even while overt hostilities appear to have come to a halt, huge question marks remain about the immensely traumatic series of events that have unfolded in Swat over the past three years or so. For example, there has been no formal accounting for the Taliban leadership that had established a virtual parallel state across large parts of lower Swat. Even the formal narrative about rank-and-file ‘extremists’ killed by security forces is dubious. Where were they all buried? How is one to know that innocents were not killed and posthumously labeled ‘extremists’? On virtually all of these accounts there remain more questions than answers. This is not as disturbing as the fact that noone appears to be in the business of providing answers. The deep ambivalence of the average Swati is reflected in the fact they themselves have chosen silence — they do not feel secure enough in asking questions of those who are supposed to be unequivocally on their side. Surely, this confirms that the binary of (good) state versus (evil) non-state actors — upon which the entire ‘war on terror’ discourse is based — obfuscates more than it illuminates. Amazingly, even while everything else about what the security establishment has been doing over the past few years has been called into question in light of the Osama bin Laden affair, the Swat operation continues to be represented as the one example of an unshakeable state-society consensus over what constitutes an appropriate response to ‘terrorism’. It is clear that Swat’s people were never really part of this supposed consensus, and that they are so scarred by what happened both during the reign of the Taliban and the subsequent military intervention that there is unlikely to be an inquisition in the near future. But anyone who comes into Swat from the outside must surely leave having recognised that there are irreconcilable holes in the official account. And that simply noting that these gaps exist without demanding answers is tantamount to not only being complicit in the violence that was visited upon Swat’s people, but also allowing draconian logic of the so-called ‘war on terror’ to remain unchallenged. It is true that people around the world have largely acceded to the empowerment of the security apparatus of the state in this ‘age of terror’. But in very few countries of the world does acceptance of the imperative of ‘security’ entail the same consequences as in Pakistan. Even while the popular media and governments in the Western world are beginning to talk more openly about the failures of the ‘war on terror’, there is a distinct lack of meaningful critique in Pakistan. On the one hand, right-wingers harp on about ‘infidel America’ and the proverbial ‘foreign conspiracy’ while remaining completely mute on the machinations of our own establishment and the huge crisis of state ideology, and on the other, mullah-haters insist that bombing the extremists into oblivion is a sure route to enlightenment. There is nothing in between, no serious interrogation of the political economy of war, no meaningful recognition that only competing ideas can lessen the attraction of millenarianism. I think it is important for anyone who is strongly committed to any particular position on the so-called ‘war on terror’ to go to Swat and see what it means in practice to be on the frontline of this war, to understand who the real antagonists of this war are, and to think about the long-term consequences of war — so many of them psychological — on ordinary people. It is easy to submit an analysis and prescription sitting in the comfort of our living rooms, but it is far more difficult to offer black and white solutions to people who have been singed by the flames of war. For all of the pontificating of ‘experts’ and the forging of ‘public opinion’, the people of Swat, like so many others who sit on the frontlines of this war, are still waiting for answers.
Common climate Countries in South Asia, especially India and Pakistan, can change lives by coming together to overcome challenges posed by environment By Aoun Sahi South Asia, home to
one-fifth of the population on earth, is a disaster-prone region. Experts
believe two-thirds of If the aspirations of young people of the region are to be realised in a place challenged by resource-scarcity and climate change, it will require a new mode of thinking and an intensification of bilateral cooperation. It was in this spirit that a small group of Young Global Leaders (YGL) from both sides of the border took the initiative at the World Economic Forum’s regional summit in New Delhi in November 2010 under title of YGL Indo-Pak Cooperation Initiative. The basic philosophy behind this initiative is to realise that Pakistan and India need to address issues of shared natural resource and climate challenges with a view to building a new narrative of cooperation based on sensible risk management and benefit-sharing. The conference of YGL titled, “Climate Change and Disaster Risk Management — Managing Risks: Sharing Benefits” took place on July 8-9, 2011 at the Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS) in Lahore, Pakistan. Aman Ki Asha, an initiative of Jang Group of Newspapers Pakistan and Times of India Group, India was one of the organizers of the conference besides Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS), among others. While understanding of impacts of climate change in the region is in its early stages, experts point to higher temperatures, rise in sea level, floods, droughts and extreme weather as manifestations likely to impact every area from agriculture to human health and economic productivity. Disasters, such as
floods in Pakistan, are likely to increase not diminish in number and
impact. As far as climate Climate change threatens our long-term existence and is already hugely impacting lives of millions in the two countries. The World Meteorological Organisation has linked last year’s floods to observable changes in weather patterns as global temperatures rise. This is a fact. Pakistan and India are vulnerable to climate impacts, ranging from extreme weather such as floods, cyclones, droughts and storm surge, to deepening water and food insecurity. It seems that the youth in both countries, since it does not carry the baggage of partition and its early consequences, is ready to realise new challenges to the region and looking for the common solutions to them. Malini Mehra, CEO of Centre for Social Markets, a non-profit organisation that works on sustainability and corporate responsibility in India, thinks that holding the launch of this project in Pakistan is highly symbolic. “Typically, it has been difficult for Indians to secure visas for Pakistan, and vice versa. We overcame these difficulties with excellent cooperation from the Pakistani authorities and look upon this as a good omen for the future,” she tells TNS. Participants from India, Pakistan and other countries strongly recommend both India and Pakistan to form close liaison on disaster management for sharing information on climate change, including early flood warming system. There is a lot of room to develop our ability to deal with catastrophes in our region. “Can you imagine how much more challenging the future will be if such trends continue with rise in population? The only sensible option, therefore, is to cooperate,” says Mehra who believes that we need a joint, proactive strategy of regional climate adaptation and disaster risk reduction. The alternative, according to her is conflict. “We need to cooperate on basic things such as assessing the risk of climate impacts on our region, sharing data on water flows and changes to hydrology, look at how food productivity is being affected by rising temperatures, and how disease prevalence is changing as vectors spread with changing weather patterns”. These are practical things in the public interest of both nations. “They are win-wins. Working on climate change is one of the best conflict reduction measures I know. It puts our risks in perspective, and reminds us that in the face of much greater natural forces, we are human and fragile and need to cooperate to survive and prosper,” she says. Four sessions on various aspects of climate change and disaster risk reduction were held on July 8. Norwegian Peace-building Resource Centre’s consultant, Mr Michael Renner, giving examples of Tsunami and 2005 Pakistan earthquake, talked about post-disaster diplomacy and said disasters could jolt political and social trajectory. “Building early warning networks are good for regional cooperation” he said. Director General of Provincial Disaster Management Authority (PDMA) Punjab, Khalid Sherdil, talked about climate shift and glacial melting zone, saying over the years Pakistan became a water-shortage country owing to climate change. He informed that so far India has not violated Indus Water Treaty and all its projects are lawful under this treaty. Prof N Vinod Chandra Menon, former member of National Disaster Management Authority, India participated through video conference from Delhi and said natural disasters were common to India and Pakistan. He said India learnt a lesson from Gujrat earthquake and launched schools and hospital safety projects. “Pakistan and India need to strengthen relationship and learn lessons from each other and to work together on climate change and disasters risk reduction. Youth from both countries should be included in all such collaborations,” he said. Yana Walid Abu-Talib from Eco-peace/Friends of the Earth Middle East talks about shared water resources among Jordon, Israel and Palestine. She also focused on Good Water Neighbours project of her organisation and said its success was result of participation by community members, decision-makers and role of schools/adult community centres. Yana believes communities on both sides of the border should understand each other’s problems. Beena Sarwar, Editor Aman ki Asha, Jang Group, briefed the participants about the project which was launched on January 1, 2010. She explained how the project was creating an enabling environment and contributing towards peace-building between Pakistan and India. She shared the results of surveys conducted prior to the launch and a year after the launch of Aman ki Asha. “About 77 percent of Pakistanis and 87 percent Indians consider that international pressure may help in bringing peace, while 71 percent Pakistanis and 72 percent Indians pin hopes on greater people-to-people contact to pave the way for friendly relations”. She said the survey results revealed that despite a history of conflict, mistrust and estranged relationship, an overwhelming number of Pakistanis and Indians wanted peace and friendship between their countries. On the second day, a closed session of politicians from both countries was held. Malini Mehra terms the event a success which demonstrated that there is no shortage of willingness to work together on issues of common interest. “One of the clear outcomes of the conference is that we need to promote professional, policy and community cooperation on a range of issues that climate change covers,” explained Mehra. She thinks they can start by looking at the provincial level and starting information exchange and practical cooperation. For this, YGL is planning to start with Punjab-to-Punjab cooperation, looking at the climate change and disaster risk reduction policies that both provinces are now being required to embark upon. “This will provide a practical framework within which to engage professionals and academics from both sides as well as policymakers and community leaders. We already have a number of ideas and look forward to putting them into practice in the coming weeks. The Lahore conference has generated an immense amount of enthusiasm and this initiative will be unstoppable,” she concludes. aounsahi@gmail.com The book points to the central place education holds for a nation By Jazib Zahir Rethinking
Education in Pakistan Fresh on the heels of a
new budget, it is time to re-visit the importance accorded to education by
the Pakistani The book has an interesting opening. There are tables, graphs and other compelling data to drive home the message that Pakistan severely lags behind even its peer countries in South Asia in the race to groom a literate population. The text does an excellent job of elucidating how the definition of literacy has been tampered with over time and what factors have thus influenced the magic number of literacy rate that is brandished about by the government. But following this grand opening, the book gradually begins to lose its luster. It is certainly a very well-organised book with chapters devoted to major issues such as the resources offered by schools, teacher training, curriculums, the utilisation of summer vacation and the production of doctoral candidates. Each chapter includes a basic discussion of the issue followed by a series of recommendations to improve the situation. Some of the content truly shines through. The section on the modern tuition centers and the culture they create is something that has not really been analysed yet in literature and is, thus, an intriguing read. There is an interesting recommendation made on how to improve teacher training: teachers are encouraged to maintain diaries to reflect on their performance and some details of a successful pilot project are shared. There is an analysis of the debate on teaching of the English language at technical schools, an issue that has not been well publicised outside the institutions themselves. Unfortunately, much of the text deals in trite commentary that adds little to common knowledge on the subject. The deplorable state of teaching and infrastructure depicted in the book is already quite well known and many of the recommendations are just too vague to offer much value. The book could have been much convincing had it referenced academic research and quantitative studies on the state of education in the country. There could have been comparative studies with other nations that have benefited from successful models of innovative education. Much of the text also suffers from being quite dry with little use of anecdotes or dialogue. It is one man speaking his thoughts in the manner of a monologue when a narrative may have been a more compelling proposition. Non-fiction books thrive on their ability to weave facts and figures into the tapestry of a story. This text is more akin to a textbook than an attempt at providing leisure reading. Another critical weakness of the book is that it brushes the landscape of education in Pakistan with the broadest of brushes. There is no distinction made between the issues experienced at public and private schools or the peculiar culture of madrassas. Surely, not all schools are cut from the same cloth but this book does not delve deeply enough to catch such fine distinctions. It is a book about education as a uniform entity rather than as the complex and intricate beast that it deserves to be treated as. A fair text could also have made a better attempt at being optimistic. Given that the book is meant to discuss contemporary state of education, it could have highlighted some success stories, particularly those generated by the private sector. There is no reference to networks like CARE or The Citizens Foundation. There is no allusion to Teach for Pakistan and other such initiatives. There is no discussion of the expansion of vocational and technical training in Pakistan. It would also have been helpful to learn more about the kind of academic collaborations Pakistani universities have forged with foreign peers or how there has been some success at transferring knowledge from the college laboratory to industry. So, who is likely to enjoy this book and derive some form of benefit from it? School students will probably find it quite valuable. They will find coverage of all major topics in the educational field in a very accessible format and thus gain much fodder for their essays and discussions. But more sophisticated readers will only experience fleeting satisfaction. Most non-fiction readers want to come away from a new book gleaning some new insights and feeling provoked, but this book is just not profound enough to arouse such strong sentiments. strategy Beyond damage control? The US administration has been growing increasingly suspicious of Pakistan’s military establishment By Hussain H. Zaidi Pak-US relations have been further strained in the wake of Washington’s decision to put on hold $800 million, out of annual $2.7 billion military assistance to Islamabad. The suspension of aid is a reflection of lack of US trust in the security establishment of Pakistan to go all out against the militants as well as a ploy to force the latter to do more, particularly to start the much emphasised military operation in North Waziristan. Bilateral ties have been
going downhill since the killing of al-Qaeda chief at the hands of
American commandos in Hence, soon after Osama’s death President Zardari published an article in one of the two most prestigious American dailies wherein he stated that Pakistan, like the US, had paid enormous price for challenging extremists and that the Americans could count on his government’s continuing commitment to stamp out militancy. In fact, Mr Obama, the president wrote, was kind enough to acknowledge, in the statement he made to the press, Pakistan’s contribution to silencing the source of the “gravest menace of the new millennium”. The president also stated that his government, including the security establishment, had been in the dark regarding Osama’s hideout. This, however, does not mean that all was okay between Pakistan and the US before the killing of al-Qaeda leader. Notwithstanding the claims of leadership of the two countries about a long-term, multi-faceted partnership, trust deficit continued to characterise the relations between them. Osama’s death has only widened the trust deficit. On the part of Washington, trust deficit has been on two counts: One, the suspicion that the security establishment of Pakistan is not going all-out in tracking down al-Qaeda leadership; two, the apprehension that Pakistan’s nuclear technology may be exposed to terrorists who may use it against the US or its allies, including India. On the other hand, a significant portion of Pakistani intelligentsia continues to suspect that the war against terrorism, in which Islamabad is a frontline player, is essentially Washington’s war and that all the repercussions of the war on Pakistani society and the economy are a ‘gift’ of American ‘friendship’. In order to appreciate the dynamics of Pak-US relations, one needs to look at Washington’s worldview and Islamabad’s place in it. The US wants to preserve the existing uni-polar global order based on the philosophy of liberalism. The US realises that although it is still the only superpower, it cannot control world affairs independently. It needs regional partners or allies, particularly those believing in economic and political liberalism to control the world. The political expression of liberalism is democracy while its economic expression is free-market economy. Free market economy is advocated for the world because it best suits American companies engaged in international business. Promoting political interests of the US government and the economic interests of US transnational corporations (TNCs) is the pivot on which the US foreign policy revolves. Since 9/11, counter-terrorism has remained the criterion for defining US allies and enemies and South Asia has been the flashpoint and Pakistan the frontline state in the US counter-terrorism campaign As acknowledgement of Pakistan’s vital role, US president Bush announced a $3 billion aid package for Pakistan over five years in addition to debt relief of $1.5 billion and lifted sanctions clamped on Pakistan in the wake of nuclear explosions in 1998. In total, the US provided about $12 billion aid to Pakistan for the next seven years the bulk of which was military-related. The grant of a major non-NATO ally status was also an acknowledgement of Pakistan’s contribution to anti-terrorism campaign. In 2007, US Congress passed counter-terrorism legislation, which incorporated recommendations of an inquiry into the 9/11 attacks. The legislation promised increased US assistance to Pakistan provided the country demonstrated the commitment to fight religious extremism. It was that conditionality that irked some quarters in Pakistan. However, that conditionality was logical because the enhanced aid aimed at increasing the capability of the Pakistan government to fight terrorism. From the US standpoint, aid is the means and counter-terrorism is the end. If the end is not achieved, the means are of little avail. The Kerry-Lugar law passed in 2009 provides for annual economic assistance of $1.5 billion to Pakistan for the period 2010-2014 and possibly for another five years, in addition to security or military assistance. In return, Pakistan has to demonstrate its commitment to fight extremism and proliferation of nuclear weapons — major items on Washington’s foreign policy agenda. The provisions of the Act relating to strengthening of democracy in Pakistan, non-interference of the armed forces and agencies in political matters and civilian control over military affairs are rooted in the US perception of involvement of Pakistan’s security forces in terrorism and nuclear proliferation. The policy framework established by the legislation has predictably resulted in enhanced US engagement with Pakistan. Islamabad has been under increased pressure to crackdown on militants and smash networks involved in proliferation of nuclear weapons. What is even more important is that the US is looking at Pakistan’s anti-terrorism role from its own perspective as well as measuring up performance by its own standards. Ever since the terrorists struck on 9/11, the Americans made it a point not to let another such incident take place on their soil. Because they are thousands of miles away from the epicentre of religious militancy, they’ve been successful in that. Pakistan’s, however, is a different predicament because it is the epicentre of militancy. The US regards al-Qaeda as its main enemy, for the prime mover in the 9/11 was al-Qaeda and not the Taliban. But Pakistan’s immediate threat emanates from the Taliban. Though there is a strong nexus between al-Qaeda and the Taliban as both profess the same ‘ideology’. But they aren’t the same. Whereas the Taliban are a local organisation, al-Qaeda is a global outfit. The defeat of the Taliban will not root out al-Qaeda, though it may weaken the latter. The Taliban do not pose a direct threat to US security, though they are a menace to Pakistan. For Washington, the dismantling of the Taliban is merely a means to root out al-Qaeda. There is a view that the US may even embrace the Taliban if they cease their support to al-Qaeda. The US suspects that elements in the security establishment of Pakistan have a soft corner for al-Qaeda. That Osama had been hiding in a garrison town allegedly for five long years has scaled up these suspicions. That said, Washington is aware that without the support of Islamabad it can’t dismantle al-Qaeda network in the region. The role of Pakistan has assumed added significance in the wake of US decision to pull out from Afghanistan by the end of year 2014. The future of Pak-US relations, including capital inflows and resumption of military assistance from Washington is contingent upon how well Islamabad plays its counter-terrorism role. Both politically and economically, this relationship is important for Pakistan. The US is already Pakistan’s single largest export market — accounting for 25 percent of Pakistan’s global export receipts — and one of its largest sources of foreign direct investment. On the other hand, Pakistan is also very important for the US, because without the former’s active role, the latter cannot achieve its principal foreign policy objective. hussainhzaidi@gmail.com Corruption in theory Under the table deals erode the sense of life-satisfaction in our social and cultural aspects of existence By Zubair Faisal Abbasi There are strong voices in development policy establishment which argue that the source of corruption is government since the use of public offices for personal gains is corruption. The target, therefore, is good governance. Defined this way, the set of anti-corruption remedies is embedded in principal-agent theory of neo-classical economics. To be honest, an agent should avoid wayward behaviour and do what principal wants her to do. To correct the problem of corruption with principal-agent diagnostics, non-corrupt and honest behaviour can presumably be straitjacketed by improving the monitoring and vigilance system. While the costs of such an omnipresent administration are high, it is advisable to increase salaries and reduce the powers of bureaucrats since rent-seeking will no longer be either desired or possible. Consequently, good governance may take roots in the land of public administration and management. In line with the above-mentioned theory, in the case of Pakistan, prescription by the Planning Commission under its New Growth Strategy is to monetize the perks of bureaucrats, reduce government role in economic management by way of liberalisation, and resultantly, witness not only good but better governance. The problem with this approach is that theory behind such administrative reforms and structural adjustments is incomplete to capture the wide spectrum of culturally embedded behaviours. In fact, an apparently simple equation for better governance manifests many complex intervening variables. There is a growing body of knowledge which argues that corruption is a social phenomenon and there are societies which can be called rent-seeking societies. They argue that corruption is not a simple principal-agent problem either. This is a social trap and a collective action problem. This approach questions the validity of ‘size of the government’ as source of corruption argument as well as stresses the limits to soft-entry point options for ending corruption. Looking at from this perspective, it appears that there are social and political reasons which render the anti-corruption establishments such as anti-corruption departments, NABs, and monetisation of perks proposals as inadequate. Recent researches have shed light on the role of erosion of trust amongst principals and agents since a country awash with corruption loses social capital. The result is a general moral decay in which every member of society is unsure about the honesty of the other. The reasoning goes like this: ‘I know corruption is bad but I do it because it is now part of social standard operating procedures’. We hear such reasoning not only from the government but from almost everywhere be that a private business. At airport, even taxi drivers of private companies have to pay their supervisors a commission to get passengers more frequently than other fellow drivers. With almost certainty and ubiquity, the roles of principal and agent are confused — both the principal and the agent appear corrupt. Getting your things done becomes an art and the ability to get expensive items is seen as trophies of success. People start feeling as if living in a pool of filthy and stinking yet inescapable corruption. Despite having pricks of guilt in conscience, both the agents and principals continue to survive the ‘normal’ corruption. It is true that corruption erodes the sense of life-satisfaction in our social and cultural aspects of existence. It debilitates formal institutions which are designed to ensure autonomy of the state to keep special interests at bay who try to capture its regulatory capacity. It also leaves the society at the mercy of mighty people to go opportunistic and with impunity. Many people then say, ‘if caught giving bribe, use bribe to get out of temporary setback. Heavens will not fall if one person is caught and released’. This is a manifestation of a ‘collective action problem’ and a social trap which requires concerted efforts for no less than social transformation. One such transformation is creating a popular belief that ‘all others will not do corruption’. It appears worthwhile to conclude with a quotation from Larry Diamond: “Endemic corruption is not some flaw that can be corrected with a technical fix or a political push. It is the way that the system works, and it is deeply embedded in the norms and expectations of political and social life. Reducing it to less destructive levels — and keeping it there — requires revolutionary change in institutions”. The writer works for international development organizations and can be reached at www.impactconsulting.com.pk
politics Political equation in Sindh A properly functioning local government system in urban and rural domains has to be introduced By Dr Noman Ahmed On July 08, 2011, President Zardari ordered restoration of old commissionerate system in Sindh. A day earlier, the Local Government Minister had hinted at the possibility of taking the local governments in the province back to the pre-devolution situation. This entails the revival of the institution of district management and older order of town committees, municipal committees, municipal and metropolitan corporations. This move will also
create the premise for revival of development authorities at the urban and
regional level. These This approach can have disastrous consequences in a province which is experiencing an extraordinary wave of in-migration, population dislocation due to economic and social reasons, as well as political stability as a whole. It is sad to note that while federal and provincial governments tend to collaborate, the local tiers are left out in the chill. This dissension is especially spread by the henchmen who control provincial tiers of respective parties. It is correct that local government systems have been bolstered by military dictators for their own vested interests but this fact does not undermine the merits and opportunities inbuilt in it. Foremost in this respect is the creation of a legitimate avenue for leadership development. In an arena where dynastic and aristocratic claims to leadership overtake merit at every end, the only option which can enable future political leadership to emerge is local government. There are hundreds of case studies pertinent to ordinary councilors, women/labour councilors, union council nazims, town/tehsil/taluka level leaders and district level representatives who were able to win their offices purely on merit and later proved their popularity through re-election. Even in the most dangerous labyrinths of the province, these dedicated public representatives made tireless efforts to address pressing problems related to education, health, social welfare and area management. Some of them were even devoid of any political affiliation and had to face the wrath of both right and left-wing parties. The two elections during 2001 and 2005 were reasonable tests for their performance evaluation, mal-functioning of electoral process notwithstanding. Real political culture cannot be nurtured without frequent practice of voting process along party cadres, local, provincial and national assemblies. Needless to say, those roots of democracy can only germinate if allowed to do so at the lowest level of governance. If one examines the level of association of common folks with local councilor and other representatives, it constitutes the baseline of political interactions. Besides, people need an efficient service delivery mechanism and complaint-redressal system for work such as attestation, verification and certification of various kinds. Local institutions and their elected members are normally forthcoming in such tasks. Small-scale development schemes, maintenance and repair projects are also important works that require immediate attention. If the decision-making apparatus is centralised in Karachi and in the person of chief minister, very little progress can be expected. Expectation from bureaucrats alone to be attentive to local issues may not be very realistic. A well-functioning local government system in urban and rural domains has to be strengthened after removing various handicaps that it has faced. Problems identified during the past eight years include poor quality of human resource, delay in release of operational budgets, weak mechanism of monitoring, absence of effective audit and accounts procedures, financial dependence on the provincial and federal government, lack of control over police force, etc. One finds more developed cities like Karachi struggling with shortage of funds to ensure vital services such as water supply. The government may evolve a new strategy by using elected local government to serve their manifesto. Capacity building in the local service delivery; notification and inaction of bodies such as public safety commissions, citizen community boards or finance commissions; development of municipal services as specialized cadres; launch of appropriate taxes to generate local revenue, etc, are some basic steps. There are many institutions, think tanks, and nongovernmental organisations that have enough experience to transform the political objectives into a workable blueprint for the future local government. In the spirit of democracy and fair play, any such system should be debated threadbare with each stakeholder in Sindh. The new local government should bring peace and harmony to the province, not generate further divisions in the already divided ranks in society.
Democratising political parties Political entities should be forced to keep proper accounts, get them audited by reputed firms, and file income tax returns By Huzaima Bukhari and Dr. Ikramul Haq The dismal state of democracy in Pakistan, amongst many other factors, is also due to lack of self-regulating norms and transparency within the political parties. It is sad to note that political parties, despite criticism from everyone, are not ready to introduce democracy within their structure and working. Unless these parties
reform themselves by introducing fundamental changes in their working,
there is no hope for Since long, it has been highlighted in Pakistan that the self-styled champions of accountability do not present themselves in a transparent manner. This is why they cannot inspire and convince others to follow suit. The media allege that members of higher judiciary are beneficiaries of plots. No rebuttal in response makes things worse. People ask who will judge the judges? Not a single case has ever been decided in Supreme Judicial Council despite the fact that many complaints are pending. Politicians complain that there is no accountability of judges and generals. Enjoying extraordinary privileges and perquisites, living standards of judges and generals (courtesy taxpayers’ money) create an impression that they are above the law. Politicians use this as a pretext and justify corruption in their ranks. Politicians blame the ‘system’ for all these maladies without realising that they have the main responsibility to change the system. Nothing will change unless they first bring transparency and governance within their parties. Politicians have to act responsibly in all spheres whether in power or in opposition. Their role is pivotal for effective working of institutions of the State. Being role models, it is imperative for them to show others by their conduct, the supremacy of rule of law. If they indulge in corruption and malpractices, the entire political system becomes discredited. Once in power favouring the near and dear and/or amassing wealth and power through unlawful means is what destroys democracy. While in power, they should demonstrate by their actions that they are custodians of public faith and are bound to work for public cause and not personal gains. Why have they failed to do so in Pakistan? The main cause is authoritarians within parties, no respect for merit and lack of accountability. Presently, almost all political parties in Pakistan are controlled either by one man or a handful of individuals with workers showing loyalty to their chief rather than to the party’s manifesto. Obviously, in return, they expect personal favours from the chief when the party is in power. If Pakistan has to come out of this present mess, democratisation of political parties is a must. Political life of an individual requires that he complies with all laws of the land — one demonstrative proof of it is to discharge fiscal obligations. If a politician does not pay his taxes honestly how can he expect ordinary man to do the same? Lack of tax culture in Pakistan has its roots in the open defiance of tax laws by the rich and mighty. Not only have they kept themselves outside the tax ambit, they also take pride in telling others that tax officials dare not question them. Article 77 of the Constitution pronounces that no tax shall be levied except by or under the authority of Parliament. If anyone commits negligence in paying taxes, he in fact, violates Article 5 which says: “Loyalty to the State is the basic duty of every citizen.” In this context, the duty to pay taxes is a Constitutional obligation. At the same time, it is the duty of the State as ordained in Article 3 to ensure “the elimination of all forms of exploitation and the gradual fulfillment of the fundamental principle, from each according to his ability to each according to his work”. Elected members and those striving to become so, first of all, must show the voters that they are tax-complying individuals. If they fail to do so, obviously they cannot be considered eligible to contest elections. It is the responsibility of a political party to ensure that its election candidates have filed their tax returns. All existing political parties in the coming elections, before distributing tickets must obtain evidence of tax returns from the aspiring candidates. This would be a first step towards democratisation of the political culture in Pakistan. In Pakistan, law is in existence for filing annual income/expenditure statements with the Election Commission but no party really cares about it. Authoritarianism is visible in all political parties and any dissident voice is dealt with undemocratically. In most cases, the man becomes persona non grata who in reaction either becomes a turncoat or forms a separate block. For political parties there should be a provision in the Income Tax Ordinance, 2001 making it incumbent on them to file their tax returns. Their income should be exempt from tax, provided they file returns voluntarily and present audited accounts for scrutiny. Such provisions exist in tax laws of all the major democracies. In India, not only does this law exist [section 13A of Income Tax Act, 1961] but recently Chief Election Commissioner of India, S Y Qureshi, asked the Indian Central Board of Direct Taxes (CBDT) to scrutinise accounts submitted by political parties. In Pakistan, it is high time to make filing of tax returns mandatory for all registered political parties, which should be scrutinised and made public by any citizen having the right to question their veracity. Donations received by parties should qualify for tax credits as they, being non-profit organisations all over the world, are considered as entities working for public purposes. In Pakistan we have not yet promoted this idea that political parties should be exemplary non-profit organisations fully committed to further the cause of public welfare. This idea is important from many perspectives. Once people associate themselves with a particular party having clear objectives and aims, they also extend financial support for their achievement. Meaningful participation of masses in democracy and electoral process can only be ensured if they have the right to question their leaders about use of their money. Resistance against establishment of an independent accountability authority in Pakistan is also due to the fact that the ruling trio knows that any such body would expose their corruption. The way forward is that political parties should be forced to keep proper accounts, get them audited by reputed firms and file income tax returns. The process of filtration within the parties is a necessary step towards a transparent and democratic setup. The
writers, tax lawyers, are Adjunct Professors at Lahore University of
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ethnic-bloodbaths. A week ago, the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) walked
out of the federal and provincial governments and this was a signal to all
and sundry that the tenuous and uneasy peace between the various
power-brokers in Karachi would be affected or at the worst torn asunder.
institution-building, the political parties have entered into alliances
with the mafias in Karachi for short term peace. But the results have been
disastrous. The bureaucracy is divided along ethnic lines with each party
and its loyalists in positions of power. The police force, recruited on
political lines and not merit, is weak, untrained and unprofessional to
handle the challenges of governance and worsening law and order.
For some months now a concerted effort has been made by the media and
powers-that-be to convince the world that the Swat of old has been
returned to its people. I was skeptical about this claim even before going
to observe the on-ground situation with my own eyes. And my suspicions
were confirmed — Swat has been jolted at the seams and will never, ever
be the same again.
disasters the region experiences are climate-related and there have been
increase in their occurrence, severity and unpredictability in recent
times.
change and disaster management is concerned most countries of the region
have been working in relative isolation. There is a dire need that both
India and Pakistan take a lead in the region and must develop effective
adaptation strategies to climate risk and a proactive approach to resource
scarcity to meet the needs and aspirations of their people.
state. Dr. Shahid Siddiqui is an academic with impressive experience in
the leading educational institutions of the country. “Rethinking
Education in Pakistan” is his attempt to offer a comprehensive review of
the challenges faced by the education sector and the tangible steps that
can be taken to ameliorate the situation.
the garrison city in May this year. The death of Osama gave rise to
several questions both in Pakistan and the US, notably whether the
operation was successful as a result of collusion or incompetence on the
part of Islamabad and whether its security establishment knew his
whereabouts or even protected him all along. Though the Americans
acknowledged Pakistan’s role in the hunt and killing of Osama, such
statements cannot be interpreted to mean that the Obama administration is
satisfied with Pakistan’s role in the chain of events leading to the
death of the man.
statements reflect the brewing political discord between major political
factions in the province where each is trying to outweigh the other in a
nascent game of political somersaults.
sustainable democratic set-up in Pakistan. In all established democracies,
political parties regularly hold elections within their ranks and files,
prepare and publish their audited accounts, file tax returns, disclose
names of donors before the Election Commission as well as file details
with evidence of expenditures. All these elements are conspicuous by their
absence in our political culture.