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energy Missing
the boat amid floods firstperson The
global triangle relations Not
just a breach of trust displacement Personal
Political By Sami ul Haq Khilji Pakistan Railways inherits glorious traditions of a rail network, so thoughtfully put together by the then British Rulers of India in 1849.The master craftsman had connected north-south and east-west of the vast expanse of the sub-continent, primarily for strategic reasons. The rail road was to provide a steel framework, not only for movement of troops and logistics across the country but perhaps beyond its north western frontiers, into a geo-strategic region. The route also opened access to grain markets and farmlands of a predominantly agrarian society of India. An era of creativity in Sindhi literature comes to its end By Gobind Menghwar With the sad demise of Haleem Brohi -- renowned satirist, linguist, novelist, columnist and historian -- an era of creativity in Sindhi literature has come to its end. For more than four decades this recluse giant writer kept creating a stir in the Sindhi literary world. He was truly a modernist who throughout his life strived for a paradigm shift in history writing and to bring in practice a pragmatic approach for literary criticism. A man of very unusualness he was quite rightly introduced by his friends as Jack-of-all-trades.
The environment and us Climate degradation is arguably the biggest challenge that modern society will ever face By Aasim Sajjad Akhtar Much has been made of Pakistan's current and future
energy shortages, and rightly so. We have serious problems, mostly of our
own doing, and there is an urgent need to make sense of the situation and
then undertake the long and arduous task of conceiving a sustainable
long-term future. Unfortunately, however, the predominant mode of thinking
about this most urgent of issues actually reinforces the problem. Throughout the modern period, human beings have congratulated themselves on the (science-induced) technological leaps that have allowed us to make giant strides in all spheres of material life. Social change has been ever present since the earliest human settlement but the transformations that have defined what we call modernity have been of an unparalleled magnitude. The lives we lead today were scarcely imaginable a century ago. Today's older generation finds it hard to make sense of the idea of electronic mail, and more generally the notion of a digital world. Thinkers of modernity have long been warning us, however, that all that glitters is not gold. Malthus and Marx, for example, offered contrasting narratives on the fallouts of modern social organisation. Others following in the same traditions have built on those seminal insights and shown that we have yet to find answers to the troubling questions of how human society is to cope with its own growth and manage its resources equitably. In recent decades, the question of how to sustainably use natural resources has become one of the most prominent quandaries facing humankind. Indeed, environmental degradation is arguably the biggest challenge that modern society will ever face -- finding a balance between human desire and the natural resource base that gives life to us is, in fact, the very key to the long-term survival of life on this planet as we know it. Notwithstanding the steady increase in debate and burgeoning policy discourse on the environment at a global level, the political economy of actually existing capitalism is simply incongruous with the kind of eco-systemic changes that need to take place if we are serious about reversing the downward slide. In part, the problem relates to the balance of power in the world-system: while environmental protection has become a compelling cause for large numbers of people in the so-called advanced countries, capitalist enterprises are very comfortable in the knowledge that environmentally unsustainable practices can be shifted into the third world space where there is far less scrutiny and opposition to such practices. However, as big a problem is the inability and unwillingness of our intellectual and political elites to take-on the challenge of creating a new development paradigm that goes beyond the already failed model currently on show. When the cream of the crop in this country sits down to generate ideas about long-term energy sources for the 170 million people of our society, they come up with close to nothing at all. In the 1970s and 1980s nuclear energy was the main gig in town. Over time, however, it has become clear to a wide cross-section of people that the nuclear option is fraught with problems. This is not to say that one is not disgusted by the hypocrisy of the so-called advanced countries when they lord over countries such as Iran and North Korea for exercising their sovereign right to develop nuclear energy capacity. But when one thinks beyond the bullying tactics of the 'leaders of the free world' it becomes apparent that nuclear energy cannot be a long-term solution to the sustainability quandary. Pakistan under Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and then Zia-ul-Haq had pretenses to acquire nuclear energy but such plans are now dead in the water, even while the infinitely more inane nuclear weapons programme remains very much intact. In more recent times, we laypeople have been told that we will have two major energy options in years to come. The first is simply a lesser evil compared to the current strategy of importing oil, namely to import gas from Iran. The second is projected as emancipative insofar as it promises to free us -- at least to some extent -- from the burden of energy imports; I am referring to the proposed Thar coal project. Locked deep in the Sindh desert are apparently some of the world's biggest known reserves of coal; in extracting this coal we will ostensibly secure a sustainable energy source for coming decades. But lest we forget one of the main agendas of global environment moots is the control of carbon emissions. And coal is one of the most, if not the most, dirty energy resources known to humankind. It is true that coal deposits offer us some respite from the tyranny of the international market, but this does not mean that we have solved the riddle of environmental sustainability. In fact, the problem will simply become more acute. Ultimately, we need to seriously investigate renewable energy sources such as solar and wind. Admittedly, the research and development costs are high, but are still manageable if we redirect the huge amount of money that presently goes towards defence and debt-servicing towards meeting people's (long-term) needs. Concurrently, we need to think very deeply about the difference between human needs and wants. 21st century society is obsessed with material things, and our rapidly growing population of young people is quite seriously afflicted by this disease. I do not believe it is possible to sustain the myth of limitless consumption of leisure goods and services, despite what the ideologues of capitalism claim. If the environmental challenge is on the one hand about identifying and investing in non-renewable sources of energy then on the other hand it is about redefining what development means. In effect, all of these complex questions can only be answered within the framework of a holistic cultural-political-economic order. The raison d'etre of such an order must be almost diametrically opposed to the raison d'etre of capitalism. Old-fashioned folks such as myself still call this dream of a better world socialism. But even those who remain inexcusably hostile to the mention of socialism will agree that fundamental change is necessary. Those who are unwilling to accept even this basic fact will be answerable to their future generations and the earth that sustains them.
On which evidence is planning based and which planning documents are taken as basis for decision-making? By Dr. Urs Geiser and Dr. Abid Suleri Pakistan is the land of happening. Things happen here
on a fast track and change so rapidly that there is hardly time to learn
lessons from a particular event. Same goes true for recent floods. Much of
the discussion around the plight of flood survivors has receded with the
recession of flood waters. No one is really interested to know what is
working and what is not working for flood rehabilitation? And why? In our
opinion, one needs to frame some questions and try to explore their
answers in order to turn the challenge of floods into a learning
opportunity for future disaster preparedness. Coordinating the delivery of flood reconstruction; having plans ready beforehand (being "prepared"); bringing all the involved stakeholders on board; ensuring the proper operation and maintenance of irrigation structures, creating but also operating and maintaining organisations for disaster preparedness -- all these are facets of governance. Contrary to government's definition of governance, i.e., planning and decision-making by the state and its institutions, the notion of "governance" takes a societal look. How are decisions made within a certain society or nation? Who is involved in these decision-making processes and who has which powers to decide? On which evidence is planning based and which planning documents are taken as basis for decision-making? How are conflicting views dealt with? Answers to all of these questions not only determine the quality of governance, but can help in understanding the reason for failure or success of certain interventions. Present floods in Pakistan challenge the government of Pakistan in an unprecedented manner. The catastrophe challenged the whole governance process which, in turn, affected international pledges for flood reconstruction. One of the many dimensions of this governance crisis is the highly contested nature of local government and related decentralisation processes. Effective local administrative structures and processes can be an asset in handling not only the emergency phase of a catastrophe such as the floods, but in reconstruction as well. In this regard, though, Pakistan has a very peculiar history. All efforts at decentralisation took place under military rule, and all of them were abandoned (or grossly "modified") once democratic governments came into power. However, the mere fact that decentralisation in Pakistan mainly occurred under military leadership, should not stop us from having a close look to learn how local actors attempted some mutual agreement at resolving conflict, implementing development schemes and surviving or developing as a community. In fact, both relief and rehabilitation started through indigenous initiatives taken by local communities at local level. Pity, that their voices and priorities get ignored in macro scheme of rehabilitation. In such circumstances one often finds supply of relief items without proper need assessment and livelihood interventions framed without understanding the local livelihood assets and activities. NGOs have been playing an important role since the very beginning of floods in Pakistan. It was good to note that Prime Minister of Pakistan, who earlier had accused them of wasting flood relief donations by 80 percent, later invited their representatives over for a dinner meeting and requested their assistance in flood reconstruction. Much of the critique on the inefficiency of the government, and of the governance system is known. However, there is an uneasy feeling that leads one to take these criticisms with some specific care -- and this again has to do with evidence. The blames raised against the government need to be assessed carefully. It should be determined that on which criteria, evidence, and against which scale do we blame a government to be inefficient, or efficient for that matter? We argue that, indeed, the government can be criticised (even blamed) for inefficiencies. The real challenge ahead though is to take these insights as starting points, and to develop, propose and discuss feasible alternatives that help to ensure an effective governance system (including decentralisation) suitable for the conditions of Pakistan. Even the Prime Minister had to publicly ask those who were talking of a change of government to come up with a "substitute" that may work in this country. Indeed, the media in Pakistan are full these days of demands at a very general level, e.g. that the government should deliver, etc. But how should the government and the governance system operate -- taking into account the experiences made in the past? Is all of what the government does to be blamed, or are there instances where it was able to deliver? And why was it able to deliver in these instances? Indeed, there is an enormous challenge not only on the media and its journalists, but on researchers in the country as well to investigate such issues. At the very heart of the matter lies the system along which a society or a nation for that matter structures its interactions among the citizens, the related decision-making process, etc, (yet again) "governance" in short. Pakistan is, in principle, a democracy. Or better: it is a democracy-in-the-making. The country has been created as a completely new entity a few decades ago only, and military rule's over-extended periods of time prevented the emergence of the key ingredients that constitute a democratic system: political parties that are accountable to their voters, fair elections that reflect the will of people, an executive and a bureaucracy that delivers, and politicians to bridge their differences at least in moments of catastrophes (such as the present floods), etc. But the material and non-material benefits expected from democracy do not reach most people. This leaves room open for those that challenge this political system. Earthquake, IDP issues, floods and the way the present state handles the emergency provide these critiques with arguments. They find easy arguments of linking the present governance crisis with the established political system -- a system ("democracy") that has been (in the eyes of many critiques) been imposed on Pakistan by "Western interests". Indeed, glancing through the debates on flood recovery, one either comes across the blame-game, or its opposite, the praise-game, the latter stating that everything will be good. What seems to be missing is analysis; an attempt to answer some of the questions that we have raised is missing. With Pakistan Development Forum around the corner, one needs to remind our policy makers, journalists, and researchers that it is the understanding of people's livelihood concerns, the state's, civil society's and international donors' response that we consider is the utmost challenge for flood rehabilitation. All of us would have to be ready to address this challenge and contribute towards strengthening good governance, as governance is nothing but a complex process through which a plurality of societal actors aims to formulate and achieve common objectives by mobilizing and deploying a diversity of ideas, rules, and resources. Dr. Geiser is Senior Researcher NCCR, University of Zurich Switzerland; Dr. Suleri is executive Director of SDPI. The authors can be reached at suleri@sdpi.org
Learning through language The human race is blessed because it is capable of original thinking By Bilal Ibne Rasheed George Jochnowitz is professor emeritus of linguistics
at the City University New York and specialises in Jewish languages. Apart
from linguistics, his interests include politics, religion, music, and
poetry. He is a staunch critic of Karl Marx, Noam Chomsky, and
anti-Semitism and is the author of The Blessed Human Race: Essays on
Reconsideration. Recently, The News on Sunday got a chance to interact
with Jochnowitz through email and know his views regarding the Holocaust,
Israel-Palestine conflict, Israeli society and languages, Marx, Chomsky,
and anti-Semitism, among other issues.
The News on Sunday (TNS): Why do you think the denial of the Holocaust cannot be termed as the freedom of expression? In one of your articles on Noam Chomsky you write, "This is much more than a call for freedom of speech. The use of the word "findings" for (Robert) Faurisson's book and the quotation marks around the word "Holocaust" are themselves a denial. Chomsky is in effect saying that although he happens to believe that the Holocaust took place, other reputable researchers may honestly come to different conclusions." George Jochnowitz (GJ): Denial of the Holocaust is a deliberate lie. However, freedom of expression includes the freedom to lie. Chomsky knows very well that the Holocaust took place. The issue isn't whether Faurisson has the right to say what he wrote. Instead, it is Chomsky's decision to write an introduction to a book he knows is false. TNS: If a scholar/ researcher honestly arrives at a different conclusion (that the Holocaust never took place) and can corroborate his conclusion with concrete evidence, should his/her opinion not be respected? GJ: Such a conclusion cannot be corroborated. Nevertheless, one should have the right to say what one chooses. TNS: In one of your articles you wrote that Chomsky compared the US with a repressive regime (in this case China). If we believe China represses its own people, the US represses people all over the world: Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran, Pakistan, Latin America, and Vietnam. What do you say about this? GJ: The United States, at least for a while, gave women in Afghanistan the right to go to the zoo. Is this repression? The US does support repressive regimes as part of its attempt to fight against even more repressive forces. It is choosing the lesser of two evils. Chairman Mao caused the greatest famine in human history. He also got children to report their parents for being rightists and counter-revolutionaries. Not all repression is equal. TNS: Chomsky is considered to be anti-Semitic by a vast majority of Jews. What do you think are the causes of Chomsky's anti-Semitism? GJ: I can't read Chomsky's mind. His statements may be debated or refuted. His reasons for holding them may be very interesting, but are not part of a political discussion. TNS: In an article regarding Iran, you wrote "the Shah was bad, but nowhere as bad as Khomeini." How do you compare the badness of these figures? GJ: The Shah was a puppet, but puppets are not inherently bad. Khomeini caused an extraordinarily bloody war with Iraq to continue beyond any reasonable amount of time. He set back the rights of women in a way that was unprecedented. TNS: You criticise the Middle Eastern Arab states that they have remained untouched by democracy and despite their 'obscene wealth' have not brought a decent standard of living to their people. Why do you think the US keeps supporting countries as fundamentalist and dictatorial as Saudi Arabia? GJ: The US should not support Saudi Arabia. It does so as part of the process of fighting Iran and al-Qaeda, but no country treats women worse than Saudi Arabia does -- now that the Taliban no longer rule Afghanistan. TNS: In your review of Steven Pinker's book The Blank Slate you wrote, "… the Nazis did not believe in the Blank Slate. They did not feel Jews could be reshaped. They had to be killed." Now that the Jews seem to be in control what do you think the Jews feel about the Palestinians? GJ: There is a Palestinian in the Israeli cabinet. There are Palestinians in the Knesset. And Israel saves Arab lives by allowing them into Israeli hospitals even if they live in Iraq or anywhere else. TNS: "I would like to venture a theory for which I have no concrete evidence. The richest and most productive cultures are those where there is little corporal punishment. In a community where parents regularly beat their children severely, poverty is the rule, to say nothing of violence." How did you arrive on this conclusion? GJ: It is my impression (no concrete evidence) that Jews are less likely to beat their children severely, if at all. That is one of the reasons, I suspect, that Jews have succeeded in creating so many Nobel Prize winners. TNS: Do you think the 20th century practitioners of Communism (Lenin, Stalin, Mao) understood the teachings of Marx the way he would have wanted them to? GJ: Marx's writings led to thought control, since he envisioned a world where everyone would think alike. Lenin, Stalin and Mao understood Marx. TNS: Don't you think the way Palestinians are struggling, the Jews had also struggled in the past and eventually ended up in Palestine. I remember having read a novel Exodus by Leon Uris in which the author glorifies the armed struggle of the Jews. What in your opinion is the difference between the Palestinian armed struggle and that of the Jews? Do you draw any parallels between the two struggles? GJ: The Jews were willing to compromise. The Arabs could have had a Palestinian state in 1947, in 1967 (had there not been the Three Nos of Khartoum), in 2001, and in 2005, when Israel gave the Gazans independence. TNS: I agree with you about the Resolution 181 and its outcome. Why do you think the Arabs did not agree to this? GJ: The Palestinians weren't asked about Resolution 181. The Arab states didn't give them a chance. TNS: Why do you think Zionism is hated so much and on such a wide scale? GJ: I believe anti-Zionism is the child of anti-Semitism. The best explanation for anti-Semitism was given by James Carroll, in the book Constantine's Sword: The Church and the Jews: A History. TNS: You say that there is nothing unusual about condemnation of Israel's actions from an international organisation. Why do you think that such a condemnation is not unusual? GJ: International organisations lack the originality to escape from anti-Zionism. TNS: Do you think the Jews are racists? GJ: We live in a world where everybody hates everybody else. Prejudice is the rule and not exception. Nevertheless, Jews have fought for civil rights in the US, Jews aided Gandhi in South Africa, and Israelis were the first to set up field hospitals after the Haiti earthquake. Read "The Mysterious Power of Anti-Zionism" on my website. TNS: Do you think Jews were more privileged than others in the Germany of the early 20th century? GJ: If Jews had been more privileged than others in Germany, Mahler, Bruno Walter, Arnold Schoenberg, and others would not have needed to convert to Christianity. TNS: Why do you think the human race is blessed? Is the title of your article (and also of your book) 'The Blesses Human Race' a reply to Mark Twain's essay "The Damned Human Race"? GJ: The human race is blessed because it is capable of original thinking. My title was inspired by Mark Twain's essay, but I am not really replying to him. TNS: Do you agree with Chomsky's idea of the Language Acquisition Device (LAD)? GJ: I think Chomsky was correct that we are designed to learn a language. TNS: Please tell us about the many different languages spoken by Jews, and is the ancient Hebrew still alive or has it died like Latin and Sanskrit? GJ: Ancient Hebrew, or something like it, was brought to life. Read my review of the book Resurrecting Hebrew, New York: Nextbook/Schocken by Ilan Stavans. TNS: What is the difference between Hebrew and Yiddish? GJ: Yiddish is a Germanic language with lots of words of Hebrew and Slavic origin. Hebrew is a Semitic language that was reincarnated. TNS: In one of your pieces on language you wrote, 'most people who study foreign languages never fully succeed in mastering them.' But there are many Indian and Pakistani writers who are writing in English (not their mother tongue) and producing first class literature. What do you say about this? GJ: India and Pakistan are multi-lingual countries where English is a lingua franca. Many people there learn English very well (although it doesn't quite sound like either British or American English). Most people have trouble mastering foreign languages, but "most" doesn't mean "all".
The global triangle China has maintained its currency artificially low to increase exports at the expense of the US and EU By Hussain H. Zaidi The emergence of China as a major economic power has
made it a real challenge for policymakers in both the US and the 27-member
European Union (EU). On the one hand, their firms have invested billions
of dollars in the enormous Chinese market to take advantage of the
economies of scale and cheap input cost. With a consistently high growth
rate and increase in per capita income, China is also a very attractive
export market for both the US and EU countries. On the other hand, western firms are finding it exceedingly difficult to successfully face competition from their Chinese counterparts at home. With exports of $1.20 trillion, China has overtaken Germany to become the world's single largest exporter. Both the EU and the US have seen their trade deficit with China, for which they are the two largest export markets, double during last half decade or so. Faced with increasing competition from Beijing, the response of both Brussels and Washington has been two-fold: to take trade defence measures on several Chinese products, notably textile and clothing, which remains a highly protected sector in both developed economies; and to pressurise China on such issues as human right and intellectual property right (IPR) violation, subsidisation and an under-valued currency, on both bilateral and multilateral levels. Since China's economic growth is largely dependent on its export performance -- exports constitute more than 40 percent of the GDP -- the Chinese government is reluctant to let the yuan appreciate significantly. As a result, the currency remains undervalued, making China's exports cheaper than they would be if left to market forces. At a time when global currency issue is heating up, pressure is mounting on China to set its foreign exchange regime in order. During a G-20 meeting in Washington in the first week of October 2010, the allegation was renewed that China has maintained its currency artificially low to increase exports at the expense of competitors (US, EU and Japan). Referring to China, US treasury secretary said, "Our initial achievements (in the wake of the global financial crisis) are at risk of being undermined by the limited extent of progress towards more domestic demand-led growth in countries running external surpluses and by the extent of foreign exchange intervention as countries with undervalued currencies lean against appreciation." As both Washington and Brussels see it, a re-valued yuan will help reduce their trade deficit with Beijing. This assessment is, however, only partly correct, because an undervalued yuan is only one possible explanation of China's growing trade surplus with its Western partners. There are other forces at work also, including lower input, particularly labour, cost in China as compared with both the US and the EU, the economies of scale, a high marginal productivity of capital and a highly subsidised economy. China is also being urged to focus on domestic demand, as increase in it will create space for exports as well as make Chinese firms sell more at home than abroad. Chinese trade policy has come in for adverse criticism at the hand of both the EU and the US for creating obstacles to enhanced market access for their firms. These include high tariffs on industrial products, non-tariff barriers like "unreasonable" sanitary requirements, product certification, labeling standards, import approval requirements and customs clearance delays; "forced" technology transfer; violation of national treatment principle of the WTO in such important sectors as automobiles and foreign investment restrictions in many sectors, etc. China is often charged with inadequate protection of intellectual property rights (IPRs) by both its Western trading partners. Since IPRS, such as copyrights and patents, are a key to the West's competitive advantage in high value manufacturing, lack of adequate protection of these intangible assets in China represents a pressing challenge for their enterprises operating there. The preceding paragraphs show areas of confrontation between the US and the EU on one hand and China on the other, which may lead to tougher measures against the Asian giant. Already, the American Congress is considering to clamp countervailing duty on Chinese exports on the ground that undervalued yuan constitutes export subsidy. However, there are quite a few factors which warrant against such option. One, American and European based multinational corporations (MNCs) have invested heavily in China and a good deal of Chinese GDP is produced by the subsidiaries of these MNCs. Hence, punitive action against China will also penalise these mega businesses and have a backlash at home. The influence that MNCs exercise on policy-making in the US in particular is brought out by a dispute between Washington and Brussels in the WTO in which the US had challenged the EU's regime for banana import. The US does not export bananas to the EU. However, some US-based MNCs export bananas to the EU from Latin America. It was at the behest of these MNCs that Washington had lodged a complaint with the WTO -- much to the annoyance of the EU. In the second place, punitive measures against China in the form of additional duties on Chinese exports would harm consumers in the West, who are getting inexpensive goods. Though as elsewhere, producers are better organised and more articulate than consumers, being democracies, the governments in EU countries and the US cannot disregard consumer interest altogether. In China, the US gets a credible source of funding for its current account deficit. Imposition of duties may force China to disinvest part of its holdings of US government securities, thus pushing the dollar down and causing great inflationary pressures on the US economy. At a time when the US economy is struggling to push up economic growth and facing high unemployment, strong inflationary pressures may result in stagflation -- fall in output and employment combined with high prices. Governments in the West are eyeing huge Chinese foreign exchange reserves -- estimated to be $2.44 trillion as of March 1, 2010 -- to bail out their beleaguered financial firms. Though Beijing has not ruled out the possibility of lending a hand to Western governments, it is already in large measures financing the current account deficit of Washington -- it has made it subject to certain conditions, such as softening of the West's criticism of state of human rights in China, an attenuated US support to Taiwan, and removal of discriminatory trade restrictions on Chinese exports and businesses. China should also be mindful of the repercussions of the economic slowdown in the West on its own economic performance. Chinese economic growth is mainly export-led and the EU and the US together account for the bulk of China's trade surplus of $196 billion. The economic crisis in the West will reduce demand for China's exports and hamper its growth momentum. In fact, this has already happened, as in the wake of global recession, China's exports were reduced to $1.20 trillion in 2009 from $1.43 trillion in 2008. China was admitted to the World Trade Organisation (WTO) in 2001 as a non-market economy, because the economic activity in China was heavily regulated by the state. Though China since its accession to the WTO has taken steps to relax state control over the economic activity, there is little doubt that it is still far from becoming a market economy. The non-market economy status can be revoked by China's trading partners on bilateral basis. So far, 21 countries, including Pakistan have revoked that status. But its major trading partners, the EU and the US, still treat China, and for good reason, as a non-market economy.
hussainhzaidi@gmail.com
Common ground Global ambitions and mutually beneficial trade ties will help the US and India to further cement bilateral relations By Alauddin Masood The US has succeeded in forging strong relations with South Asian countries, or so it seems. Pakistan is America's key ally in war against terror and a major non-Nato ally; while India is US's global partner. Pakistan became a key US ally following September 11
(9/11) terrorist attacks. In recognition of Islamabad's dropping support
for the Taliban regime in Afghanistan and joining the US-led anti-terror
war as a frontline state, Washington waived sanctions that barred aid to
Pakistan following Pakistan's detonation of a nuclear device in May 1998
and General Musharraf's armed push in October 1999. By 2003, America had identified five major interests in Pakistan. These were: terrorism, weapons proliferation, Pak-India tension, human rights and economic development. This was officially informed by the US Congressional Research Service, in a report, to the Congress on July 3rd, 2003. In recognition of Islamabad's cooperation in the anti-terror war, President George Bush rewarded Pakistan by designating the country, on June 16, 2004, as America's major non-Nato ally. Other countries already within this fold include: Argentina, Australia, Bahrain, Egypt, Israel, Japan, Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, New Zealand, the Philippines, South Korea and Thailand. Since March, 2004 American leaders have been, time and again assuring Pakistani leaders that the US seeks to build a close/enduring partnership with Pakistan because it recognises "Pakistan's regional and global importance". The Americans felt the need to repeatedly re-assure Pakistan of its enduring friendship because after achieving objectives in the Afghan War, the US had deserted Pakistan. Membership of the non-Nato allies club has helped strengthen Pakistan-US cooperation and place Pakistan amongst countries that enjoy a privileged security relationship with America and are granted significant benefits in foreign aid and defence cooperation. India is perceived by Washington as a big market, a stable democracy, and a strategic partner in the region, which has far more significance than the designation of a country as a non-Nato ally. In his first public speech in India in August 2001, US Ambassador Robert Blackwill told the Confederation of the Indian Industry that "President George Bush has a global approach to US-India relations consistent with the rise of India as a world power. The organising theme is not America, India and South Asia. Rather, it is the United States and India in the World." The US Congress also has a strong India caucus. In short, clever moves, continuous efforts and a strong desire, fuelled by global ambitions and mutually beneficial ever-expanding trade ties, have helped both the counties to forge strong bilateral relations. Now, according to Richard Holbrooke, "The United States has good relations with Pakistan, Afghanistan and India and is working with the three countries living in "common strategic area" to promote peace and stability in South Asia. "When President Obama goes to New Delhi, in what will be a very important trip to strengthen US-Indian ties, that is not at the expense of Pakistan or Afghanistan. We work with all three countries for peace and stability in South Asia." Ahead of President Barack Obama's India visit American Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs, Bill Burns quoted President Obama as having termed the Indo-US ties a defining partnership of the 21st century, describing the two countries "natural partners" in many ways. Addressing a special White House briefing for journalists in the third week of October, Burns said: "India's rise and its strength and progress on the global stage is deeply in the strategic interest of the United States… We're the world's two largest democracies. We're big, diverse and tolerant societies. We're two of the world's largest economies. We both have an increasing stake in global stability and prosperity, especially across Asia and the Pacific… Defence cooperation between the two countries is expanding in ways that were hard to imagine a decade ago. India now holds more defence exercises every year with the US than it does with any other country. Some $4 billion in defence sales have been made by the US to India over the last couple of years alone, with more possibilities ahead." According to US foreign policy expert, Stephen P. Cohen, the rise of India as a major economic power has pushed the US to its relationship with that country. US President Obama could have conveniently paid a visit to Pakistan before or after his Indian visit. However, instead he opted to bypass Pakistan to avoid offending the Indians by undertaking a back-to-back visit to the both. President Obama's has preferred a dedicated visit to Pakistan next year, which may be preceded by President Zardari's visit to America. Some Americans view President Obama's decision to first visit India as America's tilt towards India. The group includes Bret Stephens who has expressed his views in a recent article in The Wall Street Journal. While briefing media on October 28, in Islamabad, Foreign Office spokesman said, "Pakistan has no concerns about Obama's India-specific visit; rather there are expectations and hopes that the visit would go a long way in promoting peace and security in the region." But, Islamabad appears to be in two minds about Obama's visit to India, especially over the symbolism hidden in the decision to pick Mumbai's Taj Hotel for starting the trip as it was the focal point of the November 2008 terrorist strikes on the city. On the occasion of this visit, Obama is likely to make a statement on the war against terror from the hotel. Political stability has contributed to India's emergence as an economic power. On the other hand, frequent interruptions in the democratic process, bad governance and massive corruption have made the land of the pure a bottomless pit which constantly needs dole outs to keep its economy afloat. Instead of seeking indigenous solutions, Pakistani leaders have developed the habit of looking towards friendly countries for bail-outs. No doubt, the nation and state of Pakistan has suffered a lot and also spent many times more on the anti-terror war to ensure global peace, while has so far received much less than what it has actually spent. The anti-terror operations have greatly pushed up inflationary trends in the country and raised by almost 100 percent its consumer price index (CPI) during the last three years. At the end of September, 2010, the country's CPI stood at 239.69 against 151.60 in September, 2007. During this period, inflation rose to about 20 percent in Pakistan, while it remained in single digit in Bangladesh and India. Keeping in view the multi-faceted nature of US-India relations, some analysts describe Pakistan and US as unequal partners in an arranged marriage of necessity that both sides are impelled to endure. However, in the past, Pakistan-US relations have been event-dependent, event-driven and time-bound. Will this remain the pattern in future as well despite the repeated assurances of American leaders? Only time will tell. The writer is a freelance columnist based at Islamabad alauddinmasod@gmail.com
The breach of Torree Band has so far escaped scrutiny due to the involvement of influential landholders By Beenish Kulsoom Floods have affected the entire country, the damages are colossal and recovery will be a long and painstaking journey. Lack of water management and conservation practices is one of the factors that have had major impact on the damages inflicted by floods. Water mismanagement, and an ambivalent attitude by the
successive governments, have led to the destruction in the provinces of
Sindh and Balochistan. This is the result of a combination of callous
directives and delayed response. The breach of Torree Band (district Kashmore) is one such callous directive that has so far escaped scrutiny for the involvement of influential landholders, having strong political affiliations. The effects of floods could have been mitigated had sound disaster preparedness measures were adopted. There are various explanations for damages inflicted by floods; one of the major reasons is the fact that the River Indus has flooded on the left bank as a result of various intended breaches. For the last few years, the river has always flooded on its right bank, and this has been "first time in sixteen years that River Indus flooded on the LEFT, and because of which parts of Balochistan have also been affected," explains Mr. Aftab Akhund, social rights campaigner and development worker from District Jamshoro. "The natural stream has remained off its course, flood waters after entering Sindh Province via Guddu Barrage were to hit Torre Band, however, it was deliberated at the time to force cut on the right, if that had been done in time, then there is a likelihood that District Jacobabad and neighbouring districts of Balochistan Province would have been saved," claims Akhund.
Breaches at local bands Irrigation system in Sindh Province is integrated and contiguous, water regulated from the three barrages is the main source of water supplies while canals, branch canals, and tributaries ensure steady supply of water for a variety of purposes -- agriculture, drinking and domestic consumption. River Indus irrigates thousands of acres of cultivable land in more than fifteen districts of Sindh Province. The Guddu Barrage constructed in 1963, is 1,350 metres (4,450 ft) long. It irrigates Kashmore, Sukkur, Ghotki, Shikarpur. The Sukkur Barrage was constructed in 1932. It serves over 20,000 square kilometres (5,000,000 acres) on left of River Indus at Khairpur, Nau Shero Feroze, Nawabshah, Matiari, and Hyderabad. On the right bank, it covers Shikarpur, Larkana, Dadu, and Jamshoro. The Kotri Barrage, constructed in 1955, is situated between Hyderabad and Jamshoro. It is 915 metres (3,000 ft) long and serves Hyderabad, Jamshoro, Tando Muhammad Khan, Badin and Thatta. The Indus Water System runs 13,234 miles in the form of main canals, branch canals, distributor canals and minor canals. Also, some of the canals provide water to Balochistan, for instance in District Jhal Magsi and Jaffarabad people utilise water coming from district Jacobabad via Torree Bund (for agriculture) and Pat Feeder Canal for domestic consumption. Breach of Torree Band is the most sensitive issue for the residents of Sindh and Balochistan. The breach has caused flooding in districts Jhal Magsi, Jaffarabad and Naseerabad in Balochistan. Flood waters in these districts have entered from district Jacobabad in Sindh. People in Balochistan believe that the breach was intended, and not normal. However, truth remains that since these floods have hit the areas after more than a decade people and authorities had become complacent and people started living in these locations, not much attention was given to people living on or near the river belt. Breach in Sindh at Aliwan The breach, intended or otherwise, had occurred at Toree Bund in district Kashmore. This breach caused flooding in various parts of Sindh Province and Balochistan. Locals believe that the location of Aliwan, an upstream settlement near Taluka Rohri in District Sukkur, was saved intentionally to deflect floods from agricultural lands belonging to the local feudals. Mr. Akhund believes "if the cut was caused on the right then most of the agricultural land in Aliwan could have been inundated". Also, in the affected areas of districts Sukkur, Kashmore-Kandhkot, Jacobabad (Sindh) and Jhal Magsi and Jafferebad people are attributing damages to the breach of Torre Band. "Whether these are labelled as rumours or mere grievances over actual events against the concerned authorities, these are to be taken seriously. Also, there are reports that Jacobabad was also intentionally led to inundate to save the Shahbaz Airbase, for the NATO supply lines and American forces fighting in Afghanistan get their strategic supplies," says Tariq Shahbaz from district Jaffarabad in Balochistan, adding, "Whereas, in Aliwan, district Sukkur, the agriculture lands belonging to PPP stalwarts were saved," believes Aftab Akhund from district Jamshoro. People are still stranded and every now and then we hear that authorities are struggling with distribution of Watan Cards, a novel approach adopted by the authorities in response to this natural disaster. However, this approach has not produced the desired results so far. Education level in the affected areas is lowest in comparison to other areas of the country. In this backdrop, how could authorities have expected that people would know how to utilise their Watan Cards. Providing compensation to affected population after the earthquake 2005, authorities had distributed cheques which people had drawn after opening a bank account. Watan Cards, however, remains complicated; for affected populace are either living in camps or have relocated to other neighbouring districts, and in such a scenario it is extremely difficult for them first to be registered as rightful claimant. Surprisingly, these are the same set of issues that earthquake-affected population had encountered. It seems the authorities have not learnt from their past experiences. The writer is an Islamabad-based academic
Emerging crisis Pakistan's huge influx of would-be environmental refugees requires policy measures to be taken now By Ammara Ahmad Recent floods should alarm us on many levels. One of
them should be the possible emergence of several million environmental
migrants or climate change refugees soon. There is a considerable amount
of environmental degradation taking place and people will escape these
areas in large numbers. Unless the government comes up with an effective
prevention or management policy, this human migration caused by
environmental degradation will become a disaster in itself. A popular definition of environmental refugee is "people forced to leave their homes because of environmental factors such as drought, flooding and the rising sea-levels". Essam El-Hinnawi who coined the term "environmental refugees" wanted to update the definition of a refugee in international law and add environmental refugees. However, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees published a 2001 paper which outlined the complexity of the term. Environmental IDPs and refugees have legal problems. Some of them are pertaining to international law. Two major problems are that the refugees must cross international borders. Secondly, determining that the cause of the relocation is definitely environmental degradation or climate change is difficult. There is a need for a new international convention on climate change refugees. Refugees coming from politically unstable areas, war or conflict torn zones are welcomed but those ousted due to financial losses incurred by environment are not. There is need, for legal protection to the climate change-affected (in particular its three accepted major effects: sea-level rise, extreme climate and water shortage or drought). The need is direr for high risk countries like Pakistan. Janos Bogardi, director of UN University's Institute for Environment and Human Security (UNU-EHS) agrees that the "number of people fleeing untenable environmental conditions may grow exponentially" and that "this new category of 'refugee' needs to find a place in international agreements." UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) has tried linking this refugee problem with the overall climate programme but has limited mandate and more focus on prevention than remediation. Environmental refugees cannot apply for asylum, citizenships, aid or work permits abroad. Within Pakistan, their legal status is dubious. There is a "Displacement Act", according to which evacuees of the Mangla and Tarbela dam got compensation. Yet this was a government project with a calculated impact and listed affects. There is also a National Disaster Management Authority that rehabilitates and reconstructs in times of a disaster. It gives a grant to help the displaced but isn't effective in cases of disasters caused by larger problems like the global warming. The International Crisis Group declares that floods have turned displacement into a "national disaster of mammoth proportions" for Pakistan. There is speculation that flood is caused by climate change, though it is too soon for a well-researched and definite answer. "Climate change may have been a factor in displacements in the recent floods and the displacement caused by the Attabad landslide and the resulting blockage of the Hunza river," says Najam-ud-Din, a research assistant at HRCP working with refugees and IDPs. "I must emphasise that there is little conclusive evidence to suggest that the natural phenomena that caused the landslide and the floods were tied to climate change." A report from the University College of London Hazard Research Centre (The Waters of the Third Pole) states that Hindukush-Himalaya Mountains, which have the largest frozen water body on Earth, is now melting swiftly. This will eventually cause a sea-level rise, but initially, it will sweep away the Indus-Gangetic planes, causing large scale floods and displacing people. Tahir Qureshi, a climate change expert working with IUCN Karachi states that sea intrusion has caused 92,000 people to displace since 1970. Many of the freshwater fishing villages became saline due to rising sea-water and forced fishermen from generations to become labourers in Karachi and interior Sindh. Pakistan's coastal population is 1.5 million, and extremely threatened by displacement due to rising sea-levels. Karachi itself is exposed to this risk. Megacities have overwhelming development but are incapable of effectively handling millions (soon to become billions) of people, many of them in shanty towns. In an interview by Director Michael Nash of the critically acclaimed documentary "Climate Refugees", explains that "the majority of climate refugees, it's all about water, either too much or too little. In Bangladesh, for example, 150 million people live at sea level. A one-meter rise could wipe out 40 percent of their land for food." His documentary examines the plight of 25-40 million people internationally, displaced by environmental hazards. Organisations like HRCP and UNHCR are working for refugee rights, but largely work for political refugees and not environmental migrants in Pakistan. It is about time that either these organisations made specific cells to guard the interests of these environmental refugees or a new organisation emerged to protect them. Pakistan Environmental Protection Agency can legally take safeguard measures and strategies but no signs of it appear on their website. At the moment, there is no count of the Pakistani environmental refugees, their origin, destination or the reason behind their displacement. Migrants are noticed in major disasters, like the 2005 earthquake or the recent floods. Yet, there is a persistent influx of migrants in smaller numbers all year round. For example, the "timber mafia" in northern Pakistan has caused several villages there to dislocate. The Attabad Lake in Hunza caused 30,000 to relocate in adjoining areas. This migration problem is serious. Once public awareness rises and people understand that their problems are caused by poor environmental management, bad laws and policies, resentment and pressure on the government will increase. The displaced people will need jobs, support, rehabilitation or compensation. Or else, violence will erupt like nowadays in Karachi. On a national level, we need to determine which areas can generate environmental migrants and then plan ahead. Predicting the scale and source of the actual disaster is unlikely; but it is foolish to sit here without planning for funding, camps and emergencies beforehand. Personal Political Going beyond 'nothing in Pakistan' Reinforcing the negative stereotypes only strengthens the militant rightwing on both sides By Beena Sarwar
"There is nothing in Pakistan," said the Indian playback singer with finality. "They have no auditoriums, no facilities, there is nothing there. Everything is here (in India)." Another example of the misconceptions about Pakistan, I
thought, waiting to respond. The playback singer, Abhijeet Bhattacharya,
and I were participating in a talk show for NewsX TV in New Delhi.
Participating from a hired studio in Karachi, I could hear, but not see,
the others. When I tried to reply to this comment, the Indians couldn't hear me, although I could still hear them through my earpiece connected to a phone line. I was no longer on air. NewsX had booked a live uplink from Pakistan for 20 minutes, which was over. Symbolic? Mr Bhattacharya, please do come and visit Pakistan before pronouncing judgment. Like other visitors from India and elsewhere you might be surprised by the vibrant cultural scene, which includes cutting edge art, fashion, music, dance, media, literature and theatre (partial listing at Danka ). You might be moved by the outstanding voluntary work in fields ranging from women's and human rights to education and medical care. Experiencing all this, and the warmth and hospitality of Pakistanis, you'd realise that the people did not approve of the policy initiated by military dictator Gen. Ziaul Haq with US and Saudi support during the Afghan war, of cynically turning a war of liberation into a religious 'jihad'. The current elected government clearly does not support such policies. For it to succeed, the political process, that has been interrupted all too often, must be given a chance. And yes, we do have auditoriums -- although it's possible to have a lively theatre scene without them as theatre activists proved during the Zia years, when they used backyards and open spaces in poor localities (some groups still do this to raise awareness). The few auditoriums we have remain solidly booked all year round. Indian journalists, who saw a local production of 'Mama Mia' in Lahore, couldn't believe the talent (live music and singing) on display and the slickness of the production. Other Indian journalists were left somewhat dazed by a fashion show in Karachi. Unfortunately, it's difficult for Indians and Pakistanis to obtain visas to visit the other country. It's a time-consuming, lengthy, frustrating procedure held back further by increasing 'security' concerns. Visas that are granted are restrictive: city-specific (not for the entire country), single entry, limited validity. Enter and exit from the same point, using the same mode of transport. Report to police within 24 hours of arrival and departure. We allow only two journalists from the other country to live and work with us, restricted to Islamabad and New Delhi, requiring special permission to go elsewhere. Despite our shared border, languages, food, music and culture, we don't even grant each other tourist visas. Our cell phones, on roaming elsewhere in the world, stop working when we step into each other's country. We've banned each other's newspapers and television news channels -- ridiculous in this Internet age. India doesn't even allow Pakistan's cooking, sports or entertainment shows or live link ups; Pakistan allows live linkups and Indian soap operas -- but for fear of a backlash, the beleaguered government is cautious about allowing relief or aid workers from India to help with the aftermath of unprecedented floods. Meanwhile, the arms race continues. In an age of remote-controlled nuclear weapons and drones, how much sense does it make to keep armies amassed at the borders? Our people -- one-fifth of the world's poor -- need schools, hospitals, shelters, infrastructure, not more missiles and bombs. The European states came together, despite the bloodshed and bitterness of the past, because it made economic sense to do so -- as it does for India and Pakistan. Recognising this, Indian and Pakistani businesspeople endorsed economic ties at a well-attended meeting organised by Aman ki Asha in New Delhi earlier this year. Let people meet, travel, and engage in commerce and trade. This is essential in order to counter negative stereotypes about each other. Reinforcing the negative stereotypes only strengthens the militant rightwing on both sides. That nihilism is something that neither Pakistan, nor the world can afford.
Once Pakistan Railways is connected regionally and internationally, revenues would increase through transit charges By Sami ul Haq Khilji Pakistan Railways inherits glorious traditions of a
rail network, so thoughtfully put together by the then British Rulers of
India in 1849.The master craftsman had connected north-south and east-west
of the vast expanse of the sub-continent, primarily for strategic reasons.
The rail road was to provide a steel framework, not only for movement of
troops and logistics across the country but perhaps beyond its north
western frontiers, into a geo-strategic region. The route also opened
access to grain markets and farmlands of a predominantly agrarian society
of India. Soon after its creation, the rail started paying social and economic dividends. Cities and markets were developed along the track and employment generated in all parts of impoverished India. Whistle of steam engine became part of folklore and the Railway a GDP multiplier. Great Briton and European markets also got their share of pie through export of locomotives, rail, and rolling stock. By 1947, when the sub-continent was partitioned into two independent states, the Railways could boast of being a successful, profitable, and a self-sustained entity with a promise to grow further. The rail operation had transformed into a monopolistic public service, transporting millions of passengers besides hauling goods and grains. Spatial, social and economic linkages worked together to create a productive operational mass. On independence, Pakistan Railways though cut off from its critical mass started on a good note, primarily due to the inbuilt momentum of being part of one of the largest rail networks of the world. It had well-trained workforce, sufficient locomotives, and rolling stock and well-endowed infrastructure. It continued as a transport monopoly with vigour and profit till 1970s in a divided operation of East and West Pakistan. However, the creation of Bangladesh in early 1970s took away the complementarities and operational space of Pakistan railways. The mass was shrinking. The monopoly of railways further got dented with the construction of road and highways network at the expense of railways. If this was not enough the government of Pakistan created parallel public freight moving road transport system by further curtailing allocation of Railways. Moreover, half-baked policies of corporatisation, privatisation and mindless retrenchment by the successive governments provided further impetuous to un-certainty and decay of railway. With the result a de-motivated work force, with no experience and expertise to operate in a competitive market resorted to acquire personal gains in a surreptitious manner. The rot has been set mostly in the upper echelons of railway management. The financial losses and operational failures of Pakistan railway are now compelling us to look for new avenues to revamp Pakistan Railways into a self-sustained public service entity. Management and capacity issues stare in our faces with little hope in the antiquated organisational and operational structure given by the British Raj. The globalised world today provides new opportunities to Pakistan Railway regain its past glory. It has to become a functional part of a larger network. Regional and international connectivity through a seamless operation is clearly the answer to creating an environment for railway development and economic growth. Efficient and free movement of goods and passengers within the framework of trade and customs regulations and international treaties will help Pakistan the most, being at the hub of geo strategic region in Asia. On eastern side, there is a possibility of connecting Pakistan Railways with South Asian countries and on the west we can become member of European Club. ECO train seems to be a first step to open new frontiers for Pakistan Railways. There are proposals for connecting Dhaka with Lahore with the multilateral framework of SAARC. We are already connected with India through Wagha and Khokhrapar. On North Western side, the possibilities of connection to Afghanistan, Central Asian States, and China are the biggest temptation for Pakistan Railways to make its operation profitable and move forward. The ECO train is still in its infancy. The promise is big but the challenges involved are no less. Poor condition of infrastructure in Pakistan, absence of land connectivity in Turkey, competition with ocean fares, custom regulations, disagreement on uniform tariff and difference in the track gauge are the biggest challenges. The container trains now running between Islamabad and Istanbul are experimental in nature and need to be backed up by real commitments of the three governments involved. As a starter, there is a need to introduce a promotional fare for which Pakistan has given its commitment at the highest level. Also, in Pakistan Railway, a new corps of management needs to be prepared. This is not for only ECO train but for its overall sustenance. In the first place, fifty positions at the top need to be slashed to clear the way for new thinking. Simultaneously, a corporate decentralised set up with modern financial and management information system along with an innovative system to utilise and enhance the existing capacity is to be established. ECO train can be a pilot programme for such an initiative. There are international donors such as ECO Bank, Islamic Development Bank, World Bank and some bilateral financial assistance which may be used for rehabilitation of track on the Pakistan side to international standards. Adopting international standard gauge is a must for Pakistan, initially on ECO track and subsequently for the rest of it. Otherwise, trans-shipment may continue for the time being on Pak-Iran borders. Capacity for purchase of new locomotives, rolling stock and infrastructure can be conveniently enhanced through commercialisation of properties. Development of non-core assets to finance core operation and repair of existing assets in a public private partnership model is call of the day. All over the world, property development and commercialisation of station buildings as mixed development are financing the train operations. We can no longer look up to the government for funding our capacity enhancement. The provincial governments have already agreed to revenue sharing with Pakistan Railways for commercialisation of its properties. Once Pakistan Railways become connected regionally and internationally, the revenues would increase through user and transit charges. The competitive spirit would increase as the best practices would be available within the connected system. Human resource would be developed through mutual training facilities. And Pakistan would be in a better position to negotiate economic related deal from a position of strength. It is time that as a nation, all stakeholders evolve a consensus to save Pakistan Railways and achieve economic benefits. Inter-regional connectivity clearly ranks one of the most important options within the framework of our national interest. The author is former chairman Pakistan Railways board and Ex Secretary Ministry of Railways
An era of creativity in Sindhi literature comes to its end By Gobind Menghwar With the sad demise of Haleem Brohi -- renowned
satirist, linguist, novelist, columnist and historian -- an era of
creativity in Sindhi literature has come to its end. For more than four
decades this recluse giant writer kept creating a stir in the Sindhi
literary world. He was truly a modernist who throughout his life strived
for a paradigm shift in history writing and to bring in practice a
pragmatic approach for literary criticism. A man of very unusualness he
was quite rightly introduced by his friends as Jack-of-all-trades. Born in August 1936 in Hyderabad, a lawyer by profession and later on an employee of University of Sindh, Brohi was a bi-lingual writer. He started writing first in English and by the year 1967 all his preliminary work in English had appeared with the title, Nothing in Particular and Nothing in Earnest. He kept his affection for English intact until he breathed his last. His scattered work in English appeared in an anthology called, Seeds in 2002. The decade of 1970s heralded a new era of Sindhi prose. Mannik and Mushtaq Shoro were the leading figures of that time who wrote extensively on existentialism and other modern norms of contemporary world. Brohi too, in the second half of the decade, struck with his brilliant novel Orah (Inferno) and a collection of thought-provoking essays of criticism called Majmou. Doyen of Sindhi poetry and prose, Shaikh Ayaz, declared Orah as the 'finest novel of Sindhi'. Brohi was a fearless writer. He espoused the over-arching cause of correcting the imperatives of Sindh's history as well as facts associated with its geography which are often considered immutable. Not surprisingly, his modus operandi invariably offended many as they were unable to judge him on the basis of his dialectical views and misled by his outspokenness and cantankerous way of writing. And this was the obvious reason for which he was treated for years as persona non grata in the literary circles. Satire was Brohi's forte and the historians and traditional writers who have been habitually frugal with truth were often his victims. He could even make people roll with laughter through his one-liners. Over the years, his satirical columns in different Sindhi dailies and magazines had entertained the readers. His narratives of tales of Sherlock Holmes in Sindhi touch amused generations. Ironically, Brohi's bold and idiosyncratic stance on the ludicrous and jingoistic notion of history had irked the old guards of Sindhis who could not establish a smooth-sailing with his dogma and refused to give him the space. Certainly, this was the only reason that stimulated this person as a ruthless satirist in the years to come. "I am the product of circumstances", he had once said. In his writings, Brohi had frequently lamented that unscrupulous way of writing history is the ingrained and perilous problem we have been facing since long. He desperately wanted a new and corrected version of history and that was what he incessantly worked for. Despite being discouraged at every front, Brohi kept offering what was best to him with dogged perseverance. In the late 1980s, he bounced back with the launching of a series of books called Haleem Brohi Reviews. Again, not surprisingly, this series which contained his biting satire received frosty reception at the old guards. However, young readers whole-heartedly welcomed Brohi's vision expressed quite clearly. In a similar vein, he launched another series of books called Sindh, Sindhi, boli ain Sindhi Sahat. Indeed, it was the remarkable work by Brohi in which he vividly described how facts of history have been conjured up and how history has been maligned by putting all the realities aside and presenting an exaggerated image of every segment of life. "Whatever has been taught to our children in the name of history is anything but hysterical histrionics," he had once said. Brohi's genius did not lie only in his dismantling way of rejecting the exaggerating history, it had very long trajectory of domains instead. He was, undoubtedly, credited with elevating Sindhi language to a worthy position. In 1991, he introduced Roman script for Sindhi. It was the most comprehensive-and controversial as well work in the philology of Sindhi. Brohi was of the view that Sindhi is badly characterised by redundancy. He could not foresee any space in modern times for a language that follows the Arabic script and uses an alphabet containing 56 letters. "Only funny people have time to learn to type 56 letters on keyboard. There is already enough fun around in whatever has been written in Sindhi," he had said in his usual wittiness. Brohi's Roman script was based on Thayuv Nagree system. "It is so mechanical that it is not possible to write a word wrong, and it puts to use not all the letters that are available on English keyboard," he wrote in the preface of his book of script. Though he managed to outmaneuver other linguists who also presented their constructed Roman script but the only obstacle in its adoption as asserted by many was that it's not possible to transform all the assets of language into what he called The Roman Sindhi. In the third impression of his book of script that was unveiled in 1999, he included 12 more languages which can easily be read and written by using his script. He was an avid admirer of Canadian satirist Stephen Leacock. "Although there is a difference of almost 40 years in his time and that of mine but, incidentally, we shared similar kind and degree of mockery in our lives," he had laughingly said in a TV interview. Prominent writer Mehtab Akbar Rashidi wrote the prologue of one of his books and she gave her verdict by writing that, "It must have a sense because Haleem Brohi does not believe in any nonsense". Brohi has left an indelible impression on his readers by perfecting the art of criticism and history writing. Sindhi language and literature will forever remain indebted to Haleem Brohi not only for the stellar role he played in uplifting the language but also for the modern and result-oriented approach he brought to the medium of literature.
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