How Swat recovers
Editorial
A Pashto film released in Swat on Eid day makes front page news. The night shows may still be unthinkable but people in Swat went to see the day shows. Cinema houses have opened up in Swat after about three years of restrictions under Taliban. New cinema houses may open in Swat district in the coming days. Signs, indeed, of a return to normalcy, even if there are no declarations of victory as yet. The military is cautious; it hasn't given a timeframe for the end of military action.

overview
What next?
Hopes are now pinned on the successful conclusion of the military operations
By Rahimullah Yusufzai
What next in Swat and the rest of Malakand division is the question uppermost in the minds and on the lips of most Swatis and their cousins in militancy-affected Buner, Shangla, Upper Dir and Lower Dir districts and in Malakand Agency? They don't know the answer and are unable to obtain one from the government or anyone else.

Because you asked for it What lessons are learnt?
Swatis widely suspected the commitment and sincerity of the security forces before the operation 'Rah e Rast'. As time passed, their misgivings have gradually disappeared. But the new perception of army and government is not the only outcome of the operation in Malakand; many other lessons are also famously learnt.

Rebuilding the region
There might be big plans for reconstruction on paper, the situation on the ground does not look impressive -- at least for the time being
By Tahir Ali
Massive funds are needed for the reconstruction of most parts of the Malakand division hit hard by the Taliban-led militancy. But the project is yet to take off as the international community seems least enthusiastic.

critique
Return of the natives
Psychological and physical impacts of the operation and displacement
By Tahir Ali
Despite experts and locals talking about the traumatic experiences the people of Malakand Division in general and Swat in particular have gone through, one finds very little government attention being paid to this aspect of the IDPs.

Victory or tragedy?
Only after the damages have been documented and assessed, will the success or failure of the operation be truly gauged
By Aoun Sahi
While the military has generally been praised for its efforts to bring peace back to Swat and Malakand, human rights activists, journalists and some local residents blame the security forces for carrying out indiscriminate killings in the region.

A nation terrorised
Even though history regarded them as a nation that is inclined towards the mullah, the face of Swat and MD is changing fast
In his book, The Story of the Malakand Field Force, Sir Winston S Churchill wrote, "Perhaps half the tribesmen who attacked the Malakand had thought that the soldiers there were the only troops that the Sarkar possessed. 'Kill these,' they had said, 'and all is done.'…These ignorant tribesmen had no conception of the sensitiveness of modern civilisation, which thrills and quivers in every part of its vast and complex system at the slightest touch."

 

 

How Swat recovers

Editorial

A Pashto film released in Swat on Eid day makes front page news. The night shows may still be unthinkable but people in Swat went to see the day shows. Cinema houses have opened up in Swat after about three years of restrictions under Taliban. New cinema houses may open in Swat district in the coming days. Signs, indeed, of a return to normalcy, even if there are no declarations of victory as yet. The military is cautious; it hasn't given a timeframe for the end of military action.

But the government generally stands on a securer turf compared to, say, a few months back. Back in April or May this year, the country was still under the grip of suicide bombings, the war against terrorism was not yielding any positive results, and Baituallah Mehsud stood undeterred as country's enemy number one.

Now, the government, backed fully by the security forces, appears to have moved positively ahead on all these counts. The law and order situation is better; the people feel more secure. A full-scale military operation in Malakand leading to the most massive internal displacement of population in recent years made this possible for the people of Malakand and the rest of the country.

As for Malakand division itself, people still wait for the military action to conclude and reconstruction to begin. However, on an optimistic note, the displaced people have started returning to their homes. Broken, shattered, poorer and still scared, a majority of them have already landed back. Back home though, they are still confronted with military's search and clearance operations.

It may appear a little early, but perhaps it is a moment of reckoning, a time to look back and see if there are any lessons for us in Malakand. There are questions that need to be answered. How and when will the reconstruction begin? Are we equipped to deal with the physical and psychological damages incurred? Was the political and military strategy perfectly timed? What is the political solution out of this morass? Could the collateral damage incurred as a consequence of use of force be avoided in any way? Do the people who sided with militants feel guilty?

Once these questions are answered, it is time to look forward. As the military vacates the scene, it must be replaced by an adequate civilian administrative framework. Reconstruction, rehabilitation, assistance and political solutions must all come together for Swat to recover fully. All of this in today's Special Report.

 

overview

What next?

Hopes are now pinned on the successful conclusion of the military operations

By Rahimullah Yusufzai

What next in Swat and the rest of Malakand division is the question uppermost in the minds and on the lips of most Swatis and their cousins in militancy-affected Buner, Shangla, Upper Dir and Lower Dir districts and in Malakand Agency? They don't know the answer and are unable to obtain one from the government or anyone else.

Federal and provincial ministers have already declared victory against the Taliban militants in the area and are now promising reconstruction of the destroyed physical infrastructure and rehabilitation of the internally displaced persons (IDPs) who have mostly returned to their homes. The Pakistan Army authorities too have been highlighting the losses inflicted on the militants, but are circumspect while discussing the timeframe of the military action and the final victory.

Hopes are now pinned on the successful conclusion of the military operations. Areas cleared of militants by the advancing troops are deemed ready for revival of the civil administration and the police. Once that is done then the go-ahead for reconstruction is given and plans are finalised to rebuild destroyed roads, bridges, schools, hospitals and other government installations. It is believed that return of peace and stability would give a fillip to economic recovery. In a way, the policy of "clear, hold and build" is being implemented. Despite bureaucratic snags, political uncertainty and lack of foreign and domestic funding, there is still hope that the situation would gradually change for the better.

Places in Swat valley where the military operation hasn't ended remain in a state of uncertainty. Village elders and notables are told by the civil and military authorities that they should ensure the surrender of the wanted militants and form peace committees and lashkars, or a volunteer armed force, to defend their own villages and communities. New military operations are threatened in areas such as parts of Matta, Kabal and Charbagh tehsils still infested by the militants.

There is talk of starting military action in Malakand Agency, which is the entry-point to Swat and all of Malakand division and where certain places have become the new hideouts for militants fleeing their previous strongholds in Swat, Buner and Dir. Taliban concentration was earlier witnessed in parts of Shangla district bordering Buner. Militants who fled Buner following the military action are still present in places close to Swat and Shangla districts. Both districts of Dir, known by their queer English names of Upper and Lower, have been largely cleared of the militants. But some of them could still be hiding and lying low in Dir in the hope of emerging at an opportune time. Chitral has always been the most peaceful district not only in Malakand division but also in all of the NWFP. But Afghan Taliban active in the neighbouring Kunar and Nuristan provinces in Afghanistan have occasionally threatened Chitral's peace by kidnapping foreigners and taking them across the border. On September 7, Greek social worker Professor Athanasios Lerounis was kidnapped by the Afghan Taliban from the Bamburet valley inhabited by the minority Kalash community and taken to Nuristan. Demand for ransom and release of three Afghan Taliban held by Pakistan government have been made and a deal would have to be done to secure his freedom. The kidnapping of the respected aid worker, who was working for the uplift of the Kalash people, would affect tourism, which has been a mainstay of the economy both in the naturally scenic Chitral and Swat valleys.

Right now the government priority is to capture or kill Swat Taliban leaders. There is a near consensus among those supporting the military operations that the Taliban leadership must be eliminated to restore confidence among the Swatis and make it difficult for the militants to stage a comeback. A list of more than 20 top Taliban in Swat is gradually getting reduced with the death or arrest of some of the wanted men. The capture of five Swat Taliban shura members, including spokesman Muslim Khan and leading military commander Mahmood Khan, has weakened the militants. Their arrests were controversial as the Taliban claimed they were tricked by offering them peace talks through trusted intermediaries and then taking them into military custody. The Pakistan Army has denied the allegation and is claiming, without providing any evidence, that they were captured in a military operation near Mingora. Whatever the truth, these arrests forced Swat Taliban head Maulana Fazlullah to concede that his organisation had been weakened. He is still at large despite government claims that Fazlullah, son-in-law of detained TNSM leader Maulana Sufi Muhammad, was under siege and about to be captured or killed. With a head-money of Rs 50 million, Fazlullah is the biggest catch and it is felt his fate would decisively affect the outcome of the

military action not only in Swat but also in the adjoining districts.

The government and the military are in no mood to offer amnesty to even the common militants, the so-called foot-soldiers. It has been announced that militants surrendering to the authorities would have to undergo trials. Surrenders are now a daily occurrence, though it isn't clear if all those laying arms are wanted. None of the Taliban commanders on the most wanted list have surrendered. There is no demobilisation plan and giving a political role to surrendering or repenting Taliban is considered out of question. Those who suffered at the hands of Taliban want each and every militant to be killed. The Swatis who previously supported the Taliban or still have some sympathy for them are now scared to publicly declare support for the militants or demand amnesty for them.

The Taliban are certainly at the receiving end now. After having held sway in Swat and elsewhere, they are now on the run. Having committed atrocities against their opponents and making people suffer for years, they have few sympathizers. In fact, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan is the only organisation that has spoken against arbitrary arrests of militants, their extrajudicial killings and destruction of their homes. It is demanding fair and open trial of all militants.

It remains to be seen how the military and the government are going to use the public opposition to the Taliban militants to their advantage beyond the present stage of army action. The military operations are far from over and the next big challenge is to normalise the situation and provide peace to the people. As almost every family was displaced and a large number of Swatis and Bunerwals suffered human and material losses, the government is coming under great pressure to compensate the affectees. That cannot happen without international assistance, which is lacking and may not materialise in time. Failure to follow-up military operations with political work and reconstruction and rehabilitation activities would certainly have consequences. Avoiding such a situation should be the foremost task of the country's rulers and friends of Pakistan.

 

 

Because you asked for it

What lessons are learnt?

Swatis widely suspected the commitment and sincerity of the security forces before the operation 'Rah e Rast'. As time passed, their misgivings have gradually disappeared. But the new perception of army and government is not the only outcome of the operation in Malakand; many other lessons are also famously learnt.

Former federal minister and ANP leader Afzal Khan Lala, who refused to leave Swat despite pressure from Taliban, says the "mullahs have done a great disservice to themselves, to Malakand, to its people and the country. People now hate them and even avoid going to mosques for obligatory prayers. Unfortunately, they still oppose military operation and want the army to return. It means the people should yet again be left at the mercy of the militants."

A well-placed NWFP official says religious parties are the political wings of Taliban. He claims that many of their low-tier workers have been arrested in Swat.

Sirajul Haq, Amir Jamaat-e-Islami NWFP, claims the JI is against guerrilla-warfare in the country and believes in constitutional, democratic and political struggle.

Wajid Ali Khan, Minister for Environment, NWFP, says the religious parties have turned out a disappointing show. "They should have displayed courage to oppose the un-Islamic tactics of the extremists. At a time when our region needs peace and development, they have called for an end to it. Those who supported the extremists directly or indirectly have rubbed salt to our wounds."

Another commentator opines that the ulema should get out of politics. "They don't have the courage to speak the truth when it is needed. They could neither openly defend nor oppose Taliban. They just beat about the bush on the matter. They should have come out openly against the militants but that would get them in trouble."

Lala feels other parties have also disappointed the people. "They support parties hoping that the latter would help them in times of trouble, but the parties have not been forthcoming. My party, for example, didn't help me when I needed it."

According to him, the civil and military establishment should know by now that it is extremely dangerous to nurture terrorists for petty, short-term objectives. The state should show restraint but never allow non-state actors to dictate things.

"We exported extremists to other countries. After all, whoever sowed the seeds of Taliban in Afghanistan? It is high time we reconsidered our strategy."

The people, Wajid Ali claims, have learnt that it would be disastrous for them to support a group that challenges the status quo. They have realised that what Taliban did was immoral, inhuman, unconstitutional and un-Islamic. "The people have come to know that it is dangerous to follow the extremists. They are now for issue–based politics and would not like religion to be used for political gains."

A Swat-based human rights activist says it has dawned upon the people and the government that support to, and negligence towards, extremists is fraught with danger. "It reinforces the fact that it is democracy, free election and spirit of tolerance that ensures peace and prosperity. It also underlines that political parties should avoid encouraging local, ethnic and sectarian identities and develop a national thinking."

The Pakistani military establishment has long been a close ally of militant outfits in the past. So it always tried to avoid confrontation with them. But this disinclination on part of Pakistani forces was taken as weakness. The militants thought they could defeat the forces. They embarked on a confrontationist course.

"The military has also learnt that the governments take time to decide on a certain course of action, but history bears proof that when the governments have resolved to do something, no private group or anti-state entity can withstand the onslaught," says an ex-security official.

 

-- Tahir Ali

 

Rebuilding the region

There might be big plans for reconstruction on paper, the situation on the ground does not look impressive -- at least for the time being

By Tahir Ali

Massive funds are needed for the reconstruction of most parts of the Malakand division hit hard by the Taliban-led militancy. But the project is yet to take off as the international community seems least enthusiastic.

The rich Muslim Gulf states have been particularly lying back in this respect. The United States has contributed the most with $281 million so far, but that too mostly for the earlier, relief phase.

There might be impressive plans for rebuilding the region on paper, the situation on the ground does not look impressive -- at least for the time being. The government is said to have prepared a comprehensive reconstruction and development plan for the region. But its implementation could start only when sufficient funds are available and law and order improves.

A UN official recently said that only three percent of the $58 million needed for rehabilitation of the IDPs and 17 percent of funds required to rebuild the 411 schools had been confirmed.

"Foreign aid agencies are still waiting for the green signal to start work in the area due to security issues. Foreign donors are reluctant to offer assistance for global credit crunch, lack of an authoritative reconstruction plan, want of transparency and trust deficit," says a local aid worker.

Jacob J Lew, US Deputy Secretary for Management and Resources, however, did praise the NWFP chief minister for "a very good sense of his needs, his limitations and for his capacity to partner quite effectively."

Pakistan's rehabilitation plan for Malakand, of about $2.5 billion, was approved by the Friends of democratic Pakistan (FoDP) meeting in Turkey but no cash inflows followed.

NWFP senior minister Rahimdad Khan hopes the September 25 meeting of the FoDP in USA will entail generous assistance for the Malakand reconstruction plan.

For some it is rather premature to talk of the reconstruction phase when the provision of return package of Rs 25,000 through ATM cards -- part of the earlier relief phase -- is yet to complete.

"There is only one ATM issuance centre in Mardan for the IDPs. Most people returned home without payments. ATM centres should be opened in Swat and Buner," says a worker.

Rahimdad Khan says the Frontier has earmarked Rs 2 billion while the federal government Rs 50 billion for rehabilitation phase to offset any delay in foreign assistance. "Another development plan for Swat worth Rs 4 billions has been approved. We should be able to compensate the area people for maize crop which was not allowed for security reasons. We shall also be giving Rs 0.3 or 0.12 million for rebuilding of homes."

In case the donors fail to fulfil their pledges, Khan says, the entire annual development programme of NWFP will be diverted and utilised for the reconstruction of the area.

According to him, MD will be developed into a model division. "Several mega projects such as the double road from Dargai to Mingora, the Malakand tunnel and the setting up of a Cadet College as well as the National Vocational and Technical Education Commission (NAVTEC) have been approved for MD."

The government, he claims, intended to pay Rs 25,000 return package to over 0.3 million registered families, "but there are also thousands of families who left their homes late and were registered. Many others didn't leave their homes either."

He says the Prime Minister has announced a package of Rs 2 billion to provide return assistance to the newly registered 53,000 families. The federal government has released Rs 6 billion out of Rs 24 billion approved for strengthening of police force and the Frontier Constabulary in NWFP. "The police force shall be doubled and police stations increased in Swat."

The main focus of reconstruction efforts would be strengthening of administrative structure, revamping justice system, improving service delivery and socio-economic growth. Army should supplement the reconstruction efforts of the local administration.

Malakand Division boasted 23 technical and vocational institutes. By reviving these and creating more opportunities for skill training and education of the young and the women, the socio-economic situation of the region can be improved. Besides, the whole lot of people who have developed different mental ailments as a result of shock must be provided proper treatment.

Swat earlier had 30 health facilities that are now either partially or totally damaged. The shortage of gynaecologists, medical officers and lady health workers in MD remains to be helped.

The future of some 40,000 youngsters who were studying in over 1,000 seminaries in the area, should be secured.

Local industries like tourism, horticulture and livestock should be revived. NWFP should be declared a war-hit zone. It must be given a relief package soon as promised by the federal government last month.

 

critique

Return of the natives

Psychological and physical impacts of the operation and displacement

By Tahir Ali

Despite experts and locals talking about the traumatic experiences the people of Malakand Division in general and Swat in particular have gone through, one finds very little government attention being paid to this aspect of the IDPs.

Reportedly, over 2.3 million people in the region had to bear hardships of different kinds when they were forced to flee. They had to live in miserable conditions in makeshift camps or congested buildings with their hosts. And, sadly, their misery didn't end even as they returned to their homes. The women and children were coming back, having assimilated the horrors of displacement on the one hand and the devastating battle between the military and the militants on the other. For months, the young had been fed on images of blood and gore, throats being slit, bodies being hanged, and so on. They had witnessed the Green Square, in Mingora, now rechristened 'Bloody Square'.

The educated and professional lot -- lawyers, journalists, teachers, people related to industry, police officials, political party activists etc -- also took a beating.

According to reports, around 200 girl schools in the region have already been destroyed by the militants which means thousands of female students will be without education now. A teacher at a high school that was blown up by Taliban, remembers the horrors of the night: "The Taliban attackers broke into our school, shouting slogans of 'Allah O' Akbar'. They blindfolded us, tied our hands behind us and picked up all sorts of expensive goods while detonating a bomb in the building.

"Luckily, they spared us on the condition that we'd never come back to the place."

The teacher laments the fact that the careers of thousands of youngsters had been destroyed.

Doctor Mohammad Farooq Khan, a well known psychiatrist from Swat, says the people in the affected areas have returned but not without some mental conditions -- "chiefly depression and psychosis."

He tells TNS, "The conditions are likely to aggravate because these people have been under continued stress and without proper medication."

Dr Farooq also speaks of having met cases of acute anxiety disorders. "People have been passing out on the street. The women, especially, complain of getting panic attacks. Insomnia (sleeplessness), nightmares, hopelessness and a strong sense of helplessness are the order of the day."

Dr Farooq says he identified 10 to 20 percent of people in relief camps as suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). "The patients of PTSD are haunted by unpleasant and painful memories that badly influence their sleep, mood and behaviour."

Common psychological aberrations such as anger, peevishness, fighting over petty issues, urge for vengeance and conspiracies and highly suspecting nature are some of the other ailments that have been increasingly found among these people.

Dr Farooq suggests comprehensive treatment and psychological counselling for the purpose of which "the number of psychologists should be increased five times in Swat. The schools should have in-house psychiatrists."

Ex federal minister and ANP leader Afzal Khan Lala tells TNS that the people of the region have been transported back by half a century in the march for progress. "Our children have received big psychological shocks. Their future is at stake. We need preferential support from the government and the world outside. We are entitled to special quota in jobs and development funds on long-term basis. Unless the area and its people get the required funding and support, they can't compete with the rest of the country."

It may be mentioned here that Lala himself sustained injuries in an incident when the insurgents pursued and killed the brothers of Ayub Ashari and Wajid Ali Khan, provincial ministers of ANP.

NWFP Minister for Forest and Environment, Wajid Ali Khan says ANP was on the hit-list of the insurgents. "Over 150 (ANP) activists and office-bearers were murdered in Swat. These are indeed testing times for us and the people of Swat."

Wajid says a comprehensive plan worth $2 billions has been prepared for the rehabilitation and reconstruction of the area. "Education will be given priority, vocational institutions will be opened, jobs will be provided; losses to businesses, agriculture and properties will be compensated. The world should support us in our reconstruction efforts."

Mumtazuddin, former administrator of an IDP camp in Mardan, says, "In our camp, there were cases of acute anxiety, depression, loss of sleep and other psychoses. Though they were treated, the nature of these ailments is such that they could recur any time in the future. Therefore, these patients need to be on medication for a longer time.

Sirajul Haq, former finance minister NWFP, says the province was pushed to war-like situation but was not sufficiently funded for the losses. "NWFP has incurred an estimated loss of Rs 25 trillions while agriculture in Malakand lost Rs 72 billions. The situation warrants that the province should be declared a war-affected zone."

"Unfortunately, the trauma continues as no compensation has been provided to the people as yet. Despite emergency relief, work on recovery and rehabilitation has been slow," says Aftab Alam, advocate and President, District Bar Association Swat.

He adds that the resilient legal fraternity -- both judges and lawyers -- decided to revamp the legal system in Malakand in the wake of the hazards for the future of the country. "But our problems have not been addressed. There are cracks in our office buildings. The judges face housing problems. We asked the government for help and, in February this year, a sum of Rs 3.5million was sanctioned for repair work in district courts. That, however, is yet to be released."

The journalist community has also suffered. A Swat-based journalist tells TNS that the breaking news phenomenon had aggravated their woes. Several journalists have been killed while covering rallies and programmes in the region. "The media organisations want the latest news at any cost. The security forces have their own demands while the militants are also unhappy with us. We are virtually caught between the devil and the deep blue sea."

A government official says that around 83 percent of the total 1,800 Swat police officials quit when Taliban unleashed a reign of terror against them. "The situation now looks encouraging as the old guard has rejoined while new inductions are being made."

People related to the entertainment industry had to wind up their projects after 2007. CD shops and music centres were shut down and female dancers in Mingora were forced to leave the place.

According to the journalist, 25 percent of the entertainment industry people have returned to Swat. "Most of the poor people have returned. But unless the MPAs, MNAs and the influential people from the area return to the area, the public morale is likely to remain low."

 

Victory or tragedy?

Only after the damages have been documented and assessed, will the success or failure of the operation be truly gauged

By Aoun Sahi

While the military has generally been praised for its efforts to bring peace back to Swat and Malakand, human rights activists, journalists and some local residents blame the security forces for carrying out indiscriminate killings in the region.

Aasim Sajjad Akhtar, a political activist affiliated with the People's Rights Movement (PRM), says that the military operation was meant to safeguard the lives and properties of people. "Has it succeeded in achieving its goals?" he questions.

"We have come to know through local sources that the civilians suffered a lot both in the shape of casualties and damages to their properties. We had earlier seen in Afghanistan and Iraq wars that aerial bombing resulted in deaths of innocent civilians. The operation is a big tragedy instead of a success. So far, we have not been able to assess the damages the operation has caused to the people, the society and the infrastructure."

Security analysts, on the other hand, claim that in the given circumstances the operation has been conducted well. "It was difficult to distinguish between the militants and the residents so the peace-loving people were asked to vacate the region in order to avoid collateral damage. This technique worked well," says Lt Gen (r) Talat Masood.

In August 2009, a fact-finding mission of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) visited the area and claimed to document the accounts of extrajudicial killings by the security forces, the discovery of mass graves in the conflict-hit region and the constant suffering of the civilian population. According to the report, "a number of Swati residents have sighted mass graves in the area, including at least one in the Kookarai village in Babozai tehsil of Swat district and another in an area between Dewlai and Shah Dheri in Kabal tehsil".

The HRCP mission also noted serious difficulties faced by the local population and the IDPs return to Swat. "The IDPs have returned to find a number of houses in the area damaged in the military operation. Shops in most areas are yet to reopen and the ones that are open have scarce stocks. The local people demand that the government should ensure the supply of essentials, including subsidised edibles, for families that cannot afford to buy them on account of financial losses suffered during and prior to the military operation. Restoration of the devastated infrastructure and the provision of safe drinking water must be given top priority to prevent the spread of disease."

According to some media reports, as many as 102 bodies have been recovered since July 13 this year when the first group of internally displaced persons started returning homes in Swat, Buner and Dir districts from relief camps.

The Pakistan Army rejects the report of HRCP fact-finding mission. Major General Athar Abbas, DG, ISPR, while talking to a private TV channel in early August, said that the army had a strong chain of command and it always carried out its task in the most professional manner. "It can never respond to terror with terror and has to conduct in a professional and legal way," he declared.

Replying to queries about the presence of mass graves in Swat, he said that the militants had themselves buried their people killed in clashes during the operation. "They would do so because they were in a hurry to retreat."

Athar Abbas also said the army was ready for a full-scale investigation of the issue in the presence of independent journalists.

HRCP chairperson Asma Jehangir says a number of Swat residents reported sighting mass graves in the area. "We believe the government must conduct a transparent inquiry into the issue to ascertain the circumstances under which the bodies were buried," she tells TNS.

"The military cannot simply explain the existence of these mass graves by alleging that the bodies were of militants buried by other militants."

Asma suggests that a multi-party parliamentary committee should be formed to conduct an inquiry into the issue as well as the reports of extrajudicial killings to which HRCP will extend its cooperation.

Representatives of the NWFP government are not ready to buy the notion that human rights violations occurred during the operation. Jaffar Shah, ANP Member NWFP Assembly from Swat, says: "I want to tell you that human rights are for human beings; those who do not respect the rights of others and resort to barbaric means to impose their philosophy on others are not supposed to enjoy human rights. Everybody knows that Taliban do not believe in democracy, constitution and the rule of law but even then we believe in bringing them to justice through our judicial system."

 

A nation terrorised

Even though history regarded them as a nation that is inclined towards the mullah, the face of Swat and MD is changing fast

In his book, The Story of the Malakand Field Force, Sir Winston S Churchill wrote, "Perhaps half the tribesmen who attacked the Malakand had thought that the soldiers there were the only troops that the Sarkar possessed. 'Kill these,' they had said, 'and all is done.'…These ignorant tribesmen had no conception of the sensitiveness of modern civilisation, which thrills and quivers in every part of its vast and complex system at the slightest touch."

Churchill said that as entire Swat had been involved and around 12,000 armed men followed the "Mad Mullah, it was decided to mobilise a 3rd and Reserve Brigade."

As a result, "The fearful losses which the enemy had sustained had made an appreciable diminution, not of an army, but of a population. For days their bodies lay scattered about. In the standing crops, in the ruins of villages, and among the rocks, festering bodies lay in the blazing sun, filling the valley with a dreadful smell. To devour these, great numbers of vultures quickly assembled and disputed the abundant prey with the odious lizards.

"The punishment that the tribesmen of the Swat Valley had received had broken the spirit of many, and several deputations came to make their submission. The Lower Swatis surrendered unconditionally, and were allowed to return to their villages. Of this permission they at once availed themselves, and their figures could be seen moving about their ruined homes and endeavouring to repair the damage. Others sat by the roadside and watched in sullen despair the steady accumulation of troops in their valley, which had been the only result of their appeal to arms."

The appeal to arms has brought devastation to the region and the people yet again. Names of contenders have changed. But miscalculations on the part of the anti-state group and the results are so shockingly identical. In Swat at least history did repeat itself recently.

Swat and other districts of the Malakand division have been centres of intermittent religious -- often hard-line -- movements. The question is, are the Swatis prone to militancy too often? Are they extremists by nature?

Veteran nationalist politician Afzal Khan Lala says they (the Swatis) are not. "Had they been extremists, they would have supported religious parties in previous elections. Instead, all of the national and provincial assembly seats were taken by secular parties like ANP and PPP. They are a peaceful, moderate, tolerant and enlightened people. I think they were encouraged to support the militants by previous governments."

According to Lala, the militants "were allowed to occupy the administration, the judicial system, emerald mines and the economy of the region. They fined, punished, abducted, killed and terrorised common people who defied their law, but they were not stopped."

Earlier, Sufi Mohammad was brought over to Swat by the chief minister to harm Jamaat-e-Islami. He and his men took out weapons, cut off Swat and other districts from the rest of the country for days shouting 'Shariat ya Shahadat'. The Shariah Regulation 1994 and another amended regulation in 1998 were enforced in submission to his demands -- after all, the Pakistani constitution has Islamic provisions and there is no need for the new or old regulations. It requires a two-third majority in the parliament to amend the law but the gun-wielding militants forced the government to comply.

"Sufi was allowed to lead thousands of people to Afghanistan most of whom died there while he escaped. He would have been killed by the angry people in the area but the government took him into custody and saved him. This government released him, pinned high hopes on him to control militancy. On his demand, another regulation was enforced recently, Quaid-e-Azam's pictures were removed from the room where he would negotiate with officials. But what did he do afterwards? He declared the entire Pakistani system anti-Islamic. He had lost the confidence of the people for his continuous summersaults. I told the NWFP chief minister on the phone not to make a leader of him. But the government went for another pact with him. We, the people of Swat, were not consulted. We have had to face destruction for the faults and wrongs of the previous governments."

Lala adds aggressively, "Taliban unleashed a reign of terror, there is no question of supporting them or their abetters in the political arena."

In his view, the Pukhtoons were a "gullible lot" and could be easily cheated in the name of Islam. This, he says, is true not only for the Pukhtoons in Malakand but also in other areas. "In Afghanistan, too, we've seen that. The west used mullahs successfully against freedom fighters like Ghazi Amanullah Khan. But what can you say when the Pukhtoons continue to kiss the hands and the feet of the mullahs while none of the family members of Ghazi lives there."

Wajid Ali Khan, provincial Minister for Environment, says the people in Swat and Malakand have never been pro-extremism though historically they are pro-religion. He recalls that the people of the region voted for liberal parties like ANP and PPP ever since the 1970s. It was only in 2002 that they supported the MMA for a number of other factors.

"When the PATA regulation governing Malakand was declared null and void in 1994, a vacuum was created. The mullahs and, later, Taliban took advantage of the situation and created a crisis on the issue. The people didn't support them. They just desired speedy and cheap justice. If they had love for them, why would they have gone out of the area when the army launched the operation? Their immediate departure nullifies the notion that the Swatis love Taliban," he declares.

According to Mumtazuddin, a historian and former administrator of an IDP camp, Swat was a princely state which was merged into Pakistan in 1969. "My question is why wasn't it made a normal part of Pakistan? Why was it made a semi-tribal region? Why was it governed by the PATA regulation and not by the normal law of the land?"

The women lot also supported the Taliban initially. A woman tells TNS in the Sheikh Yaseen camp in Mardan that she was enchanted by the sermons of Maulana Fazlullah. Another woman says she donated 70 tola gold to Fazlullah though she had to pay a heavy price for this. "My husband divorced me in anger," she says. "We had no idea that our savings would be used to raise an army to kill and humiliate us, to confine us indoors and to flog us in public. We are ashamed we supported them."

 

-- T. Ali

 

 

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