issue
Parroting textbook-style
By Ismail Khan
Today, the commentators are wondering as to why the democratic journey of Pakistan so often gets derailed. For our own national discourse, the debate over genesis of military intervention or the temptation to it is as important today, as it was any other time. Although given the fact that the military is engaged on many fronts and may not want people to evoke the memories of Musharraf-era, there has been a public expression of resentment among the military over the passage of Kerry-Lugar Bill.

...and lessons learnt
Over the years while Pakistan wrongly blew its trumpet of its proud relations with the West, India and China engaged themselves in regional building
By Rashid Mehar
Though it is too early to conclude but hands of the regional powers in the GHQ incident cannot be ignored though we have to see who will benefit more from an unstable Pakistan. In today's competitive world, nations enter into economic wars using all means to curb growing and developing nations. Our neighbours already know that militarily they cannot pose a threat to nuclear Pakistan but they are using other factors against us to destabilise us. Though terrorism is not a home grown issue in today's economically frustrated world nor it is connected to poverty and illiteracy. If that was the case then, Africa, India, and Bangladesh and even to some extent China has more poor people and illiteracy than Muslim countries particularly Pakistan. After all we all know that the operatives behind al-Qaida are not 'illiterate' and 'poor'. Nevertheless they have the education and money to fund terrorism and defame religion and Pakistan in particular.

As the 'we are at war' chorus reaches deafening proportions, it is worth delving into history so as to be clear about where this 'war' will take us next. Waziristan has quite an epic past, and, if the claims of 'terrorism' experts are to believed, it stands alone in the present as well, having been designated the global sanctuary for al-Qaeda. To make sense of how we got to where we are today, and what is in store in times to come, a brief glimpse into the past is necessary.

The British, masters of the world, emperors on whom the 'sun never set' never quite seemed to be able to figure out the Waziristani tribes. They fought them numerous times, and lost more soldiers in Waziristan than anywhere else in British India. Even at the height of the world wars, approximately 80,000 troops of the British Indian army remained deployed in Waziristan.

Thus the British both saw first-hand and proceeded to make into myth the intractability of the 'tribes'. The martial races theory actually clumped all Pakhtuns into the same category but it was clear that it was the Waziristanis that were at the head of the warrior genealogy. The imperatives of colonial rule meant that the strategy of engagement with the obdurate Waziristanis required the cooption of some 'tribes' to balance the power of other 'tribes'. Thus there emerged a pattern of periodic conflict interspersed with fragile peace.

The new Pakistani state drew upon the warring qualities of the Waziristani tribes immediately after partition to make forays into Kashmir and thus force the hand of the Hindu Dogra Maharajah. The strategy succeeded only in inducing Indian forces into the valley, thus precipitating a military stalemate and the separation of Kashmir into two. 62 years later the more than one billion people of the Indian subcontinent remain hostage to both India's and Pakistan's posturing over Kashmir.

The Pakistani state has for the best part of these 62 years ensured that Waziristan remains a strategic enclave for the pursuit of regional geo-political objectives. Things have of course changed since the end of the Raj. Large numbers of Waziristanis have migrated to cities and even abroad, thus resulting in a large injection of cash into the local economy. Since the 1970s, Waziristan has become a clearing house for drugs and guns; in fact it would not be incorrect to assert that Waziristan's economy has essentially become reliant on the continuation of armed conflict in the immediate and wider regions. Finally, the 'tribal' structure of power that was fashioned under the British has been subject to serious shocks on account of the rise of the political mullah.

These substantial changes have actually consolidated the Pakistani state's long-standing colonial-style administrative and military logic. For the most part the United States and other dominant powers have acquiesced to this logic and even directly sponsored Pakistan's strategic vision. Thus the notion that Waziristanis are addicted to war has been made into a self-fulfilling prophecy.

As has now been documented by mainstream writers such as Ahmed Rashid, even after the American invasion and occupation of Afghanistan, business continued as usual in Waziristan. Rashid argues that the Bush administration was so obsessed with pillaging Iraq's riches that it simply neglected Afghanistan (and by extension Waziristan). But it is preposterous to think that the Pentagon was not aware of the fact that jihadi forces were regrouping in Waziristan. That attention was dramatically diverted back to the region in the dying days of Bush's presidency is suspicious to say the least.

In any case, Barack Obama has demanded that the Pakistani state overturn not the policy of the past 8 years, but a policy that extends back well over a century when the British still ruled India. Or has he? Does the 'neutralising' of militant commanders Gul Bahadur and Maulvi Nazir really constitute a change in policy? It is these two commanders who are said to be affiliated with the Haqqani network that is the backbone of the Afghan Taliban. What of the fact that Washington has, in the wake of the 'Afpak strategic review', once again been indicating that it might be willing to coopt segments of the Taliban into the mess that is Afghanistan's government?

As I have noted in recent times, some progressives in Pakistan have long perceived that space has been (inadvertently) created for a challenge to the military's establishment's strategic thinking due to the tensions generated by the American occupation of Afghanistan. While I agree that there are numerous contradictions that have come to the fore, I do not believe that the Americans think of their engagement with the 'tribes' -- in Afghanistan and Pakistan both – any differently than the British did before them, or the Pakistanis have done for 6 decades. This is not to say that there is no indigenous impulse towards conflict. But the fact is that the bloody Great Game that the people of this region find themselves immersed in is the result of cynical geo-politics between states and there is no sign that any of the numerous actors in this Game are about to back off soon.

A related 'hope' is that the growing rupture in the relationship between the military establishment and militant Islamists will force a sea-change in the state's ideological foundations. But it is worth recalling that Waziristanis were first mobilised to pursue the Pakistani state's strategic objectives in Kashmir, against India. Even today, while the Interior Minister says that all efforts will be made to eliminate 'terrorist operations' in Waziristan, he hurls polemic at India, noting that it is Big Brother to the east that remains the biggest threat to Pakistan's sovereignty.

So while imperialist war does create fissures and tensions, it is still imperialist war. The death and destruction that have been visited upon Afghanistan and now increasingly upon Pakistan are not incidental facts. And as I have suggested, the functional logic that guides the actions of both Washington and Islamabad is only likely to lead to an increase in the death and destruction. Add to this cynicism the increasingly desperate and indiscriminate responses that military offensives incite and it becomes clear that all of the protagonists of this 'war' are forcing terror into the hearts and minds of ordinary people.

When the army chief General Kayani writes an open letter to the Mehsud 'tribe' -- as if it is one seamless monolith -- he too is aware of the history of region, the historical engagements of the state, and the alienation that has been caused since the American invasion of Afghanistan. It is possible that the military offensive in South Waziristan even leads to a period of relative calm. But history suggests that this will be followed by renewed violence. And there is no sign that those who claim to be fighting for peace and freedom have any desire to change this history. After all they are the perennial winners and people are the losers of this history. And they would want it no other way.

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firstperson

Fizza Shah is the CEO of DIL (Developments in Literacy) which currently operates and manages 150 schools with over 15,000 students all over Pakistan -- from Karachi to Dir. Fizza was 18 when she left Pakistan for the UK for further studies. She then moved to the US where she did her Bachelors in Business Administration. She was managing a medical group, from where this opportunity came and she started DIL.

The News on Sunday: Tell us briefly about DIL (Developments in Literacy).

Fizza Shah: DIL was started in Los Angeles in 1997 by a group of American Pakistani expatriates who wanted to give something back to the country. This is one reason why we got the organisation going right from the beginning. We wanted to do something meaningful that would help the needy people. We chose education because that is the panacea for all the ills; without education you can't get ahead in life at all. You need education whether its health or poverty alleviation.

DIL is running schools in underdeveloped areas, mostly rural areas because while education is needed everywhere, the rural areas need attention in particular. Since the pouring in of money in the development sector, a lot of people can be seen involved in education.

TNS: How did you start DIL?

FS: We started out with a small group. At that time we didn't really know where we were headed. We started by funding an NGO in Islamabad which had schools in Mianwali. Initially, the project included 40 schools and about 1,000 girls. That's when I realised there was a lot of potential in this field. As we grew our fund-raising chapters in Pakistan, we set up an office in Islamabad and got registered there. We subcontracted the local NGOs that had a track record of working in the education sector. From one project we went on to work on 39 projects. After a few years, we realised the NGOs had limited capacity.

As the number of schools and partners increased, we realised we needed to have our own schools and train teachers ourselves. We were in a position to try out new things, new methodologies, new techniques and experiment with things like 'one laptop a child' project.

TNS: A laptop a child? Tell us about this.

FS: Well, we took 100 laptops and introduced them in one of our schools. These laptops were designed in MIT and particularly for third world countries. The cost is $85 per laptop. There were educational programmes fed on them already.

The kids learn faster than the teachers so we can't move very quickly. We always test first before actually putting something into practice.

TNS: Do you plan to work in cooperation with the government?

FS: We would want to work with the government schools. Earlier we have been running schools in collaboration with CARE. Then it was CARE's intervention. We were supporting the schools with the funds, not directly working in them.

Now we plan to adopt a few government schools around Rawalpindi, Islamabad and run them on our own. We are training other organisations on pedagogy, phonics and the like. Phonics teaches you how to pronounce. We have developed audio material, small books, flash cards and there is nothing that we have left out. If we succeed in the government schools, we know we will have a winning product.

We provide the teachers with tools (of teaching). Our teachers work in a way that serves to build a child's confidence. Our programme has been accepted very well in our schools. In Khairpur, we have used cassette players and the phonic programme very successfully. We fear some problems in Dir where the people are actually very much against female education.

TNS: Do you focus on girls' education?

FS: Presently, the ration of girls and boys in DIL schools is 60% and 40% respectively. In the beginning, we had mostly girls' schools but mothers came to us and said the boys needed education too. Wherever it's ok with parents to let boys and girls study together, we have co-ed system like in Orangi. In most rural areas, that is not acceptable. We are trying to keep the ratio at 60-40 but at places it is 50-50. People want their children to get education, especially the boys' lot because they will grow up to become the breadwinners in the family.

TNS: Do you hope these students will grow up to be any better than those who are a product of the current education system?

FS: We help our children develop their cognitive faculties which makes all the difference. We prepare them to think independently and creatively, and to have leadership qualities. Our children are not learning by rote. They are able to think for themselves. They speak with great confidence. The teachers are very friendly; the children aren't studying a terrorised environment.

Our dropout number is extremely low -- 2.5 percent compared to 45 percent in government schools.

The system that we have introduced is quite new because we have reached only 2nd grade so far. We plan to have primary school curriculum ready within the next two years. We thought we would do it in two months' time but it's a very intensive job really, because our focus is on quality education.

TNS: In rural areas where the mothers are uneducated mostly and tuition facility is also limited, how do your children fare in studies?

FS: Our child doesn't require tuition. Wherever our rural school children do go for tuition, they learn something wrong. We discourage this trend.

DIL schools promise quality, and the parents know that.

TNS: What other problematic areas have you worked on, other than teacher training?

FS: Class environment. In the beginning there were one-teacher-one-room schools. The earlier funding came for one-room schools. That's how we also started. Obviously, that didn't work. How can a single teacher teach students of five classes? Soon we realised we needed to separate the classes and started working towards that. Our schools are very clean.

TNS: What is new at DIL?

FS: We want to start a school in Khuda Ki Basti in Kala Shah Kaku. Proper light, proper ventilation is equally important in a school. You walk into a DIL school and you are hit with the cleanliness that we consider important. This the children take back into their homes. We take 25-50 rupees by way of fee. Little expenditures of the schools are met with this money. When they don't have to pay anything, they also don't care to send the children to school regularly. When they are paying even a little bit towards it, they seem to be responsible. It works. Also the other perception is that the quality won't be good if the school is for free altogether.

Do you have an exclusive curriculum?

FS: No. We take government curriculum guidelines and supplement it with material that enhances the curriculum. That has been very successful. In Kindergarten and first grade we use phonic system for learning how to read and it has worked very well. We are doing curriculum development and our focus is on quality education.

TNS: Isn't it difficult to get female teachers in rural areas?

FS: We pick the best from what is available and then train them and bring them up to a certain level. In the beginning we relied on other organisations to do the teacher training but realised that was not of the quality that we were looking for. That is when we started a training centre and that is when we gained more control. We have a teacher training centre now. Our teachers are rural teachers. You cannot take a city teacher and put her in rural area. Earlier, the teachers came with their own methodologies. Now we know what teachers need. Pedagogy is a skill that you can't acquire, you need to be trained for it. That is the thrust of what we do at the training centre.

Our English curriculum developer is from the US and has been working with us for the last three years. Many people here are also very good teacher trainers. There is no lack of talent in Pakistan.

TNS: Where do DIL's funds come from?

FS: 90 percent of DIL's funding is coming from the Pakistani Americans and Pakistanis in the UK and Canada. Actually our donors are very involved. Many of them come and visit our schools, which keeps us on our toes. We have just opened a chapter in Karachi.

It's actually our kids who have started raising funds and many of them have not even visited Pakistan and because of the connection through their parents they do so much. When we outgrow they have to take over from us. Many of them are young professionals and how they come out and support, is amazing.

A protracted and nerve-breaking political battle between Muslim Conference (MC), and Peoples Party ended when MC candidate Raja Farooq Haider Khan won the elections by securing 29 votes out of 48 and assumed power in Muzaffarabad. However, with this begins a new power struggle among several local stakeholders as well as Muzaffarabad versus Islamabad.

The politics in Azad Kashmir took a dramatic turn recently when the incumbent Prime Minister Sardar Yaqoob Khan resigned from his office only after nine months. The two rival factions of Muslim Conference (MC), led by Sardar Attique Khan and Raja Farooq Haider Khan, struck a secret deal to table a no-confidence motion against the Premier. Muslim Conference leaders not only buried their differences but also nominated Farooq Haider for the premiership. It sent shock waves in the power corridors of Islamabad and particularly in the rank and file of the ruling Peoples Party.

On the advice of Islamabad, Yaqoob Khan resigned instead of facing the no-confidence motion. It provided ample time to the federal government for political maneuvering to deter the Muslim Conference from forming its government in Muzaffarabad. The AJK interim Constitution 1974 maintains that if the PM resigns, the president should call the assembly session within 14 days of the resignation.

The Peoples Party and its allies tried hard to convince Muslim Conference to form a national government comprising all parties or replace its candidate for PM. In fact, Farooq Haider has never enjoyed the support of the establishment or the federal ministry of Kashmir Affairs. It is said that both the establishment and the ministry of Kashmir Affairs had put huge pressure on the Muslim Conference leadership to replace him with someone more soft-spoken. Sardar Sikandar Hayat says this issue cropped up in a number of meetings with the PPP interlocutors under the auspices of the military high command but he turned down this demand by saying that horses cannot be changed midstream.

The newly elected Prime Minster of Azad Kashmir, Raja Farooq Haider, 54, is known as a straightforward and outspoken politician from Muzaffarabad district. He earned huge respect across the political divide when he publicly challenged his own government during the Sardar Attique era. He has raised a number of issues of public interest, particularly regarding necessary changes in the constitution to empower the local government and clip the federal government's indirect powers. He carries rich political heritage as his father, Raja Hayder Khan, was a known freedom fighter, who had played a significant role to liberate AJK in 1947. Subsequently, he along with Sardar Ibrahim Khan and KH Khurshid ran campaigns for the formation of democratic government, civil liberties and constitution for the region.

The Peoples Party is the major political rival of the ruling Muslim Conference in the local power politics. It joined hands with breakaway faction of the Muslim Conference and formed a coalition government in Azad Kashmir by dislodging Sardar Attique's government through a no-confidence motion on January 6, 2009. Both the parties had not only been pursuing divergent but also conflicting political agendas during their brief stint in power. They accuse each other of not being living up to the commitment since the formation of the alliance. The Peoples Party's General Secretary Chaudhary Lateef Akbar accuses the Muslim Conference and particularly Sardar Sikandar Hayat and Raja Farooq Haider for backstabbing the PPP and put AJK politics into confrontational mode just to advance their vested interests and clan politics. If they had any objection on the PM, and coalition partners' policies or their conduct, it should have been sorted out through mutual consultation instead of ditching the coalition partners. "This attitude has shattered the peoples' trust in politicians and also put a damper on the future coalition politics," he said.

The key question is why Sardar Yaqoob was betrayed by his close aids and party leaders, who had helped win him the Premiership in the first place. Sardar Yaqoob, in fact, was responsible for alienating the leaders of the Muslim Conference when he ignored to look after his own party's interests and started hobnobbing with the Peoples Party. Even, the PPP's senior minister Qamar Zaman has said it on the record that Sardar Yaqoob would contest next elections as a PPP candidate. Raja Farooq Haider believes that Sardar Yaqoob was planning to dissolve the assembly and announce midterm elections, if there was no no-confidence move.

Sources privy to the backdoor negotiation also claim that Sardar Yaqoob had made a tacit understanding with the PPP-led federal government that he would pave the way for fresh elections according to the wishes of the federal government.

Conversely, the Pakistan Muslim League (N) has failed to extend its chapter into Azad Kashmir due to indecisiveness of the top leadership. Besides, Sardar Sikandar Hayat Khan, former prime minister, and Raja Farooq got the wind that if PML-N chapter extends to AJK the show would be run by Sultan Mahmood Chaudhry, former PM from Mirpur. This did not go down well within the Muslim Conference's forward block as they were eying for the top slot of the PML-N in Azad Kashmir. It compelled the two rival factions of the Muslim Conference to reconcile and reunite against the PPP and its aggressive campaign to take over AJK.

In the meantime, the establishment also played its role to reunite the Muslim Conference and prevent the formation of Muslim League (N) in AJK. The establishment views AJK as its own domain and does not like anybody else to intervene there. The formation of PML-N in AJK had the potential to not only positively transform the regional politics but also to shrink the role of establishment in the politics of AJK. In this backdrop, the establishment supported the reunification of the Muslim Conference in order to keep its protégé unchallenged, says Amajd Yousaf, Executive Director of the Kashmir Institute of International Affairs. "The Muslim Conference is a regional party which believes in the Kashmir accession to Pakistan, besides, practicing traditional anti-India diatribe. Therefore, the establishment always protects its interest and the Conference promotes the establishment's agenda in the region," argues Mr. Yousaf.

Although the next state elections are due in July 2011 but the fragile nature of the AJK government and its unfriendly working relationship with the federal government indicates that midterm election can be held anytime. Besides, the federal government considers change of government in AJK a major setback to its larger politics in the country as Muslim Conference is traditionally close to Muslim League and the establishment. The all powerful ministry of Kashmir Affairs led by the Qamar Zaman Kaira may not easily swallow this bitter pill and can create problems for Farooq Haider to have smooth sailing. Being Vice Chairman of the Kashmir Council, upper house of AJK assembly, Kaira wields several executive powers. Four key officials such as Chief Secretary, IG Police, Accountant General and Secretary Finance come from the federal bureaucracy for three years' terms and always prefer to appease their bosses back in Islamabad instead of obeying the elected government in AJK. The federal government can make ineffective Haider's government by using these offices.

On the political front, Peoples Party AJK was told by President Zardari to expand its base and bring back alienated leaders including Barrister Sultan Mahmood Chauhdry. Key Peoples Party leaders from Mirpur and Kotli had sent green signal to Barrister Sultan to merge his faction into PPP to pitch a joint electoral battle against Muslim Conference. "If this merger takes place, AJK politics will revolve around two major clans, Raput and Jat led by Farooq Haider and Barrister Sultan Mahmood respectively for the next couple of years," argues Sultan Sikandar a senior journalist.

Pakistan, especially NWFP, possesses huge marble reservoirs. The promotion and development of marble industry could bring prosperity and development for the country.

But industrialists and officials from Pakistan Stone Development Company (Pasdec) and small & medium enterprises development authority (Smeda) say that the sector suffers from several maladies.

"The marble industry is suffering from load-shedding, low voltage, law and order problem, use of outdated quarrying techniques, inconsistent supplies of raw material, lack of proper infrastructure, lack of value addition and absence of public-private cooperation/coordination," they point out.

According to an official of Pasdec, that oversees the marble sector, Pakistan has approximately 300 billion tons of marble reserves scattered mainly in NWFP, the tribal belt and Balochistan.

"Around 98 percent of these reserves are believed to be in NWFP and FATA. Of late, work at several marble sites was stopped due to militancy in the area. Explorations in tribal-belt would be started once the security situation improved there and the figures could further improve. Much of the potential however hitherto remains to be exploited," said the official.

He said nearly 30 kinds of marble were found in the province and the adjoining tribal belt. "The most famous of these are Ziarat marble, super-white, off-white, Badal, Zebra, pink, Nowshera, Jet-black, Bampokha and golden marble," he added.

Swat, Buner, Chitral, Kohistan, Mardan, Hazara, Nowshera and Kohat divisions are high potential areas for quality marble in the province. Mohmand, Khyber, Bajaur, Orakzai and Kurram Agencies from Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) have huge marble reservoirs.

In the next 15 years, Pasdec plans to upgrade 14 quarries, develop 20 marble cities and 2000 marble factories and establish 20 training centres of mosaic, inlays and stone masonry across the country.

Model quarries are being set up according to the best international practices for extracting stone and employing latest technology. Marble Cities are being established in the vicinity of mines all over Pakistan.

The Ministry of Industries has opened a machinery pool at the newly established marble city Risalpur with the help of Pasdec.

According to Shahid R Khan, former chairman all Pakistan marble industries association (APMIA), the marble city will have a common facility and training centres (CFTCs) for training local managers, workforce and technicians to cut square dimension blocks into slabs, then polish and cut them to size on the state of the art machinery. The centres will be run by both local and International experts. "CFTCs will also have a Mosaic Development Center to provide industrial training in marble mosaic, handicrafts and inlays from industrial waste. The common facility will provide cutting, polishing and sizing services as well on reasonable rates to private entrepreneurs. There would also be an industrial park on the site," he said.

"It is heartening to see that the government has realised the need to develop the marble and granite sector on modern and scientific lines, which would collect huge amount of foreign reserves from international market," said Khan.

He recalled there were only six marble factories when he started work in the marble sector in 1990. "Now, we have around 1700 of them in NWFP and FATA that provide 0.1 million direct and another 0.6 million indirect jobs to people. The sector generates an estimated millions of revenue annually for the government. We are gradually modernising the sector with support from the government. We know only dimension stone and square blocks have an international market and we are developing on those lines," he said.

The official said that marble miners should stop method of blasting and get the latest machinery on rental basis for extracting marble. Standard wastage in the world is 45 percent for the marble sector. In Pakistan, he noted, blasting destroys 85 percent marble in mining. Wire-cutting-technology would be provided to the miners on rental basis to avoid wastage of marble.

The global trade in marble and granite was estimated at $45 billion a year. But marble exports from Pakistan were only about $33 million last year.

Pakistan offers big investment opportunities in mining, value addition and manpower development in the sector. Recent reports suggest that Saudi Arabia is interested in Pakistani marble to build its new cities with an expenditure of around $260 billion. Italy and other countries, it is learnt, want barter trade of their marble machinery & technology in exchange for the Pakistani marble. All this shows great investment potential in Pakistan's marble and granite sector.

When this scribe expressed apprehension that Italy might market the marble products made from Pakistani marble, Shahid Khan said we should not be worried on this front and expand our trade with Italy for our benefit.

Khan, who is also a member of board of directors of Pasdec, said the marble reserves in Pakistan were enough to relieve it of its external and internal debts. "Experts even think that only Balochistan's marble reserves would suffice for the purpose. On a recent visit to Turkey, I found that a single Turkish company exported marble products of about $48 million. It filled with me remorse on our own exports," he said.

"The industry has huge potential in export sector. We want to increase exports up to $300 millions in coming years on our own. Exports could even touch one billions dollars if sustained efforts are made. The government and private sector would have to do streamline supply of raw materials as well as address the inability to cater to high volume orders from abroad," Khan said.

Pasdec is committed to make the sector globally competitive and socially responsible dimension stone industry by ensuring extraction of "square blocks" through modern techniques. "This strategy will transform this industry in to a globally competitive industry and an engine of economic growth for the country. We hope to increase exports to $2.5 billion through the steps by the year 2016," said a Pasdec official.

Khan said the government should open a mineral development bank for the sector. He said we intend to utilise the marble powder for building blocks if facilitated. "We also would be developing the mosaic marble industry in the province. Very beautiful pieces can be prepared from what once were considered waste of marble," he said.

But insurgency and military operation in part of NWFP and FATA have dealt blows to the sector like other businesses.

Shamsul Wahab, President Marble Manufacturer Association Buner said that around 500 marble factories in Buner were closed in May making 0.2 million people jobless.

"Several factories and marble blocks were destroyed by shelling. Due to frequent curfews, supplying raw material and transportation of marble was impossible for months. We incurred billions of loss due to them. Now prolonged load-shedding, low voltage and non-availability of live ammunition used in blasting at marble sites are harming us," he said adding that half of marble factories were still closed.

Mardan has the biggest public-income generating marble cluster of the province. According to Mohammad Younis, President of Marble Association, it generates revenue of around Rs 200 annually in income tax, royalty, GST, FED and power and gas bills.

"Most of the marble factories in the Small Industrial Estate Mardan (SIEM) are unfortunately working on 50 percent of their installed capacity. Hours of load-shedding and low voltage have compelled us to work only in one shift. This has reduced production as well as caused joblessness," Younis said.

He lamented that around 75 percent of the industrialists time was consumed by the ten different types of departments he had to deal with for his business. How they could develop their industries in this back drop, he asked.

"The government must improve the power infrastructure, water, sewerage and road networks. It should ensure soft loans to the potential investors to enable them get modern quarrying machinery. It should also help establish training centres for workforce and a safe and healthy environment," said Saleem Khan, a marble dealer.

Smeda, Pasdec, the ministry of industries and private sector should join hands to explore more marble sites, develop marble industry on modern lines and open marble processing units in areas where the treasures are located. This will help bring the transportation cost down, create job opportunities for locals and would develop most of these backward areas.

Olive is generally considered a Mediterranean produce and its huge potential in Pakistan is a revelation to most people in Pakistan. However, the olive growing belt, which starts from Spain stretches much further than the Mediterranean and ends at Pakistan. Millions of wild olive plants already exist in various areas of Pakistan. Olive is produced in neighboring countries to our west like Afghanistan and Iran as well.

The areas identified in Pakistan have the most suitable conditions for plantation of some of the world finest varieties of olives. Various surveys conducted by government departments and international experts have reaffirmed the enormous potential of olive production in Pakistan since the 1970's. However, it is unfortunate that our agriculture sector has been missing out on such a lucrative agro product with immense import substitution and export value due to neglect by both the government and private sectors.

Plantation of olives is being carried out in some areas for the past few years, mainly in NWFP and FATA by the Pakistan Oil Seed Department based in Tarnab Farms, near Peshawar. However, considering the huge potential of this sector in economic development of suitable areas, the pace of olive plantation and resources to carry out the plantation on mega level needs to be enhanced considerably.

A survey recently carried out by experts from Italy (IAO) and Pakistan Oil Seed Development Board in some parts of NWFP, FATA and Balochistan have identified about 890,000 hectares as potential suitable area for olive plantation, which at 30 percent utilisation shall require minimum of 50 million plants.

Plantation Campaign

A comprehensive strategy needs to be devised to undertake the plantation campaign on war footings to tap the potential of such magnitude in a reasonable time frame of 15 to 20 years by planting a minimum of 1 million plants per year. Effective collaboration of various stake holders like the federal and provincial governments, NGO's, Agriculture universities and the private sector is extremely crucial to achieve desired results. Organising the resources and capacity for such a large number of olive plants will require international assistance from countries rich in olive production in the form of import of saplings in large quantity and also by developing local nurseries for large scale production within the country.

Annual import of plants

Target of 1 million plants per year shall initially be met by importing 1 million plants per year for at least 5 to 7 years. During this time capacity of local nurseries in government and private sector shall be developed to produce more than 1 million plus plants per year.

An efficient irrigation systems like drip irrigation and root injection irrigation shall be introduced on subsidised rates in areas where irrigation is required.

Existing capacity of the government nurseries is less than 100,000 saplings per year, which obviously is far less than the requirement.

Wild olive plants exist in large numbers in various areas, which are being converted into productive edible olive plants by grafting technique. However, the capacity needs to be enhanced considerably to utilise this lucrative natural resource.

Promotion Activities

Olive melaas (road shows) shall be arranged in suitable areas for awareness and training of farmers on basic knowledge on olive and its farming. Sale of suitable varieties of plants and oil extraction machinery shall be made available in such melaas. Olive promotion campaign shall be launched in print and electronic media. In big cities like Peshawar and near Islamabad, olive grooves shall be developed within existing public parks or at new sites for increasing public awareness about olives.

Suitable Areas

Following districts and FATA Agencies have been identified as most suitable for the olive plantation as per various researches undertaken in the past, which includes findings of recently concluded survey by IAO and PODP:

FATA: It constitutes 70 percent of suitable olive plantation areas. Bajaur Agency, Khyber Agency Kurrum Agency, Mohmand Agency, North & South Waziristan, tribal area adjacent to Tank.

NWFP: Malakand, Swabi, Buner, Chitral, Hangu, Cherat, Dir.

Balochistan: Killa Saifullah, Kohlu, Loralai, Zhob and Barkan

Punjab: Attock, Chakwal, Fatehjang, Barakahu.

Total potential of olive plantation in Pakistan is not limited to above areas only, however, these areas have been identified in various credible studies conducted so far. In addition to above, it is most likely that several other parts of the country may also be proved suitable for olive plantation as research on suitable areas is still far from over.

Olive Plantation in militancy affected areas

A long term solution to defeating militancy lies in socio-economic development of these areas. To achieve fast track olive plantation in these areas and help the IDP's rebuild their economies, the government shall incorporate provision of free olive plants in overall rehabilitation and reconstruction efforts for the effected families as they move back to their respective areas.

Most good quality imported olive samplings are being sold for approximately Rs 300 per plant in the local market, which means less than $4 per plant. Hence, it shall cost only a few million dollars per year to import 1 million olive plants and distribute them in suitable areas to achieve desired results. It is the most cost efficient way to achieve socio-economic development in the affected areas.

Development of olive sector in suitable areas shall help uplift economies of these areas in long term on self sustainable basis by developing value chain including agro sector, oil processing units for local and export markets. Thus creating employment and business activity, which is direly needed to engage population of these areas into productive economic activities and increase family income through local resources.

Cultivation seasons

Most suitable plantation season is spring. However, during monsoon season plantation can also give successful results if rainfall is sufficient.

Annual Yield of Olive and Oil

Yield of olive and olive oil is quite lucrative and are generally more than most fruits and crops, which can be cultivated if at all in such areas. New plants provide better yield than grafted plants. Normally olive plant starts producing fruit in 5 years. However the production improves with every passing year. Few species produce fruit on alternate years. Following is the yield potential of olives based on data provided by international experts and by Pakistan Oil Seed Development Board based on fully matured olive tree.

The combined yield of the approx 890,000 hectares of suitable area amounts to nearly $1.65 Billion. At 60 percent utilisation, the sector can yield approximately $1 billion of olive oil. It is pertinent to mention that the total size of the suitable area is a lot more as several potential areas have not yet surveyed completely.

Oil extraction

Unlike other oil extraction industries, commercial olive oil extraction plants vary in capacity from small to large sizes. Smaller plants can start from 25 kg per hour and cost only $25,000. Olive oil extraction plants can be set up in a relatively smaller space. Smaller plants can be installed on medium size trucks as well, which can move to fall flung areas for processing of olives. The power needed can be provided by local electricity or generators. Mobile oil processing units serve as an economical and highly suitable option for oil processing in the mountainous terrains. It enables the farmers to process their olives for extracting oils at their door step. Oil extraction plants shall be an attractive business opportunity for locals, with a wide range of investment opportunity starting from small plants costing few million rupees to large size plants.

Industry dynamics in NWFP and other under developed areas

Olive oil extraction, refining, packaging and other related industries like pickles etc suit perfectly well to areas like NWFP, FATA and Balochistan due to potential of these areas to provide local raw material in the form of olives. Cost of such projects fall in modest range, suitable for local industrialists and new. It specially is an investment opportunity of greater importance as entrepreneurs in these areas lack good avenues for industrial investments. Hence, olive-based processing industrial sector in these areas shall be based on strong fundamentals, which is labour intensive and shall have widespread employment benefits. Starting from the agric production in underdeveloped and mostly mountainous areas to oil processing units with markets all over Pakistan and exports, this sector has immense value chain benefit to across section of economy and demographics, including considerable business and employment potential for transportation sector.

GDP growth potential

Based on annual yield of olive and the size of potential suitable areas, Pakistan can produce olive oil valuing more than $ 1 Billion annually which can result in significant GDP growth for many years to come till this sector reaches maturity. Especially considering the fact that most suitable areas are arid areas with little or none existing agriculture, olive shall provide additional income to families in these areas rather than a substitute crop.

Import substitution and export

Olive production has potential for immense import substitution and exports. Pakistan imports $ 1.5 to 2 Billion worth of edible oil annually. Hence, by effectively tapping this sector it can have direct positive impact of more than $1 Billion on our balance of payments.

Poverty elevation

Potential areas for olive plantation are generally arid regions including mountainous terrains therefore, it shall mostly provides additional agri income and employment opportunities for people of underdeveloped areas rather than an alternate source of income as substitute crop to areas already rich in agriculture. Hence, the olive sector has the potential to change income dynamics and living standards of a large section of population living in lower income and below poverty levels.

Diversification of agri economy

It provides an entirely new avenue for diversification of agriculture sector and Pakistan's exports, hence can add provide fundamental strength to our national economy.

Substitute to opium cultivation

Most areas plagued with poppy cultivation face problems of little or no alternate crop option, which can provide competitive yield due to mostly rugged land and tough climatic conditions. Olive is an excellent alternate crop in most such areas, which can provide yields much more than poppy (comparison of yields of olive with opium as per statistics available on website of United Nations Office of Drugs and Crimes).

Environment Friendly

Plantation of olive can lead to highly positive effects on environment, as it shall convert many barren areas into olive grooves, which are evergreen and require little water consumption.

Health benefits

Olive oil is highly rich in monounsaturated fat and antioxidant substances and therefore, good for health especially in protecting from heart diseases by controlling cholesterol. As heart related problems are very common in Pakistan, largely attributed to high fat content in our traditional style of culinary, adapting locally produced olive oil shall have large scale positive impact on public health.

Pakistan with proven suitable conditions for olive plantation has been lagging far behind in taking a meaningful start to tap this lucrative sector, which can play a crucial role in uplift of several underdeveloped areas, diversify our agriculture and industrial economies and help our nation stand on its own feet. Therefore, top most priority shall be given by the Federal, Provincial governments and FATA administration to launch a massive plantation campaign involving all important stake holders including the private sector and foreign assistance.

Today, the commentators are wondering as to why the democratic journey of Pakistan so often gets derailed. For our own national discourse, the debate over genesis of military intervention or the temptation to it is as important today, as it was any other time. Although given the fact that the military is engaged on many fronts and may not want people to evoke the memories of Musharraf-era, there has been a public expression of resentment among the military over the passage of Kerry-Lugar Bill.

The real reason as to why Pakistan couldn't become a democratic state is that it has become a militarised state, and dare one say, militarised society in many instances. We yearn for democracy but we do not live with democratic institutes, which may require patience. In fact, the very political art of bargaining is often dismissed as sellout. We love and understand the language of war as opposed to that of economy. We do not like to look at national charts but want to challenge the world.

Both the state and society feeds one another. The grand security narrative is a popular expression of explaining the foreign and defense policy down to the nation. Even some policy makers started believing in the narrative.

A state obsessed with security finds easy room for people associated with khaki uniforms. Our national security narrative ultimately favours the military; so much are they ingrained in the decision-making that even coups in Pakistan are to be added with the word 'bloodless.'

Specifically, starting with Zia, the civilians are bereft of true decision-making when it comes to foreign and security affairs of the country. In fact, the two affairs are so much inter-joined that we have a militarised foreign policy.

The recent debate over the Kerry-Lugar Bill is an apt example. While the conditions attached in the bill may be debatable, the nature of the debate is all the more interesting. Commentators are wondering if the civilians are trying to control the military, as if such an act would be unconstitutional. Worst of all, instead of looking into the pros and cons of a policy or a condition, the news reports have largely out of focus -- that the bill won't pass, that US administration won't give aid directly as the bill identifies private channels, and that Pakistan's man in Washington influenced the whole US Congress in going for such a version. In fact, whenever a commentator tries to elicit a laughter by expressing surprise if the man in D.C. is really the "ambassador of Pakistan to US and not of US to Pakistan," one is reminded of the late-1980s when a Pashtun nationalist Wali Khan was asked by a journalist if he (Wali Khan) could prioritise whether he is a "Pashtun first, a Pakistani first or a Muslim first." Clearly, more than substance, the intention was to amuse the crowd based on mutual suspicion bred by state.

It is not the first time, either. We forget how Benazir Bhutto was asked never to interfere in the security issues when she came to power in 1988. Specifically, she was asked not to interfere in foreign policy of immediate neighbors as well as defense and nuclear policy. There are disputes over whether she agreed or not, but when she invited Rajeev Gandhi to Pakistan, she was made an example. Everyone was agreed that she is a sellout. During her second tenure, she seemed to have realised and instead made much overtures to the military, not least signalling towards the formation of the Taliban movement.

Likewise, Sharif's relations with the military also soured when it came to security affairs. During his first term in office, the pro-Saudi Sharif wanted to send troops to Saudi Arabia during first Gulf War while the anti-US General Beg wanted US be taught a lesson and therefore, publicly opposed Sharif's pro-US stance. Both couldn't see eye to eye afterwards. Similarly, during his second tenure, Sharif parted ways with his COAS Musharraf over India policy. While Sharif was lending hand of friendship to India, the Kargil misadventure stopped everything. Worst of all, Shairf had to rush to US to convince Clinton to secure a ceasefire. This broke the relations between the prime minister and COAS, ultimately hunting the former.

These are not revelations but are well-documented in books written on that era. However, since airwaves shock us more these days, no soul-searching is possible. However, still, take the recent revelations of Brigadier Imtiaz Billa, which is fresh in the mind of the nation (the definition of nation is fast becoming a TV following audience as every politician and commentator claim that 'qaum' is with him based on SMS counts that scrolls down.) As Billa narrates, he was asked by his boss, General Beg, to subvert the elected government of BB in 1989; we never wondered why but instead kept on focusing the motives of Billa's appearance. The answer to why is: Beg didn't like Bhutto's stand on issues like nuclear policy, Afghanistan, etc.

It is not to suggest that the military's view should be sidelined completely. But ideally, it should translate into defense policy and be shared with the government. According to David Chutan, an expert on civil-military relations, in a normal country, it is foreign policy with security and then defense policy. While foreign policy is an end, defense policy is one of the means or instruments to attain that end. This can be seen in US, where explanation of foreign relations starts with trade relation. However, the reversal -- the dictation of defense to foreign policy -- is possible in countries largely dominated by the military. Pakistan is one such country.

The militarisation of foreign policy puts the civilian in direct and open confrontation with the military. The foreign policy of civilians is largely economy-oriented such as by boosting trade between countries; this conflicts with defense policy, which wants relations with countries to be derived from it. Had defense policy not affected domestic policies, the civilians would be better off with keep the military at bay by handing them the keys. This is what civilians also think so. However, both the players soon realise that the two are not converging on which policy should dictate which one. This is a harsh lesson for all, including Washington who may desire to chip its bet against one or another may ultimately prove as all the governments ultimately end up going for a foreign policy that boosts trade and economy. Political players realise the importance of a functioning economy over remaining obsessed with wars -- a point learnt even by Musharraf while he was in power.

Moreover, even the military of Pakistan is modern, professional and engages with people from all walk of lives on security affairs; it too may not necessarily want to be the ultimate decision maker. However, given the fact that it is also a bureaucracy, it ends up not listening to the other. Additionally, the culpability of civilians in not taking interest in defense affairs and terming it "sensitive" ultimately makes them parrot textbooks. This harms Pakistan and its military equal; instead of becoming state's policies, they are attached with a military man -- we, the Pakistanis are first to blast it after two decades sharing how the military stopped the civilians from pursuing a foreign policy.

Resorting to the normalcy of using defense policy as an instrument of foreign policy would take time. That may either require changes at the decision-making on the one side or another.

The latter one, the change at defense policy, is normally possible through initiatives such as security sector reform (SSR), which demands accountability and transparency when it comes to security area -- something along the line of what was demanded in the conditions of the bill. However, resistance to military will come from a strong bureaucracy that may not move from the status quo. For the same reason, SSR takes a lot of effort in post-authoritarian countries than sometimes even in post-conflict countries. The military will deflect it, as it did now. More on, the civilians have to come forward to take active part in defense issues; it is their own lack of interest in these affairs that make them parrot what is taught in the textbooks.

For one, we can open up the foreign policy to an extent that it doesn't take dictation from defense policy. Trade relations with neighbours will corner defense as one of the many instruments. It is to be noted that both India and China owe their rise to growing economies -- and not to any built up of forces. Ultimately, culture must change; it must favours democratic values. Thus, if Pakistan is to function as a democracy, the grand narrative will transform.

Proper governance of land and its transparent and judicious disposal are prerequisites to ensuring access by the poor to housing

By Dr Noman Ahmed

World Habitat Day passed on October 5 with the routine fanfare and colourful advertisements in the media. Little commitment could be observed from the policy makers around this most important issue. The present government claims to be democratic and representative on all counts. It has pledged to the polity the access to essentials of life including housing. However Iit is found, however, that the option of housing to the urban poor -- which now constitutes an ever expanding group -- is all but severely constrained. It goes without saying that the proportion of urban dwellers is increasing fast, Majority of these new category of residents belong to the lowest economic strata of the society. The direct and indirect impact of state policies has dwindled the chances to acquire housing of this cross section to an alarming extent. Scientific evidence and research in this domain is replete with examples that inform us the correlation between homelessness and crime (read terrorism) in the present idiom!

In Pakistan, shelter has become a grave problem for a vast majority of population. The low income groups in urban and rural contexts face the burgeoning challenge. The number and typology of vulnerable groups is escalating at an exponential rate. People are displaced due to ingress of militant groups and consequent state strikes. The access to housing is denied on count of religious beliefs, ethnic origins, social orientations and even cultural preferences. Cyclic displacements of population from disaster prone and economically degenerating regions to relatively prosperous contexts have become rampant. Karachi in Sindh; Quetta in Balochistan; Faisalabad, Lahore and Rawalpindi in Punjab and Peshawar in NWFP are all facing the brunt of this haywire phenomenon. With census indefinitely delayed, proper quantification has become utmost difficult.

Land has now become a commodity which is transacted on the basis of political expediency and commercial gains. It is no longer treated as a social asset for the benefit of masses. Decisions for land disposal are taken in an arbitrary manner. Laws for disposal of urban lands have been repealed in more urbanized provinces such as Sindh. No public consultation, invitation of public objection, approval by planning agencies through a stipulated process or even competitive bidding -- which is the bare minimum yardstick of fairness -- are applied in these deals. This state of affairs clearly establish the fact that the laissez-fair capitalism has out -- performed all the logical, regulatory and administrative approaches in respect of land development. Scores of land development schemes that are randomly announced in various cities are examples.

Schemes for land and housing for the low income groups have not been prepared for a very long time. There has been no dearth of flagship projects with political tags but their scale and profile is extremely limited. Traditionally existing pattern of land ownership has a direct bearing on its transition in the urban scenario. The clan influences, appropriation and possession of land were the important factors that governed the directions of development. When land was in private ownership under traditional landlords, they lobbied with the public sector officials to devise the development policies/priorities to maximize their own benefit. Planning and development of communication schemes, transportation projects and investment in infrastructure schemes were largely manipulated on the same basis. The fringes of large cities are the most important choices in this regard. The north western outskirts of Karachi is one of the main locations where local landlords have traditionally benefited from the growth of the city. The poor, lower middle and middle income groups in the country have an extremely constrained access to housing credit which is the key prerequisite to home ownership. The cities, which account for nearly forty percent of population, do not have subsidy of any kind in the domain of housing.

Even when subsidies were available, mechanisms of distribution were not compatible for the real needy to make benefit from them. As the commercial financial institutions do not have credit line touching base with socio-economics of the down trodden, public credit agencies becomes the sole point of hope. The House Building Finance Corporation is struggling to survive due to a number of operational and management reasons. It requires instant overhauling in the larger interest of genuine clients that it is supposed to serve.

Proper preparation and updating of land records and their communication to all stakeholder groups is a pre-requisite to effective land management. Nineteen years ago, the Karachi Metropolitan Corporation (KMC – now defunct) commissioned a broad based study of urban land use and management. The study, which was supported by the World Bank, aimed at analyzing the various trends and dynamics of land utilization patterns. The study provided a comprehensive analysis of the urban land market, real estate trends in various key locations, informal settlements and legal and administrative elements affecting the overall land supply and development. Whereas the study was undertaken as part of the Karachi Special Development Project under donor assistance, it served as a useful tool for understanding the Karachi's land use and development scenario.

Proper governance of land and its transparent and judicious disposal are prerequisites to ensuring access by the poor to housing. It must be clearly understood that land is such a resource which cannot be regenerated. Its inappropriate usage must be checked. An effective means to deal with this vital issue is to structure an information base which provides factual knowledge without dispute. The creation of such a resource shall frustrate corrupt practices by itself. Building of information base shall help streamline the transactions, land use planning as well as preparation of overall development scenario for the urban contexts. Modern day markets can only be enhanced through availability of up to date information that create level playing fields for all stakeholders under relevant regulatory framework. As a starting point, it may be started from few cities such as Islamabad, Lahore and Karachi. Thereafter it can be applied to all the cities and regions in the country.

...and lessons learnt

Though it is too early to conclude but hands of the regional powers in the GHQ incident cannot be ignored though we have to see who will benefit more from an unstable Pakistan. In today's competitive world, nations enter into economic wars using all means to curb growing and developing nations. Our neighbours already know that militarily they cannot pose a threat to nuclear Pakistan but they are using other factors against us to destabilise us. Though terrorism is not a home grown issue in today's economically frustrated world nor it is connected to poverty and illiteracy. If that was the case then, Africa, India, and Bangladesh and even to some extent China has more poor people and illiteracy than Muslim countries particularly Pakistan. After all we all know that the operatives behind al-Qaida are not 'illiterate' and 'poor'. Nevertheless they have the education and money to fund terrorism and defame religion and Pakistan in particular.

The link between attack at GHQ and the recent attack at Indian embassy in Kabul cannot be ruled out, the attack at latter seems to be more of a self created saga by India. The recent concerns shown by NATO forces and US military and US administration about the growing presence of India in Afghanistan, which is obviously not for the purpose of trade, further washed India's ambitious dreams. Hence the best way to revenge was to allegedly harbour a symbolic attack on GHQ though the motive could not be fully achieved. The motive is simple by sponsoring and harbouring terrorism in Pakistan and using western lobby's against Pakistan our neighbours can achieve their nefarious designs. After all in such a situation like this there will be no local business activity leave aside International Investment. There will no tourism, there will be no employment opportunity, hotel industry will suffer, consumer industry will suffer resulting in unemployment, poverty, frustration and then our youth will be at the mercy of al-Qaida and will embrace Talibanisation.

It will be far too easy to have Pakistan labelled as a terrorist state than going to war since war will not serve the purpose for our enemies and even if it did we could still be recognizable economy with time. In today's civilized world nations enter into business with civilized nations and not countries labelled as extremist. Even if we will not become extremists by virtue of being labelled but who will invest in a country where there is no security to life and property. On the geopolitical front India wants to silent Pakistan on the issue of Kashmir cause, after all 9/11 has benefited India more than anyone else and its wrongful claim of Kashmir. But since freedom fighting is now confused with terrorism India finds it a way to use it against Pakistan by not returning to talks.

Our international policy, which is in amid of being called a "policy" is tilted more towards west. Pakistan is the only known nation to have made friends not only geographically and culturally apart but wrongly ignoring its neighbourhood. Without realisation that our neighbourhood has gained too much importance and is the centre of the world attention and our inability to get recognition in our own neighbourhood has jeopardised our international policy. Our voice is going unheard and our issues to national security are being ignored.

Pakistan who has always depended on western allies always paid the cost in shape of regional isolation. What benefits Pakistan gained during the Russian invasion of Afghanistan, when India was a major Russian ally and Pakistan was western ally. As a nation we gained only isolation compare to our neighbors and Al-Qeada as reward. We took on the war on terror for America but India remained the blue eyed for US and western powers. In returned we were either offered old cache of military equipment from the remains of Korean or Cambodian war and this time the Iraq war. Upon complaining a little we get aid in shape of Kerry-Lugar bill which is more of a demon than help. We are never offered trade to aid but always asked to aid during time of need. The question is Why?

The recent article written by M.J. 'Akbar Facts, Truth and Strategy' in Khaleej Times, on October 5, which surprisingly did not catch an eye by many in our sleeping think tanks in Pakistan is a real eye opener. He says, "There is a rational reason why China has decided to exploit Indian weaknesses and contradictions through rhetoric and provocative gestures on the border and in its Delhi embassy. It seeks to keep India off-balance, to the extent it can, at a time of great existential discomfort for its ally Pakistan. Pakistan has always sought Chinese help in its confrontation with India. China has given it, although never to the point where it becomes counterproductive. The games theory in Islamabad and Beijing surely is that if Pakistan has to worry about two fronts, then at the very least, so should India. Our weakness becomes an opportunity for China and an invitation to Pakistan. Witness the latter's supreme indifference to concerns about the Lashkar-e-Taeba."

It is evident that even our best friend China with whom we have long strong political friendship because there is no people to people contact. China wants to keep a balance in its relationship with Pakistan and other regional economies and powers. Since Pakistanis proudly and ignorantly keep on building ties with the west both personal and commercial thus wrongly ignoring its impact it may have on us as a nation in coming years.

China which is now the world top economy and a major superpower does not view Pakistan as a key ally as it did many years ago because we failed to develop people to people connection between our two nations. We did not address China's concerns over alleged involvement in Western province of Uighur by Pakistani based extremist outfits. Our businessmen continued to establish in the West and ignored regional opportunities. Whereas friends and allies are made on the basis of people to people contact through which there is exchange of culture, language, and investment.

Over the years while Pakistan wrongly blew its trumpet of its proud relations with the West, India and China engaged themselves in regional building. They both have paved way for regional countries to invest in their economies and today both China and India has not only invested in each other but attracted astonishing amount of investment from major Asian tigers and Giants. This strengthened and reinforced their position as key regional locations which bought sympathies in the most populated continent of the world, Asia.

In the last 1 decade India rightly made the move to invest in China which at least broke the long salient barrier between the Governments of the two countries. Though, both the governments may not have so cordial relations, which I see now changing since China appreciates commercial interest in developing closer ties with India. India through this right move can finish the long standoff with its rival and both can then enjoy their supremacy globally and immortally since half of the world is India and China anyway.

It is an absolute failure of our policies both international and local that we are yet again cornered and trapped in the menace of terrorism and terrorism is connected to Pakistan though we have very little to do with it. The world gives weight to what India says since it has demonstrated relatively better economic reforms, diplomatic ties, investment opportunities, and developed human resource, stable political system.

So which side does Pakistan stand East or West what is our foreign policy? Whereas Japan who is one of our key Aid provider has no people to people contact. Japan beside a handful of investment portfolio in Pakistan does not rate Pakistan as a key regional ally or investment safe corridor. Today ASEAN is a more powerful business club than NATO or any other association globally which is dominated by South East Asian Economies. China is a key player too, but Pakistan is unfortunately outside its membership and is only an observer and even then we keep moving West. In 2005, the bloc spanned over an area of 4.46 million sq. km with a combined GDP (Nominal/PPP) of about $896.5 billion/$2,728 billion growing at an average rate of around 5.6 percent per annum. Nominal GDP had grown to $1.4 trillion in 2008.

Though, this tarnished image of Pakistan may not go away that soon but we need to readdress our approach with regards to our foreign policy. Though in this so called global village we cannot rightly ignore the importance of Europeans and Americans but one should first get recognition in its neighbourhood than by others. Pakistan needs to find an opportunity to reiterates it position regionally it must find ways to mend fences with Russia while India is busy making friends elsewhere and ignoring its old ally. Pakistan should continue to build even closer relations with China but should encourage more people to people contact. Should encourage Pakistani educationist and qualified teachers to teach at key universities in China and Japan and other Far Eastern locations before our opponent leave no opportunity for us in that area as well. Pakistani businessmen should find business opportunity in East and not West, Pakistan should find ways to change the perception portrayed by western media regionally first.

While nuclear Pakistan and a professional army has in many ways attributed to our right of existence and our security but we have failed to achieve our economic growth. Our economic growth in terms of real growth is far less than Thailand, India and many other developing countries. It's time to think about an economic revolution which will ensure stable Pakistan and that cannot be done on the behest of western aid but trade and bilateral regional relationship. An economic revolution will help us rehabilitate the derailed and extremists.

We must gather and muster support from our allies in stopping aid to Al-Qeada from Middle East and other Muslim countries which continues to pour in by millions of dollars. Our Army must through a policy of stick and carrot clean Al-Qeada from our land. The real threat remains Al-Qeada and not Talibans since the later is playing in the hands of Al-Qeada.