energy
Fuel for thought
Replacement of CNG with LPG as vehicle fuel is talk of the day. Will the 
government stick to this plan or undo it like many 
others?
By Shahzada Irfan Ahmed
“Think before you leap,” is an old saying and who else than the Pakistan government can be a better recipient of this advice? There are several examples where it has taken decisions without much contemplation and homework and reversed the same years later at the cost of hapless stakeholders.
The latest decision has been the one about phasing out of Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) stations in three years and replacing this fuel with “more viable” LPG. Keeping the government’s track record in mind, it is quite likely that it might revert once again to CNG sector after a couple of years.

dividend
Supply side
The re-opening of Nato supplies opens a few opportunities for Pakistan in terms of 
development and trade
By Irfan Mufti
Pakistan’s decision to reopen the Nato supplies has opened up a debate in the country. Several religious and militant organisations have reacted by organising street agitations while others criticised it on economic and political grounds. 
Undeniably, the decision will have far reaching effects on Pakistan; both negative and positive. Nevertheless, before jumping to any conclusions or another round of meaningless rhetoric the issue needs to be analysed dispassionately and objectively. 

Bridging the unemployment gap
Higher education institutions (HEIs) and students need to engage in a wider debate about employability
By Nosheen Naz
Higher education institutions work to provide quality teaching in order to enhance employment skills (Hénard, 2008). Nevertheless, these institutions contribute to students’ employability through providing various training and skills programmes in their curricula (Garcia, 2009).
Unfortunately, while enrollment has increased in Higher Education Institutions (HEIs), employment rates have not increased at the same rate. There is lack of right skills for the job required. 

institution
What model of growth?
How to achieve financial targets remains one of the critical questions before policy makers
Dr. Noor Fatima
With the euro zone in crises and even emerging powers like China witnessing slowdown in economic growth, the question remains what kind of institutions matter for economic growth. 
On the other side, examples point to the country like Bangladesh, growing fast. It is expected to be included in the middle income countries by 2016 if she can maintain 7.5 percent GDP. 

With us or…
The debate about the Pakistanis having dual nationality goes on
By Alauddin Masood
The patriotic circles’ opposition to the dual nationality bill stems from the apprehension that its adoption could trigger colonization of another kind. If the dual nationality bill becomes a law it could provide opportunities to the dual nationals – persons who have taken oath of allegiance to a foreign country, to get elected to the legislature and grab important public slots. 

Governance and rule of law
The people of Pakistan should be recognised as the supreme body and their will and voice should be sovereign 
By Safdar Javaid Syed
In the 4th Century B.C., when Aristotle penned his famous Politics, he synthesised two ideals: i) a government derives its powers from the consent of those governed, and ii) those powers must be subject to prescribed limitations. These twin doctrines have survived in political thought since then. The doctrine of popular consent, since its emergence, never stipulated a government without checks. 
The great English legalist of the 17th Century, Sir Edward Coke, maintained that even popular government must be confined within prescribed limits by the rule of law.  However, Britain simultaneously (and gradually) nurtured the doctrine of the supremacy of Parliament and by the 18th Century this concept became firmly established.

first person
“Voting should be based on fingerprints”

“I am developing tools based on artificial intelligence and machine learning techniques that can use statistical inferences to predict the next crime with certain probability of time and 
location.”
By Raza Khan
Dr. Zeeshan ul Hassan Usmani is a Fulbright Scholar. He holds a PhD and MS in Computer Science from the Florida Institute of Technology. As part of his Master’s thesis, he has developed a simulation of supermarkets to observe and quantify the effects of herd behaviour on impulse shopping by customers. His PhD work focuses on simulation and modeling of blast waves in open and confined spaces. His work has featured in the Wall Street Journal, Wired Magazine, NPR, MIT’s Technology Review, Florida Today, and The Economist. He has authored and edited dozens of research papers, articles, and twelve books. His research strengths include real-world simulation, programming human emergent behaviours, and modeling of catastrophic events. He has worked in Citi Bank New York, Discover Financials, Illinois, Fulbright Academy of Science and Technology in Maine, and at the department of computer science at GIK Institute, Topi (Khyber Pakhunkhwa), Pakistan. Currently, he is working as a Chief of Research at Interactive Group in Islamabad, looking after projects on public safety and security. Recently, The News on Sunday had an opportunity to have a detailed discussions about the use of technology for development, counterterrorism and politics in Pakistan. Following are excerpts of the interview:

Get ready, it’s monsoon time!
If the departments concerned are not alert to the upcoming floods,
 
the disaster could be even worse
By Dr. Abid Qaiyum Suleri
According to the National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA), the coming monsoon, starting from July, would bring more rain than the country had experienced during the last two consecutive catastrophic years, i.e. 2010 and 2011. It suggests that monsoon 2012 may trigger floods and affect some 29 million people across the country. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

energy
Fuel for thought
Replacement of CNG with LPG as vehicle fuel is talk of the day. Will the 
government stick to this plan or undo it like many 
others?
By Shahzada Irfan Ahmed

“Think before you leap,” is an old saying and who else than the Pakistan government can be a better recipient of this advice? There are several examples where it has taken decisions without much contemplation and homework and reversed the same years later at the cost of hapless stakeholders.

The latest decision has been the one about phasing out of Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) stations in three years and replacing this fuel with “more viable” LPG. Keeping the government’s track record in mind, it is quite likely that it might revert once again to CNG sector after a couple of years.

The rationale behind this change of heart is that the CNG sector is eating away a major share of country’s natural gas reserves and other sectors like textile and general industry, power producers and fertilizer units have to pay for this through reduced gas supplies they get.

The difference between the two is that CNG is the same gas-methane-we use at homes but in compressed form at high pressures while the LPG comprises gases like butane and propane and liquefies at low temperatures. While CNG is delivered is gaseous form through gas pipes LPG can be transported in containers on vehicles in liquid form. It can be imported with ease and is very popular in areas where natural gas has not reached via networks of gas distribution companies.

The CNG sector defends itself saying CNG is the fuel of the less-privileged and the failure of the government to make breakthroughs in oil and gas exploration is no valid excuse in this regard. They also ignore the government statement that the existing natural gas reserves will deplete in 20 years, if the usage patterns are not changed. It’s nothing more than a feeble attempt to convince those associated with the CNG sector to part with their livelihood, they claim.

Another fear is that overwhelming dependence on imports, especially when millions of CNG-run vehicles convert to it, will keep on haunting this sector if it’s not ensured that imports are regular and also match the demand.

Ghayas Paracha, Chairman All Pakistan CNG Association (APCNGA) has no clue of the methodology the government has in mind for this switch over. He is hoping to have a meeting with the decision-makers soon.

However, he has no objection to setting up of LPG stations but he wants the people to decide whether they should go for LPG or CNG. “Whichever is cheaper, safer, efficient and readily available would be preferred. So, my suggestion is that LPG stations should be set up without disturbing the CNG ones.” The closure of CNG stations would ultimately lead to bank defaults as 70 percent financing has come from the local banking sector which will be unable to recover this amount, he adds.

Paracha says it is not easy to convert around 4 million CNG vehicles to LPG and it would take 8 to 10 years even if these conversions are done round the clock. “How can one expect to undo something in a flash which took decades to develop?” he questions.

He fears the country’s dependence on LPG imports will make the situation unpredictable as supplies may get delayed as it happens every other day. He also questions the logic about why the government is looking for an import-based solution when it has expressed resolve to cut down import bill due to petrol and furnace oil import.

Fortunately, he enjoys support of his rivals. Abdul Hadi Khan, Patron-in-Chief and former chairman of LPG Association Pakistan thinks it is unjustifiable to prosper at the cost of others. Though conversion of CNG filling stations to LPG stations is a practical solution, his point is the CNG sector’s investment worth billions should not go down the drain. “And why should they suffer for a blunder made by the so-called economic managers and energy experts of the country,” he questions

Hadi wishes the CNG and LPG sectors should exist side by side or in other case, benefit equally from any policy decision taken in this regard.

He shares with TNS that like CNG sector, LPG marketing companies are also a victim of faulty government policies. Going ahead with the latest plan would create certain issues if executed without proper planning.

Hadi recounts that out of the 91 companies that were issued license by Oil and Gas Regulatory Authority (OGRA), only 25 are working while others are in a deep fix. The allocation of locally produced LPG, he says, is the prerogative of hardly 8 to 10 companies that have close connections with those in power, and have become a strong mafia.

The remaining companies have no option but to import LPG which is a bit expensive. Once the imported LPG reaches Pakistani ports, the local LPG cartel, or mafia as you may call it, brings down the prices just to harm the importers. The prices are increased as soon as the imported LPG is sold off and there is shortage in the market.

Hadi contests the claim that LPG is more expensive than petrol. “Yes, it is a bit expensive than CNG but cheaper when compared with petrol in terms of mileage achieved,” he says adding as compared to 11 kilometers traveled by a car on petrol, one kilogram of LPG gives a mileage of 22 kilometers for the same car.

On prices, he says at the moment, one tonne of imported LPG costs Rs 85,000 at Karachi seaport. Add the upcountry transportation charges and other related costs, the price comes around Rs 100 to Rs 105 per kg. The variance in price, he says, is mainly due to the distance and terrain involved during transportation. Prices keep on varying due to the imbalance in demand and supply for the fuel. For example, the prices increased by Rs 5 per kg on the first of Ramzan.

Hadi stresses the need for increasing local production of LPG which is between 800 to 900 tonnes per day. The industry sources claim if this capacity is not brought to somewhere around 1700 tonnes per day, the sudden surge due to its increasing use in transport vehicles will create acute shortage in the market. This goal cannot be achieved without carrying out ambitious exploration facilities and luring foreign investors to invest in this high-tech and capital intensive field.

Contrary to the general perception, Hadi terms the LPG safe for use. “It’s true butane gas is heavier than air and its presence in LPG makes it settle near the ground in case of leakage. For this very reason, propane — a gas much lighter than air — is added to it so that in such case it rises in the air.”

The government’s offer to facilitate conversions to LPG does not make sense to Paracha. He thinks it is not as easy as portrayed and conditions laid out are so tough that hardly 200 to 300 of the 3300 CNG stations in the country could be converted.

One of the conditions is to share ownership of land with LPG marketing companies if they install dispensers there. What will people do with CNG kits if they become useless is another question which perturbs Paracha.

Irfan Khokhar, spokesman of LPG distributors’ association claims of having a unique solution for owners of CNG vehicles and an answer for Paracha. He tells TNS they are importing Italian LPG kits which will be available for Rs 12,000 in the country and the cylinders would have the capacity to store enough gas to travel 650 kilometers without refilling. “This is in contrast to CNG-run vehicles whose owners have to look out for filling stations after every 70 to 80 kilometers and stand in queues for hours to get the refill.

The CNG kits bought back from people will be exported to countries where they are in demand and CNG is easily available. “This will save people from the loss on investments they once made on CNG kits.”

Irfan terms it a waste of time to talk about the viability of LPG use in vehicles, as he believes “it is a known and proven thing. Such debates are irrelevant as developments are now in a much advanced stage”, he says adding: “Four LPG stations are operational in different cities and in total 44 licences have been issued to set up LPG filling stations in the country so far”.

It simply takes installation of a dispenser and little modification to convert a CNG filling station into an LPG one, he says adding: “We must focus on moving on, instead of sticking to old rhetoric. The CNG sector needs to be convinced that it’s going to be a win-win situation for its members, as well.”

“A major concern for CNG sector is that the industry has also opposed quota of gas granted to it. This is not for the reason that CNG sector is eating up the share,” he says alleging they simply want more cheap gas this way.

“We are getting natural gas at 60 per cent price of petrol and the industry is getting it at mere 18 per cent of oil price. I suggest the government to increase the industry’s tariff to 40 per cent of oil price. The additional amount earned this way can be spent on importing Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) in quantities large enough to fulfill industry’s needs.”

caption

On the way out. Photos by Rahat Dar

 

 

dividend
Supply side
The re-opening of Nato supplies opens a few opportunities for Pakistan in terms of 
development and trade
By Irfan Mufti

Pakistan’s decision to reopen the Nato supplies has opened up a debate in the country. Several religious and militant organisations have reacted by organising street agitations while others criticised it on economic and political grounds.

Undeniably, the decision will have far reaching effects on Pakistan; both negative and positive. Nevertheless, before jumping to any conclusions or another round of meaningless rhetoric the issue needs to be analysed dispassionately and objectively.

The decision was important for guarding Pakistan’s sovereignty in many ways, whether they are military, economical, political or societal. If we look at the benefits that this decision brings to Pakistan, the first and foremost would be avoiding isolation in the comity of nations.

Pakistan is already facing international pressure on the issue of terrorism. Keeping the ban on Nato supplies would be provoking the 49 nations that are part of Nato to turn hostile towards Pakistan. And for Americans to smoothly complete its military withdrawal from Afghanistan before the end of 2014 the routes need to be opened from all sides. Any rigidity in keeping these routes blocked would have invited backlash from Americans and its allies.

Pakistan is greatly dependent on the US for its economy as most of its export money comes from textile exports to Nato countries and US. If Pakistan had continued to refuse to reopen the Nato supplies, the US might have put a ban on Pakistani exports and also might have persuaded other European countries to do so as well, crippling Pakistan’s economy to a great extent. Other than that, the US has a strong position in the UN, they can persuade the UN to impose sanctions on Pakistan that would further bruise our economy.

Furthermore, the Indus Water Treaty might have also turned out to be a threat to Pakistan as the World Bank has a complete hold of the issue and being US dominated, can easily turn against Pakistan in ways that can cripple our agriculture. By re-opening the Nato supply we have to some extent averted these consequences for the time being.

Nato  in the Afghan war refer to the efforts of the   (ISAF) to deliver vital fuel, food, hardware and other logistic supplies to  in support of the ar. Delivery of supplies is done using a combination of air transport and a series of overland supply routes.

There are two routes which pass through , and several other routes which pass through  and the  states. The routes were closed since November 2011 as a consequence of NATO attack on Pakistan’s border post. The seven-month deadlock irked Americans and Nato members.

There are two routes from  to Afghanistan and both start from . From there, one route crosses the , enters Afghanistan at , and ends at , supplying to northern Afghanistan. This route is approximately 1,000 miles long. The other passes through , crosses the border at , and ends at , in the south of Afghanistan.

Nato uses these routes to transport fuel and other supplies, but not for weapons. Before the suspension, at least 70 per cent of the supplies to Afghanistan and 40 per cent of its fuel needs were met through these routes.

In 2007, the Allied forces in Afghanistan were burning 575,000 gallons of fuel per day, and 80 percent of this fuel came from Pakistani refineries. The fuel storage capacity for forces at Bagram and Kabul air bases was less than 3 million gallons, making Nato efforts highly dependent on the Pakistani supply lines. This ratio decreased to some extent as US opened up other options for its fuel supply and storage inside Afghanistan and using other alternative routes.

Other than these two strategic routes from Pakistan there are several different routes included in the Northern Distribution Network (NDN) including , Uzbekistan and . After the closure of the Pakistan routes in 2011, these routes became the primary means of moving fuel into Afghanistan. By February 2012, 85 percent of the coalition’s fuel supplies were transported by means of this route. It is also used for moving equipment out of Afghanistan as part of the Nato drawdown. However, the use of this line is expensive, costing $87 million per month more than when the Pakistan routes were in use.

American officials projected that using the Northern route for the Nato withdrawal in 2013 and 2014 would cost up to five times as much as using the Pakistan routes.

The Pakistan Economy Watch reported that suspending Nato supplies hurt the economy and the clogging at seaports and piled up supplies are impeding commercial activities which is resulting in losses to all the stakeholders. For seven months closure Pakistan also paid a heavy economic cost in the shape of lesser revenue, higher cost of dumping Nato material and other negative effects on transport and other sectors.

Easing of tension with Nato and US will open new vistas for Pakistan. During the negotiation phase Pakistan put forward several proposals, including new price tags on containers and supplies and similar other demands that would have provided higher revenue. While Nato has been paying a fee of around $250 for every shipment, Pakistan wanted an increase in the fee upto $5,000 per shipment.

Besides the renewal of military and civilian aid, Americans have agreed to invest in rebuilding damaged and constructing new highways. National Highway Authority confirmed that Pakistan suffered Rs 100 billion losses due to Nato supplies to Afghanistan via Pakistan but not a single penny was paid to it for repairing the damaged highways.

Pakistan suffered loss of Rs 5000 billion in war on terror confirmed by the Finance Ministry in a recently released document. The highest cost is on trade and business activities which suffered colossal damages. Unlike Afghanistan, Pakistan received paltry amounts from Western allies that too under tight controls, scrutiny and suspended several times under different pretext. These costs have serious repercussions on Pakistan’s economy and on its already fragile democratic system.

There are other plans where Americans are willing to help Pakistan in overcoming energy crisis and reduction in load shedding of electricity and gas will boost GDP growth rate. These targets cannot be achieved without comprehensive revamping of transmission and distribution network and controlling blatant electricity thefts and recovery of outstanding dues.

Opening of supply routes will help payment of around US$1.2 billion under CSF over the next seven months and another US$2 billion in the meantime under different heads. To some experts, the amount looks reasonable to contain erosion of country’s foreign exchange reserves. But at the same time, Pakistan has to pay around US$3.8 billion to the IMF during FY13.

The situation, therefore, remains far from satisfactory. Sooner or later Pakistan will have to approach the IMF for another standby programme. Therefore, improvement in the relationship with America will save Pakistan from imposition of stringent conditions from the IMF.

These interim benefits will not help much in improving ailing economic condition. There is a need to negotiate much larger trade and investment packages. Pakistan can demand better trade relationship with Nato countries in return of its role and sacrifices in the war.

If this demand is agreed it will help resumption of foreign direct investment (FDI) and inflow of portfolio investment. Such demands are not detached from ground realities because Nato and Americans have given similar incentives to other partners in central Asia and Afghanistan.

The decision has already made a positive impact on local stock and equities markets which have witnessed higher profits because of improvement in US-Pakistan relationship.

Similarly, improvements in Pakistan’s foreign exchange reserves supported by receipts under CSF and the remittances received will also pave way for the issue of Letter of Comfort by the IMF, which in turn can lead to fresh disbursements by other multilateral financial institutions i.e., World Bank, Asian Development Bank and IFC.

Nations do not take such decisions on emotions or rhetoric. Demanding compensation, economic gains and costs for services are legitimate given the nature of war and its consequences. Pakistan can also develop strategic partnership on the basis of long-term benefits and mutually beneficial terms, failing which the decision may turn negative and will provide opportunity to anti-American lobby to use it for their interests.

The writer is Deputy Chief of South Asia Partnership Pakistan and Global Campaigner

irfanmufti@gmail.com

 

 

 

   

Bridging the unemployment gap
Higher education institutions (HEIs) and students need to engage in a wider debate about employability
By Nosheen Naz

Higher education institutions work to provide quality teaching in order to enhance employment skills (Hénard, 2008). Nevertheless, these institutions contribute to students’ employability through providing various training and skills programmes in their curricula (Garcia, 2009).

Unfortunately, while enrollment has increased in Higher Education Institutions (HEIs), employment rates have not increased at the same rate. There is lack of right skills for the job required.

Unemployment among educated youth may be caused by a variety of factors which means that the number of educated unemployed may rise due to a mismatch between knowledge and skills that are imparted by the educational institutions on the one hand and what is required by industry on the other.

Now this comes under the responsibility of HEIs to take skill development initiatives in order to bridge the skill gap and to empower all individuals through improved skills, knowledge and internationally recognised qualifications to enable them access to decent employment and to promote inclusive national growth.

The institutions have to develop the courses as per the requirements of the employers, the competencies have to be mapped, and evaluation systems have to respond to the requirements of the assessment of competencies which have been acquired by the learner and not simply knowledge domain.

The HEIs must take care of the revision of curricula to identify skills, the assessment of non-cognitive skills, the incorporation of work experience and the use of ‘live projects’, in which students work closely with employers to address a ‘real-life’ concern.

Personal attributes are attitudes and abilities, including intellect, knowledge (in some cases) willingness and ability to learn and continue learning, ability to find things out, willingness to take risks and show initiative, flexibility and adaptability to respond, pre-empt and ultimately lead change and ‘self-skills’ such as self-motivation, self-confidence, self-management and self-promotion.

These personal attributes are important to allow graduates to fit into the work culture, do the job, develop ideas, take initiative and responsibility and ultimately help organisations deal with change (Harvey et al. 1997).

Another factor of poor quality graduates is that there is less quantity of teachers which means that higher student teacher ratio while the teachers with higher skills move abroad for higher earnings. Other causes are outdated curricula, shortages of learning resources, bad governance, deficient inputs, increasing class size and inadequate financing.

As Employers are looking for something more than a degree, and are becoming more sophisticated in identifying this in their recruitment procedures, HEIs can enhance employability through new courses and qualifications, enhanced/modified curricula, creative developments in work experience, personal career planning, integrating knowledge, work experience, and technical and interactive skills development and reflecting on how these can meet the needs of a flexible organization.

It has also been observed that inadequate technical knowledge, deficient English proficiency and lack of critical thinking on the part of graduate employees coupled with high technological drive of most organisations in response to tougher competition in the competitive markets are the factors responsible for unemployment.

Institutions of higher education should thoroughly take into account trends in the job market and in the scientific, technological and economic sectors. In order to respond to the work necessities, higher education systems and the market should jointly develop and assess learning processes, connecting programmes and prior learning assessment programmes, which incorporate theory and training on the job.

Higher education institutions (HEIs) could contribute to the creation of new jobs, although that is not their only function. They should give the opportunity to students to fully develop their own abilities with a sense of social responsibility, educating them to become full participants in self-governing society.

Further Memorandums of Understanding (MoUs) must be signed with different industries and International Organisations in order to maximize the effectiveness of links with the employer. They should provide opportunity to students to interact with practitioners, and to have membership in technical and professional societies.

In this regard, the industries must conduct training sessions and workshops in institutions to make students aware about their demands and requirements and their online job portals. They should make it clear what job market requires from the students, what sort of courses they should take to meet their expectations.

Short term skill development courses and job oriented trainings in liaison with industries, which include problem solving, communication skills, leadership and research are essential for employment.

Industry leaders should ensure that public debates on graduate employability are informed by up-to-date and accurate data both on the actual requirements of employers and on the attributes offered by graduates.

Higher education and its stakeholders need to engage in a wider debate about employability and the respective roles of higher education institutions, employers, the government and other parties in enhancing graduate employability among an increasingly diverse student population.

There is a need for more relevant, accessible and better-targeted career education, information and guidance, based on an appreciation of the diversity of graduate employment, self-employment and graduate

A student led conference would be helpful in this regard. It shows the reflection of students on the learning experience, the use of a student led conference as a way of engaging with students and the perception of students’ employability skills which developed as a result. The purpose of a student led conference is a way of engaging with students and the perception of students’ employability skills which developed as a result.

The writer works in Quality Enhancement Cell, Fatima Jinnah Women University, Rawalpindi

 

 

 

 

 

 

institution
What model of growth?
How to achieve financial targets remains one of the critical questions before policy makers
Dr. Noor Fatima

With the euro zone in crises and even emerging powers like China witnessing slowdown in economic growth, the question remains what kind of institutions matter for economic growth.

On the other side, examples point to the country like Bangladesh, growing fast. It is expected to be included in the middle income countries by 2016 if she can maintain 7.5 percent GDP.

What kind of economic stimulus worked or does not work? Though generally economic research has found strong co-relation between governance, institutional support and growth as this gives boost to per capita income but economic growth is not all dependent on the institutions and this can be considered this definition in narrow traditional way.

Traditionally, economists have taken effects of physical endowment, human capital accumulation, Total Factor Productivity, technological capacity of production, and volume of knowledge economy and opening up of the economy for the international integration into consideration for economic growth with key support of the institutions of the country.

Experts have found the most important institutional impact of property rights and rule of law on the economic performance. The issue of governance reforms has come into prominence since the last two decades when the World Bank and IMF’s most controversial reforms put great emphasis under Structural Adjustment Programme. Since 1980s in Pakistan all economic reforms under SAP have been on the demand of the World Bank or IMF.

Though there have always been efforts by economists for a useful economic model in the third wave of globalisation and the very 10 tenets of economic policies and fiscal management, in Washington consensus was figured out as a sound economic policy road to the financial integration since 1990s.

But the most omitted element of the Washington consensus is the absence of institutional reforms. The boundaries of the policies are as such not separated from the institutions and as a matter of fact World Bank and IMF should withdraw their aid if a country does not go for institutional development.

Now after failure of such neo-liberal reforms for the last 20 years, the IFIs are arguing that these policies will take time to give real positive effect as there is nothing wrong with their policies but it is the dysfunctional institutions of respective countries that are not able to produce result. As a matter of fact, institutional argument is being used to protect the failure of economic reforms under SAPs.

One of the difficulties in analysing institutional significance of economic reforms is that there is no widely accepted definition or model of the institution.

The orthodox literature agrees that the primary function of the economic institutions is to promote learning and innovation, supporting income distribution as well encouraging foreign investment through certain supporting laws and regulations.

In order to prioritise economic institutional reform, rule of law and protection of private property and contractual rights is emphasized for attracting foreign investment but it can be managed alternatively through strong financial institution which can provide capital.

The institution related to labour and productivity can also enhance country’s capital and public investment in case private investment is not available. These are the functions which need different and at the same time overlapping functions of the institution for the purpose of economic development.

Property Rights protection, for instance, need a vast system of laws and regulation, not just an independent judicial system or independent competition commission, but it needs a wide range of reforms dealing with intellectual property rights, tax regulations, contractual law, companies business law, culture and social order to create confidence in both individual and institutions and for that matter strong informal institutions matters.

The one size fit-all institutional arrangement is imposed by the IFIs and dominant international agencies to the developing world which is constrained by many process and lack of governance, which defines how the authority is to be used through these institutions.

Institutions emerge through a social contract between citizens and state, which cannot be imposed or imported as they are enjoying quite higher standard of political democracy, social development, economic freedom, more independent central bank than what we have in our country.

The formal rules of any of the institutions can be changed overnight but it does not guarantee changes institutionally for the growth performance, as that will come slowly.

Institutions provide a support system but just bringing the Western institutions to the developing world won’t help. Latin America has developed institutions on the basis of American Institutions but their economy could not develop on the same pace.

The mostly misconceived assumption of institutional set up is linked to the privatization process. It was not a panacea for economic crises in the developing world. Such institutional arrangement has adopted a very narrow property-rights perspective, focusing on the transactions between rulers, asset-holders and investors.

It created structural and political conditions for grow that included credibility and commitment of the political leadership which was missing elements in case of Pakistan, as is evident from privatisation of the power sector in Pakistan.

There were two very important institutional elements in the economic growth of East Asian economies, first they were able secure the trust of their economic elites for growth led policies’ implementation and secondly they initiated a wealth sharing mechanism to eliminate the elites to distribute the outcome of the economic growth. This was not possible only through just introducing the same laws and regulation of property rights through certain institutions but it signified the politics of accumulation and redistribution where the institutions gives the support in exhibiting the credible commitment of the government.

Therefore, this simplistic approach implies that institutions do matter in the sphere of development but not exclusively. The element of good governance has not been part of the formulation of Washington Consensus which has disappointed most of the developing economies through their first generation market oriented reforms without the linkages of the governance.

The element of corruption is also one of the hindrances of the institutional performance. But the fact remains that if an economy is not performing, institutions are not to be blamed for every thing because they explain the level of development of a country and their resource endowment.

Fortunately, Pakistan is in the category of countries which are well placed geographically, have social capital advantage and institutional setup is also in place for the market economy, but it still has low income and development.

Economic institutions assure economic freedom which does not guarantee economic growth without the process of innovation. Innovation needs private sector development, through good protection of private property and contractual rights but the efficiency of the public sector is also critical for innovation.

Strategic economic thinking does not imply the sequences of the reforms and as technocratic toolkit but it should be sought through “to do first” in order which is necessary to help in defining clear objective of the economic reforms.

The first thing is political preconditioning for growth. When sequencing economic and political reform there are different opinions which should come first, but entry point reforms matter most. Institutional imitation on the basis of success stories of the West is not enough. Institutional innovation is essential for a failing economy to recover.

Sometimes change in existing property rights is essential for economic growth. There will be no pro-developmental institutions; instead they might prove anti-developmental without governance and political will.

Keeping all this in view, the question of Bangladeshi economic growth points to a puzzle vis-a-vis an institutional growth or “enough governance” and whether it will be sustainable or short term bubble economy.

One can take a lead from the arguments that political leadership ignites economic growth first without s necessary strong support of the institutional high performance. It is ‘sustaining’ which needs good institutions for maintaining the productive dynamics against any shocks. Will there be any sustainability without ignition of economic growth?

 

 

 

 

 

 

With us or…
The debate about the Pakistanis having dual nationality goes on
By Alauddin Masood

The patriotic circles’ opposition to the dual nationality bill stems from the apprehension that its adoption could trigger colonization of another kind. If the dual nationality bill becomes a law it could provide opportunities to the dual nationals – persons who have taken oath of allegiance to a foreign country, to get elected to the legislature and grab important public slots.

We know that to protect and promote their business interests, some industrialists have been fielding their nominees in the general elections. When General Ziaul Haq opted to have a civilian façade for his rule and announced elections for the Majlis-e-Shoora, one of the major industrial houses fielded one of their employees for a slot. That fellow not only got elected to the Majlis-e-Shoora, he became a Federal Minister and was later elected to the top slot in the Majlis.

Some arguments are as far-fetched as it can get. If the holders of dual nationality are permitted to contest the elections what is the guarantee that the opportunity would not be grabbed by some foreign powers to gain control over the affairs in Pakistan by getting their lackeys elected to the public offices of their choice?

Our region, due to its strategic geopolitical location, has already become the epicentre of “great game.” Currently, there are many contestants and some of them are even involved in proxy wars on our soil through their hirelings, who often indulge in ethnic and sectarian killings or commit acts of terror. The country has already suffered a lot due to the machinations of foreign elements or their hirelings.

We can divide expatriate Pakistanis into two categories: Overseas Pakistanis, and holders of dual nationality. The Pakistanis in the first category are mostly working in the Middle East, where no foreigner can acquire citizenship. These overseas Pakistanis are poor workers, who contribute lion’s share – almost 70 percent – to the total annual remittances of our country.

In contrast, the contribution of overseas workers of Pakistani origin living in the West is only 30 percent to the overall remittances received in the country. However, a majority of them do not hold dual nationality. In the past, some governments did hire overseas Pakistanis residing in the West. But, as soon as their term expired, experience tells, that their passion to serve the country also dissipated and they left for greener pastures.

However, as per law, there is no bar on the expatriates having only Pakistani nationality to contest election and hold any public office. Even overseas Pakistanis holding dual nationality can come to Pakistan and enjoy all rights admissible to the other citizens of the country. However, they cannot become Members of the Parliament unless they surrender their foreign nationality and loyalty to the adopted country.

Of course, no one can be loyal to two States, like as one cannot ride on two ships simultaneously. The framers of Pakistan’s constitution were clear about this and obviously for that very reason they inserted Article 5(1) in the Constitution which, under the heading ‘Loyalty to State and Obedience to Constitution and Law, asserts that “loyalty to the State is the basic duty of every citizen.”

In our day to day interaction, we find that most of the dual nationality holders, particularly those residing in the USA and UK, support the line of their country of adoption and oppose the stance of Pakistan – their country of origin, whatever it is.

The last thing Pakistan needs is leaders who, while accepting the citizenship of their present country of domicile, have taken the oath to “renounce all allegiance to any foreign state,” including their country of origin. If confronted with a choice between the country of their origin and their new homeland, will they be in a position to say we cannot do so because it is in conflict with the interests of my country of origin?

Of course, they would find it difficult to do so because that would be considered as going back on their oath and pledge of citizenship and thus an act of treason.

As regards holders of dual nationality presently holding seats in the legislature, they have filed papers to the Election Commission of Pakistan pretending to be Pakistani citizens. They have cheated and made a mockery of Pakistan’s laws. They should be tried on these counts rather than facilitating them to retain their seats.

If the ruling coalition wants democracy to grow and flourish, they need to keep the long-term consequences of their actions in view rather than gamble for short-term gains. If decisions in the larger national interest are avoided, citizens will be constrained to think that politics in the country has been reduced to a farce to protect and promote the interests of the privileged few and to keep the weaker segments of the society in their place. A thinking of this nature may greatly harm the political process and, ultimately, the country as a whole.

The writer is a freelance columnist based in Islamabad.

alauddinmasood@gmail.com

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

   

Governance and rule of law
The people of Pakistan should be recognised as the supreme body and their will and voice should be sovereign 
By Safdar Javaid Syed

In the 4th Century B.C., when Aristotle penned his famous Politics, he synthesised two ideals: i) a government derives its powers from the consent of those governed, and ii) those powers must be subject to prescribed limitations. These twin doctrines have survived in political thought since then. The doctrine of popular consent, since its emergence, never stipulated a government without checks.

The great English legalist of the 17th Century, Sir Edward Coke, maintained that even popular government must be confined within prescribed limits by the rule of law.  However, Britain simultaneously (and gradually) nurtured the doctrine of the supremacy of Parliament and by the 18th Century this concept became firmly established.

Pakistan’s current environment in terms of the “trichotomy of state power” necessitates a re-visit to these long established rules of governance; particularly in the backdrop of some recent comments made by our Chief Justice.  On 7 July, in a speech in Karachi, the Chief Justice is reported to have said: “Even in the United Kingdom, which follows the principle of parliamentary sovereignty, the highest court has also declared that the doctrine of supremacy of the parliament can now be seen to be out of place in this modern era.”  Earlier, while addressing a delegation of the mock Youth Parliament on 22 June, he observed: “The judicial institution of the state with the Supreme Court as the final arbiter acts as the ultimate protector of citizens’ rights and upholder of constitutional supremacy.  The Supreme Court enjoys original, appellate and advisory jurisdiction.”

Earlier, on 11 May, 2012, as reported in the national print media, while hearing the case of missing persons of Balochistan the Chief Justice had observed: “No institution is bigger than the Supreme Court.”

As these are public observations, an analysis in terms of political thought and constitutional history will not be out of place. The first question which needs to be flagged is; what factors necessitate such public comments from the Chief Justice of Pakistan? 

So far, as repugnancy of laws to Islamic injunctions, fundamental rights or the Constitution, these are all well-established constitutional principles. The text of Articles 8, 203-D and 227 is explicit. The principle of nullity of a law being ultra vires the Constitution is also non-controversial.  However, do the original, the appellate and advisory jurisdictions of the Supreme Court lend it supremacy (or sovereignty) over the Parliament? If so, how and to what an extent?

Article 175 (1) of our Constitution states: “There shall be a Supreme Court of Pakistan, a High Court for each Province [and a High Court for the Islamabad Capital Territory] and such other courts as may be established by law.” Article 175 (2) provides: “No court shall have any jurisdiction save as is or may be conferred on it by the Constitution or by or under any law.”

As per text of the Constitution, the original, appellate and advisory jurisdictions of the Supreme Court have prescribed limits. Article 184 (1) states that the Supreme Court shall, to the exclusion of any other court, have original jurisdiction in any dispute between any two or more Governments (disputes involving any non-Government entity are excluded). 

Article 184 (2) binds the Supreme Court further; the court can “pronounce declaratory judgments only” (in disputes between governments). Article 184 (3) is also specific in its text; original jurisdiction exists only if the Supreme Court considers that a question of public importance is involved with reference to enforcement of any of the fundamental rights conferred by Chapter I of Part II of the Constitution. A legal question, thus, arises; can the Supreme Court invoke its original jurisdiction regarding the contents of the remaining 10 Parts of the Constitution i.e. Part III to Part XII?

The appellate jurisdiction of the Supreme Court is given in Article 185 (1) (2) (3), Article 203-F (1) (2-A), Article 212 (3), etc. which mention its boundaries.  It can be safely (and legally) presumed that the Supreme Court cannot take onto itself any appellate jurisdiction which is not specified in the Constitution or in any other Law of Pakistan.  So far, as the Advisory jurisdiction, Article 186 (1) states that only the President can refer a question of law to the Supreme Court.

The Supreme Court, being the apex Court, is itself subject to the Constitution and the rule of law.  Even as the final interpreter of the Constitution, an apex court cannot be visualized without jurisdictional limits.

We find our country at a very critical junction in terms of trichotomy of State institutions. There is a growing impression that these institutions are, perhaps, moving towards a confrontation. These days one tries to remember a great Chief Justice that America had from 1801 to 1835; Mr. Justice John Marshall, who gave the cause of nationalism powerful impetus through his  decisions.   In the famous case of McCulloch V. Maryland (1819) Justice Marshall constitutionally settled the question of the enumerated powers of American Congress and, in doing so, he practically rejected the “strict constructionist” view of Thomas Jefferson. Justice Marshall held that American Congress was licensed to enact any legislation which was “convenient and appropriate” to carry out its delegated authority.  His ruling still holds ground in his country.

The doctrine of judicial review is non-controversial. The judiciary, and ultimately the Supreme Court, must have power to determine whether a law passed by the Parliament or an act performed by the Executive is in conformity with the Constitution. But should this power be without limits? All over the world, the term “judicial activism” co-exists alongwith the term “judicial restraint”. Why?

Talking of supremacy and sovereignty, power belongs to Almighty Allah alone.  The authority to be exercised on earth is a sacred trust and is exercised by the people through their elected representatives. That is the origin of the phrase “we the people.”  No written constitution of any country has a preamble which states: “we the Judges give this Constitution to our country.” The preamble to Pakistan’s Constitution declares: “……… And whereas it is the will of the people of Pakistan to establish an order ……… Now, therefore, we, the people of Pakistan, ……. do hereby, through our elected representatives in the National Assembly, adopt, enact and give to ourselves, this Constitution.”

In United Kingdom, their present Supreme Court with twelve professional Judges (a successor to “12 Law Lords” of House of Lords) has come into being through a law of Parliament; “The Constitutional Reforms Act, 2005.”  Section 33 of this Act can be of interest for so many and is reproduced verbatim: “Section 33. Tenure. A judge of the Supreme Court holds that office during good behaviour, but may be removed from it on the address of both Houses of Parliament.”

State institutions should not be fighting for supremacy. The people of Pakistan should be recognised as the supreme body and their will and voice should be sovereign!  Our beloved country came into being in 1947. By 1971 we lost half of it.  Now, 41 years down the history lane, are threats to the existence of Pakistan abated? Perhaps all the three State Institutions need to undergo an introspection and make national cohesion and promotion of rule of law their avowed objective.  We all must remember the famous question once posed by President Abraham Lincoln of America: what is to happen if a choice must be made between preserving the Constitution on the one hand and preserving the nation on the other?

The author is a freelance writer.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

first person
“Voting should be based on fingerprints”
“I am developing tools based on artificial intelligence and machine learning techniques that can use statistical inferences to predict the next crime with certain probability of time and 
location.”
By Raza Khan

Dr. Zeeshan ul Hassan Usmani is a Fulbright Scholar. He holds a PhD and MS in Computer Science from the Florida Institute of Technology. As part of his Master’s thesis, he has developed a simulation of supermarkets to observe and quantify the effects of herd behaviour on impulse shopping by customers. His PhD work focuses on simulation and modeling of blast waves in open and confined spaces. His work has featured in the Wall Street Journal, Wired Magazine, NPR, MIT’s Technology Review, Florida Today, and The Economist. He has authored and edited dozens of research papers, articles, and twelve books. His research strengths include real-world simulation, programming human emergent behaviours, and modeling of catastrophic events. He has worked in Citi Bank New York, Discover Financials, Illinois, Fulbright Academy of Science and Technology in Maine, and at the department of computer science at GIK Institute, Topi (Khyber Pakhunkhwa), Pakistan. Currently, he is working as a Chief of Research at Interactive Group in Islamabad, looking after projects on public safety and security. Recently, The News on Sunday had an opportunity to have a detailed discussions about the use of technology for development, counterterrorism and politics in Pakistan. Following are excerpts of the interview:

The News on Sunday: Your basic interest is in developing Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) for Counterterrorism purposes. How could these technologies be used for counterterrorism?

Zeeshan ul Hassan : I was always fascinated by understanding and modelling of human and emergent behaviour. When I see the happenings of horrific acts of terrorism almost regularly in my country, I ask myself what as a computer scientist I can do to save my countrymen? I termed it as “Code for Life”, whatever advances we make in science and technology, they should have a direct impact on the lives of a common man. I find it very difficult to work on a project or research that has no impact on the general public, their quality of life, or socio-economic state of the country.

We can learn quite a few lessons from the developed countries to use Science and Technology in counter terrorism. For example, ICT based tools and software can be used for risk mitigation and planning in case of a possible suicide bombing attack, a drone strike, an IED explosion, gun-battle, gang-fights, planned stock market crash, cyber warfare, crime hot-maps, and crime and bombing forecasts and predictions. Another example would be to use fingerprint identification based technologies for individual authentication. USA and other advance countries have been using such technologies for decades.

TNS: How successful have you been in developing ICTs in Pakistan for the purpose of counterterrorism?

ZH: I have been working for the last eight years in these technologies. I have developed a simulation and modelling platform for the risk planning and mitigation of a suicide bombing attack. This programme (called BlastSim) serves three purposes:

Firstly, it provides pre-emptive measures to be taken before hand to reduce the number of injuries and deaths. For example, if we place the crowd in row-wise formation instead of random or circular, we will have 12 percent less casualties and upto 27 percent less injuries. Due to the fact, that there will be less number of people in direct line-of-sight with the bomber and other individuals can serve as a human shield for others.

Secondly, Triage of Patients: The software can provide a complete list of what kinds of injuries one should expect if the blast happens, how many people will be killed on the spot, how many will be injured with minute details of their injuries, e.g. lung rupture, ear drum rupture, laceration, abrasion, burns, shrapnel cuts, etc. So hospitals and paramedics would know in advance what to expect, how many ambulances, staff, blood bottles and medicine they would need if something like this happens.

Thirdly, Forensics analysis: the software can also help in post-blast forensics analysis by matching the blast signature with previous data set of similar instances and help in narrowing down the responsible terrorist organisation and outfit. It can also help police determine type and weight of the explosive being used.

I am also developing few intelligent tools based on artificial intelligence and machine learning techniques that can use statistical inferences to predict the next crime with certain probability with time and location. Recently, my focus has been shifting on identity management solutions and how we can use it for improved authentication and to restrict the unauthorised use.

TNS: You also have some basic training in conflict management. How would you explain the conflict situation in Pakistan which is multidimensional?

ZH: I am not an expert in this area. For me, conflict management starts with understanding and listening needs of all parties. As humans, we all share the same basic set of needs, like food, shelter, and security. Once these needs met, we go on with respect, justice, honesty, professionalism, rights and all that. We need to make sure the set of needs and privileges that someone is enjoying in the country should be the same for every single citizen of Pakistan. Once we achieve this, I believe, 99 percent of the problems of our country will be solved.

TNS: In the age of modern technology, how the traditional concept of state security has changed?

ZH: State security is now not just restricted to physical assault or threats. With so much dependence on ICT, we are at severe risk if we do not plan our national and strategic assets according to best practices and standards. For example, internet sea cables have been cut couple of times, disrupting the flow of internet and its related services all over Pakistan. We need to have a backup and contingency plan, at least for national assets.

TNS: How could we increase the application of technologies in Pakistan for good governance and social services delivery?

ZH: This is a very promising area where ICT can play a significant role. Pakistan has an estimated 100 million mobile users. According to one survey, we have more people using mobile phones than the ones who brush their teeth. We can use cellular phone for the delivery of vital information, for example to report a crime, terrorist activity, or find a medical doctor or generic medicine in the vicinity. Similarly, ICT based technologies can be used for fair and transparent elections.

TNS: In which specific areas Pakistan could best utilize modern technologies for rapid development?

ZH: Mobile health, tele-medicine, cyber warfare, identity management, and programming for mobile platforms.

TNS: With people like you teaching at different universities in Pakistan has the situation of knowledge transfer and research improved or not?

ZH: Yes, indeed. Pakistan has improved a lot when it comes to knowledge transfer and research in the last few years. There is a lot to do to improve the quality, but at least now we have people in universities who understand the importance of research and can link it back with national interests.

TNS: Pakistan is going to have general and local government elections in the next few months how could computer technologies be used to increase the people’s participation in voting, ensuring transparency of the electoral process, etc.

ZH: Elections in Pakistan should be entirely based on fingerprints. NADRA already has the database of fingerprints of all adult Pakistani who can vote. By doing this, we can make sure that one person can only vote once (until he like to sacrifice of his fingers and vote again using the other, even then he cannot vote more than 10 times). It would also relax the need to vote in a particular location, a Pakistani can vote anywhere he wants throughout the country and the vote can go back to his/her polling station based on his location of residence or constituency.

TNS: Is there any foolproof system of electronic voting that could be used in Pakistan and which is acceptable to all political parties?

ZH: We should go step by step, let’s do the voting based on fingerprints first, then in the next election or so, we can talk about electronic voting over the internet, etc.

 

 

 

Get ready, it’s monsoon time!
If the departments concerned are not alert to the upcoming floods,

 
the disaster could be even worse
By Dr. Abid Qaiyum Suleri

According to the National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA), the coming monsoon, starting from July, would bring more rain than the country had experienced during the last two consecutive catastrophic years, i.e. 2010 and 2011. It suggests that monsoon 2012 may trigger floods and affect some 29 million people across the country.

The NDMA also issued specific flood warning to Sindh provincial authorities. The risk of floods would increase manifold, especially due to the fact that despite spending Rs17 billion on the repair of dykes and canal banks in Sindh after the floods of 2010 and 2011 the irrigation infrastructure is still in bad shape. Moreover, many of the displaced persons in Sindh are still shelter less or settled in flood prone riverine beds.

High intensity rains over a short period of time would not only affect Sindh, but other parts of the country, including Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. There would be a greater risk of seasonal watercourses getting flooded, threatening parts of Peshawar, Swat, Nowshera, and Mardan districts.

Delayed monsoon is not a good omen for the agriculture sector of KP. It will have a negative effect on winter crops in several parts of the province. Besides the above mentioned four districts, the NDMA has identified Charsadda and Dera Ismail Khan as prone to natural calamity in next monsoon.

After the tragic earthquake and devastating floods of 2010, one was expecting that our institutions and authorities would be prepared for any other uncertainty. However, the way Sindh suffered during 2011 monsoon reflects that we as a nation are determined not to learn any lesson from our mistakes.

After 2010 floods, a team of Chinese experts suggested that the narrow span of Khairpur-Larkana bridge was the main cause in unduly holding water between Gudu and Sukkur barrage which inundated half of Sindh and almost the entire rice growing area.

It is pity that despite the passage of two years the authorities have failed to redesign and widen this bridge. No one is able to answer where the excess water, which will again be trapped between Gudu and Sukkur barrage this year, would be discharged.

Old natural drains are still non functional and faulty outfall drain networks might again cause widespread damages after the rains. Despite the promulgation of “Sindh Irrigation (Amendment) Act 2011” to declare encroachments on waterways a crime, heavy encroachment on drains in Sindh is yet another reason to get worried about the miseries of people who would be trapped in water after the massive rains. On top of it, the politically motivated decisions to save the lands of influential people by breaching the dykes of river Indus at wrong places may create havoc.

It is predicted that if heavy rains struck, Umerkot, Jhuddo, Naukot, Digri, Pangrio, Mirpurkhas and Sanghar would suffer a great deal and Badin and catchement area of LBOD would be devastated.

As far as the KP is concerned, after the 2010 floods, a contingency plan was approved and it was recommended that the Met Department should enhance capacity of weather forecasting station in Peshawar, install radar system at Cherat in Nowshera district, improve all observatories, establish flash flood forecasting centre for Kalpani in Mardan district and other vulnerable areas and increase capacity of line departments.

Instead of installation of latest forecasting system all future plans have been dumped in files. Due to unavailability of latest forecasting system in the province the Peshawar centre would depend on Lahore and Islamabad centres or some friendly countries for obtaining weather data.

The situation in Punjab, especially in Southern Punjab is not ideal either. Irrigation infrastructure is extremely vulnerable, canals and barrages are silted reducing their maximum water carrying capacity, and elites who pressurised the authorities to breach the canal banks to save their lands are as powerful as they were in 2010.

Let us admit that natural calamities are unavoidable. Rising temperature, seasonal extremes, global warming, and abundance or scarcity of water is a global phenomenon and we are not an exception to it. What matters the most is how we respond to different natural phenomenon. In the absence of right set of policies and practices, the natural calamities turn into human disasters and this is what we have been observing in Pakistan.

Besides the above mentioned challenges, the issues that still remain to be addressed is institutionalisation of disaster preparedness. After the 18th Amendment, disaster preparedness is the responsibility of provincial governments.

We have provincial disaster management authorities which are inadequately equipped. We have NDMA which is not clear about its mandate. We have Federal Flood Commission which is non functional. We have provincial irrigation departments which are marred by corruption charges and we don’t have local government institutions to facilitate the decision making at grassroots level.

Disaster prevention includes plans ready beforehand; bringing all the involved stakeholders on board; ensuring the proper operation and maintenance of irrigation structures, creating but also operating and maintaining organisations for disaster preparedness — all these are facets of governance.

While government refers to planning and decision-making by the state and its institutions, the notion of “governance” takes a different look. How are decisions made within a certain society or nation? Who is involved in these decision-making processes? And who has which powers to decide; on which evidence is planning based and which planning are taken as basis for decision-making.

We ought to remember that nature is not against the people of Pakistan. We are facing the consequences of flawed policies and weak actions and we would keep on getting hurt until at a societal level we are mature enough to discuss the real reasons behind our state of affairs openly and candidly.

The writer is executive director of Sustainable Development Policy Institute. He is contactable at suleri@sdpi.org

 

 

 

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