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secularism
debate Made
in America, sold in Quetta Towards
tele-governance issue By Aoun Sahi Since it came to power in 2008, the PPP government has pledged several times its commitment to partial or total abolition of death penalty from the country, but without any progress on the issue. On June 21, 2008, Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani’s announced during his address to the National Assembly that his government would soon forward a proposal to the Presidency to convert all death sentences into life imprisonment. The federal cabinet also adopted a proposal on July 2, 2008, to commute the death sentence of around 7000 condemned prisoners.
The onlyway forward Can religion be a source of permanent unity of a state? The
case of Pakistan By Moonis Ahmar Secularism is perceived as the most misinterpreted term in
Pakistan in particular and in the Muslim world in general. The emergence of
Pakistan as a nation-state on August 14, 1947, following the partition of the
Indian sub-continent and the withdrawal of the British from the region,
unleashed a debate about the rationale of creating a country on the basis of
religion. Pakistan was the first modern state which was formed on the basis
of religion but whose founding fathers never wanted a theocratic state. Before arguing for secularism, it is important to understand how it can help cope with religious schism, polarisation, fanaticism and conflicts at different levels in Pakistan. Can religion be a source of permanent unity of a state? Pakistan and Israel were the two states which came into being on the basis of religion more or less at the same time and both still feel insecure vis-à-vis their neighbours. Furthermore, their ethnic-lingual contradictions negate the argument about the permanence of a religious bond. Both Pakistan and Israel prevent the holding of highest public office by non-Muslims and non-Jews. If the 1973 constitution of Pakistan debars non-Muslims from holding the office of president and prime minister, Israel’s cabinet recently passed a loyalty bill "that requires new non-Jewish citizens to pledge a loyalty oath to a Jewish and democratic state". The bill was criticised by Israeli Arabs as an attempt to strengthen the inferior status of Arabs by the Israeli law. In the case of Pakistan, thousands of people have been killed on sectarian grounds, raising a fundamental question about the role of religion in running the affairs of state: Whether the religious nature of Pakistani state is a source of more schism and violence or less? The debate between Islam and secularism in Pakistan is not new. During the last forty years, those who viewed secularism as anti-Islam were able to create substantial doubts in the minds of people because of a lack of proper consciousness and better education. Secular forces, which could have thrived in a viable political process, failed to assume a dominant position in Pakistan’s state and societal structures because of deep-rooted misgiving and mistrust unleashed by the religious right about the very term secularism. The Urdu translation of secular was depicted as "atheist’ which made it very difficult for an ordinary Muslim Pakistani to resist and challenge it. If the definitions of secular and secularism are analysed in the context of Pakistan, three things come to mind. First, secular thought is not against religion but it tries to consider religion as a personal and private affair. The phenomenon of secularism got an institutional shape several centuries ago. Since the end of thirty years war in Europe between Catholics and Protestants leading to the treaty of Westphalia in 1648, a secular order in Europe was crafted, which separated church from state and paved the way for religious tolerance, de-linking of religion from politics thus ensuring political stability and pluralism. Second, secularism in its true form can only survive if the nature of state is egalitarian and welfare-oriented so that people are provided with basic social and political justice and are not pitted against each other on parochial issues. Extremist and fanatic forces only thrive in an environment where reasoning is discouraged and dogmatism patronised by powerful segments of society. Third, human development and modernisation negate a retrogressive approach and to a large extent discourage those elements who exploit and manipulate ethnic or religious cleavages for their own interests. But, it doesn’t mean that a secular state can assure religious freedom and security to minorities because adhering to secular order and giving it a constitutional cover is one thing and pursuing a mindset which is a religious is different. The discourse in Pakistan on secularism versus religion is not new. Two contradictory schools of thought exist here. The first argues that a state created in the name of Islam has no scope for secularism. Whereas, the second school of thought holds there is no contradiction between Islam and secularism and the religious right in Pakistan taking advantage of the ignorance of common people has misguided them by misinterpreting religion. In reality, this school of thought holds, secularism is not against religion but pursues a neutral approach on religious matters. Pakistan’s discourse on secularism and Islam is largely misplaced because both sides accuse each other of misinterpreting the main idea of Pakistan. If intolerance, militancy, extremism and prejudices form the genesis of conflict formation in today’s Pakistan, the prudent way to deal with such challenges is to promote a secular order which can discourage all such forces that thrive on the basis of hate and paranoia. Sectarian conflict in Pakistan has had a lethal impact on society. Had the state of Pakistan been secular and pursued a pragmatic approach on sensitive issues, sectarian cleavages would not have claimed thousands of lives and suicide attacks on religious places of workshop could have been avoided. Political parties of Pakistan which should have promoted tolerance, peace coexistence and accommodation at the societal level failed to exclude those elements from their rank and file who were responsible for religious extremism and inter and intra-sectarian discord. True, the misperception about secularism also made it difficult for secular-minded people to convince others to de-link religion from politics. Since the early 1950s, exploitation of religion for political purposes became a common practice in Pakistan and the hope of dealing with conflicts by pursuing a neutral approach diminished. Unfortunately, the use of religion for political purposes and its exploitation to exclude various segments of society deepened polarisation and insecurity in Pakistan. In 1974, following riots and acts of violence unleashed by various religious groups, Ahmadis were declared as non-Muslims by the parliament of Pakistan. Their exclusion from Islam encouraged other sects to target each other. Soon, some hardline Sunni groups demanded that Shiite, a minority sect in Islam, should be declared non-Muslims. Then, within the Sunni sect, the process of exclusion deepened resulting into the outbreak of inter and intra-sectarian conflict to the extent that Pakistan became a battleground for the Saudi and Iranian proxy war. Saudis began to support the hardcore Sunni Wahabi sect whereas, after the Islamic revolution in Iran, the government in Tehran began to patronise the pro-Iranian Shiite groups. What is left in Pakistan as a result of the surge of clergy and the marginalisation of secular forces is militancy, extremism and terrorism. The only way Pakistan can deal with its grave socio-economic and political issues is by delinking religion from politics and by promoting an egalitarian order which ensures tolerance, a sound justice system, political pluralism, rule of law and economic opportunities for all citizens regardless of their place of origin, gender and religious beliefs. (The writer teaches International Relations at the
University of Karachi. E. Mail: amoonis@hotmail.com)
Made in America, sold in Quetta A variety of looted or smuggled American goods galore in Kabari Market and warehouses By Muhammad Ejaz Khan Now you don’t need to go to the United States to buy quality American goods. Just visit ‘Kabari Market’ and warehouses on the outskirts of Quetta to buy anything. The goods on sale here include military uniforms, shoes, pistol cases, knives, jerry-cans, air conditioners, fibre-glass containers, medicine kits, food items, books, portable furniture, hiking kits, binoculars, military boots, torches, tools, medical equipment, office supplies, electric appliances, and even private family letters and photographs. However, all these items are reportedly either stolen from
Nato containers supplying goods to Western troops in Afghanistan or smuggled
from Afghanistan. Despite strict directives of the government to the federal anti-smuggling agencies to curb smuggling across the border, the smuggled contraband items, including new and reconditioned vehicles, are available in Quetta markets, denting the worsening economy of the country. These smuggled and looted goods are available in large quantity in the provincial capital’s markets. Dozens of shops are full of contraband items at Zarghoon Road where a variety of different items —which were meant to be supplied to the Nato troops in Afghanistan — are for sale on cheap rate. Long queues of people buying American goods could be seen in the market. "American goods are number one and everything is of best quality here," Umar Gul, a truck driver who bought American shoes, tells TNS in the market. Asked how they get these goods, Afghan national Anwar Khan, owner of a shop, replies, "most of the material which is for sale in Quetta markets come from Afghanistan, where there are markets everywhere that sell similar goods." Goods displayed in shops include some of the best novels, warfare books and biographies with price tags ranging from Rs60 to Rs90. Majority of the vendors in the market are local tribesmen from the Pashtun tribes of Balochistan while a number of them are Afghan nationals. Last year, Quetta police raided warehouses on Spini Road,
seized advanced telecommunication and electronic equipment and arrested three
accused. Police disclosed that it had also seized x-ray machines, wireless
sets, stretchers, computers, building materials and other goods which were
looted from a Nato container which was on its way from Karachi to Afghanistan
via Balochistan. "Police conduct raids whenever they receive any information about such warehouses of the looted goods," IG Police Malik Muhammad Iqbal tells TNS. However, the police could not trace out the gangs involved in looting or attacking the Nato convoys. Previously, attacks on Nato containers were rare. However, in the past couple of years, the supply convoys are frequently attacked in Quetta and other parts of Balochistan. During the last one week, dozens of oil tankers carrying fuel for Nato troops in Afghanistan have been set ablaze in Quetta, Sibi, Kalat and Khuzdar districts. The Balochistan government, despite limited resourses, claims to have been extending all out support to Nato in respect of security to its supplies. Chief Minister Nawab Aslam Raisani had recently told William J Martin, the US Consul General based at Karachi, that security for Nato supplies on highways passing through Balochistan could be improved if Nato countries help the provincial government financially. The Balochistan government believes better security measures could be adopted if the supplies are carried from the Gwadar Port instead of the Karachi Port. Containers once sealed at the Karachi port are not allowed to be checked by Pakistani officials at the Pak-Afghan border. Observers believe this strategy poses a potential threat because lethal weapons are falling into the hands of militants. caption Loot sale: American goods on display at Quetta markets.
Low-cost mobile telephony and high teledensity can help end corruption in government departments By Shahzada Irfan Ahmed Over the last many years, the government has repeatedly
made public its resolve to introduce e-governance in the country to
streamlines official business and root out corruption. Though the system was
introduced in select sections of select departments, on the whole it has
remained more of a distant dream for all. What happened in most of the cases was that the government departments hosted static websites with outdated content and contact details of officials. Emails sent at these addresses were never answered. Same was the fate of land revenue record automation programme, which envisaged digitisation of revenue record and its sharing among various officials through computer networks. The purpose, according to the government sources, was to make land transfers easy by loosening the ages-old control of Revenue Department clerks (patwaris) on revenue records. Under the programme, citizens could get a printout of transfer deed or fard (ownership certificate) from anywhere at a nominal cost without greasing the palms of patwaris. Zubair K Bhatti, former DCO Jhang, individually experimented with e-governance, or more appropriately called tele-governance, by using low cost mobile telephony and the ever-increasing teledensity two years ago. The September 26, 2009 issue of Economist had referred to this experiment in its special report on telecoms in emerging markets. Referring to Bhatti’s exercise in Jhang district, the report says: "Mobile phones can also be used to root out corruption in more direct ways. For example, Zubair Bhatti, a Pakistani bureaucrat, calls all clerks in the Jhang district who handled land transfers to submit a daily list of transactions, giving the amount paid and the mobile-phone numbers of the buyer and the seller." The report adds, "Bhatti used to call buyers and sellers at random to find out whether they had been asked to pay any bribe." Bhatti had extended the scheme to other areas by cracking down on vets who demanded bribes from farmers, and had proposed that the Jhang model, as it is known, be adopted in other districts. Bhatti’s model has been adopted, after an unnecessary delay, in five districts of the province, including Bahawalpur, Narowal and Gujranwala. Bahawalpur Commissioner Mian Mushtaq tells TNS that governance gets smooth after the introduction of this system. He says they are compiling a comprehensive data about the citizens contacted under this programme and their complaints addressed. DCO Narowal Waqas Mahmood tells TNS that the community feedback system is operational in registration branch, medico-legal wing of health department, domicile branch and record branch of the district. He says the system has helped reduce corruption in the district and improved the performance of civil servants. "We have also installed CCTV cameras and scanners at registry branch and points where citizens interact with government servants," Waqas Mahmood adds. "These video recordings and images can be provided to inquiry committees." Mahmood has also prepared an assessment report on the community feedback exercise and pointed out the reasons behind spread of corruption. His report says: "Unfortunately, the basic service delivery outlets such as police stations, heath facilities, govt. offices etc., have become the biggest strongholds of corruption where people are looted by using delaying tactics." He adds, "one of the unique features of community feedback model is that nobody has to spend any time or resources to approach an officer for lodging a complaint, rather officers are approaching them for redressing their complaints."
issue Perilous peace By Amir Zia They are supposedly partners in the ruling Sindh coalition, but distrust and revulsion to one another run deep in their rank and file. Since the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) and the Awami National Party (ANP) joined hands to run the show in this ethnically divided and polarised province after the 2008 elections, their zealots are locked in a low-intensity bloody conflict to gain an upper hand in its capital, Karachi. It is a turf-war and a battle for supremacy that has been
raging for the past several decades. And with each passing year, it has
intensified because the state institutions miserably failed to lay down and
enforce rules of the game. The bloody contradiction among the key and marginal political players stems from the massive economic stakes that fuels violence, crime and terrorism in the country’s industrial hub and largest city rather than ideological or political grounds. The result: Karachi continues to bleed. Non-stop political assassinations, kidnappings and torture of political rivals, mass murders of civilians and destruction of private and public property keep the cauldron of Karachi on the boil all the time. The recent spurt of violence, which gained momentum in the run up to PS-94 by-elections, killing more than 75 people just in four days — October 16-20 — has again underlined the gravity and complexity of the situation. The climax of this latest bout of bloodshed came when gunmen riding motorcycles sprayed bullets on shopkeepers in Kabari Market, located in the volatile Shershah neighbourhood, killing13 civilians and wounding many more. These killings not just sparked more violence, but further strained ties among the coalition partners, who managed to put a gloss to their widening rift and tussle with an announcement that both the PPP and the MQM continue to work for peace in the city where more than 1,100 people have been killed so far this year. But the target of achieving peace is easier said than done. "Peace can only be achieved if the ruling parties agree to walk the talk," a senior police officer, requesting anonymity, tells TNS. "The latest bloodletting is not just the simple issue of bye-elections. There are many factors and players involved. It is a far bigger and complex problem… the fire can be ignited on any pretext." And indeed that has been the pattern of violence in Karachi. An operation against encroachers, a road accident, an ill-fated love affair between a married Baloch woman and an Urdu-speaking man, as it happened earlier this year, or a bigger political question can plunge the city into violence and chaos. The irony is that followers of not just key parties, but also smaller ones have their share in the bloodletting. Faisal Subzwari, a senior MQM leader and a provincial minister, told TNS that several MQM activists were murdered in the run-up to the PS-94 by-elections. The seat fell vacant following the murder of MQM’s Sindh Assembly member Raza Haider, who was gunned down in August allegedly by militants of a banned sectarian group. The ANP pitted its candidate in this constituency, considered a MQM stronghold for the past several elections. But later, the ANP boycotted the polls, accusing the MQM of using strong-arm tactics. Subzwari, however, said ANP’s goal was just to create an impression that it remains a major stakeholder in Karachi. "In 2008 elections, ANP secured barely 960 votes against our candidate’s more than 80,000. It was never a serious contest as we again secured this seat hands down." But the victory came at a heavy price because of the violence ahead and after the by-elections in which all the three coalition partners say that they lost loyalists along with scores of ordinary citizens. Jamil Somroo, a senior PPP leader and an advisor to the Sindh Chief Minister, told TNS that his party did not field a candidate against the MQM in line with President Asif Zardari’s policy of reconciliation. "We believe that it was the time to show graciousness… MQM’s MPA was murdered. It was the aggrieved party. We also requested the ANP to withdraw candidate in MQM’s favour." However, not all the PPP leaders want to be that gracious with the MQM. Abdul Qadir Patel, PPP’s Member National Assembly, claims that statistics of killings show that the non-Urdu speaking people, including Baloch and Pakhtoons, lost more lives. "This does not mean that the PPP does not have Urdu-speaking people in its ranks," he was quick to add. For the ANP, its tussle with the MQM emerges from the fact that this urban-based party remains intolerant to accept any other new rising force in the city. "In the last elections, we won two provincial seats. Now they fear that we would get four in the next elections," Ameen Khattak, ANP’s provincial general secretary, tells TNS. "We say that peace cannot be achieved by mere statements… let’s have dialogue and list issues. In Karachi, Pakhtoons struggle for getting education and employment." While indeed the list of grievances, not just from the ANP, but also the MQM and the PPP, remains a long one, reflecting the myriad social, political, economic, infrastructure and development issues of this mega-city, a senior police official says that all the major parties in one way or the other contribute to the prevailing lawlessness. "The issue of criminalisation of politics remains unaddressed," said the police official. "This is the core problem. Land encroachers, drug peddlers, assassins — all operate under the cover of this political party or that. "The Kabari Market killings were also carried out by criminals because of the rift over extortion money," he claimed. MQM officials blame the militants of ANP and pro-PPP Peace (Amn) Committee of Lyari for working hand-in-hand to disturb the peace of the city. The Peace Committee comprises followers of Rehman Dakait, who was killed in a controversial police encounter in 2009. Rehman had tried to enter politics and build a support-base through social work. His followers, now led by one of his relative, Uzair Baloch, even keep some of the key PPP stalwarts, including Nabeel Gabol, from entering their constituency. Police say that the Peace Committee activists had their fair share in the October killings. Subzwari said that in the past politicians used to patronise criminals. "But in Lyari, it is the criminals, who patronise politicians." PPP’s Patel admitted that some hot-heads within the PPP ranks and the Peace Committee think that they can expand base by imitating the MQM and its ‘gun-culture’. "We see more violence now because there are forces which now challenge the MQM." Subzwari said that peace suits his party. "MQM and the city benefit from peace in terms of increased economic activity and development." "There are hidden hands within the establishment and the government which have not changed their mindset. They fan violence. Yes, the top PPP leadership can be for reconciliation, but as far as Karachi is concerned, hawks within the PPP seem to prevail." As Karachi remains on tenterhooks fearing a new bout of violence, the uneasy Sindh coalition has survived for now. And even if this uneasy partnership survives, will it change the fortunes of Karachi, resolve its protracted issues and bring a sustainable peace here?
Controversy over abolition of death penalty has baffled prisoners on death row and Prison Department By Aoun Sahi Since it came to power in 2008, the PPP government has pledged several times its commitment to partial or total abolition of death penalty from the country, but without any progress on the issue. On June 21, 2008, Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani’s announced during his address to the National Assembly that his government would soon forward a proposal to the Presidency to convert all death sentences into life imprisonment. The federal cabinet also adopted a proposal on July 2, 2008, to commute the death sentence of around 7000 condemned prisoners. Interestingly, the Federal Law Ministry strongly opposed
the federal cabinet’s proposal on July 4, 2008, claiming the decision was a
violation of Islamic laws. The initiative also failed to take off after the
former Chief Justice of Supreme Court, Abdul Hameed Dogar, took suo motu
action and issued notices to the attorney general and ministries of Interior
and Law seeking explanation. It made the government to rethink its strategy
and, despite the suspension of capital punishment through an executive order,
the government decided to abolish it through an amendment in the law. Farooq H Naik, the then law minister, told media more than once that by the end of November 2008, a review bill would be presented to the parliament. On October 19, 2008, he revealed that his ministry had forwarded a summary for removing the death penalty from the Pakistan Penal Code to the prime minister. Later, on November 22, the National Assembly was informed by the then adviser to prime minister on interior, Rehman Malik, through a written reply to a question that the government was considering a proposal, being processed by the Law Ministry, to abolish death penalty in the country. Though President Asif Ali Zardari has put on hold the execution of capital punishment till December 2010, no effort has been made yet to amend the penal system for a partial or total abolition of capital punishment. According to Amnesty International, Pakistan currently has around one third of the world’s total death row prisoners. "The government has not carried out judicial executions since September 2008, while the death penalty remains in place. The situation is very confusing for more than 7700 prisoners on death row (the largest number in any country in the world) in the country. They are totally unaware of their fate", says Ansar Burney, ex-human rights minister and Chairman Ansar Burney Trust International. Burnney, who is a regular visitor of jails in Pakistan as UN Expert Advisor on Human Rights, tells TNS that in prisons across Pakistan, there are many condemned prisoners who have spent over one to two life sentences in death cells. "There are prisoners who have become crippled or mentally retarded due to the cruel and inhumane treatment, and there are prisoners who had crossed the age of 100." The confusion on the issue has resulted in creating multiple issues both for prisoners and prison authorities. The uncertainty about their fate has made many of the condemned prisoner psychosis and some of them have committed suicide in the recent past. "We are forced to put as many as six condemned prisoners in a cell that was made to accommodate one," says a senior official of Lahore District Jail on condition of anonymity. He says that many of them have already been in jail for the last 12 to 14 years. "It takes at least five years for a prisoner on death row to get hearing of his/her petition in high courts after they are awarded punishment by sessions courts. They are a permanent source of headache for jail managements and it is not easy to keep them apart from ordinary prisoners because of lack of infrastructure facilities. The government should take a clear and final decision about their future as soon as possible. In case of commutation of death sentences into life imprisonment, half of the prisoners on death row would be freed," the official tells TNS. Burney questions the government’s commitment on abolition of capital punishment. "The government has neither issued a formal notification commuting death sentences nor has it touched this issue in the 18th Amendment. It has been using this issue only to buy international support." He believes the government is afraid of religious parties who have been using religion to defend capital punishment. "The death penalty disproportionately affects the poor in Pakistan because they cannot afford to hire a good legal defence. At least 60 to 65 percent of condemned prisoners in death cells are innocent. Our justice system is so flawed that condemning an innocent person is very common, especially considering the dubious investigation methods of police and easy availability of false witnesses. Where is it in Islam to hang innocent prisoners?" Burney is not the only person with such questions. Amnesty International was also disappointed when in December 2008, Pakistan voted against UN General Assembly Resolution on "moratorium on the use of the death penalty". In December this year, the moratorium will be presented in UN General Assembly. "We have been asking the government to vote against it or at least abstain from voting," says I.A Rehman, director Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP). The rights organisations have also called upon the government to take urgent steps towards abolition of capital punishment in Pakistan. "The process can be started by making the informal suspension of executions formal and by reducing the number of offences that carry death penalty," Rehman tells TNS. In Pakistan, death penalty can be handed to persons found guilty of 28 crimes, including blasphemy, sabotage of railways, spreading hate against the armed forces, stripping a woman in public, sedition and many more. Interestingly, in 1947, at the time of independence, only homicide and treason were punishable by death penalty. "The government should clarify that death penalty in all these offences is not sanctioned by Islam, as it has already been held by the Council of Islamic Ideology that Islamic law mandates death penalty only for a couple of offences, not the 28 currently on the statute books," says I.A Rehman. Ironically, the present government has increased the number of crimes that carry death sentence — the latest addition to this club was ‘the offence of cyber terrorism’ introduced in November, 2008. Religious parties are not the only opposition to abolition of capital punishment. The PML-N-led Punjab government is also very much against such a move. In September, 2008, President Zardari called on provincial governments to submit recommendations on commuting the death penalty to prison terms of 24 to 30 years. The Punjab government opposed the idea, believing that non-execution has resulted in increase in murders and related crimes of serious nature. "I don’t think that cabinet or parliament can revoke the capital punishment as our constitution says that no amendment contrary to Islamic laws can be made in the constitution of Pakistan," Punjab Law Minister Rana Sanaullah tells TNS. According to him divine philosophy behind capital punishment is deterrence against crimes. "The federal government should finish the confusion on the issue as soon as possible." The News on Sunday tried to get the version of federal law
ministry on the issue. The state minister for law and parliamentary affairs
was contacted many times during the last two weeks, but she always wanted more
time to study the issue. On last Saturday, she finally asked TNS to email (minister.mehreen.raja@
live.com, mos4pa@yahoo.com) her caption District Jail Lahore lacks infrastructure to house a large number of prisoners on death row.
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