Responsible choices
The solution to the problem of spiralling price-hike lies with the consumers themselves
By Dr Khalil Ahmad
The main cause of price-hike is the government itself. So how ridiculous it would be to plead before it or urge it to either reduce or control prices. That is why the prescriptions suggested in this article are directly meant for the consumers. However, it needs to be explained what a government is not supposed to do if it does not want to cause price-hike.

strategy
Testing times ahead
The prices of petroleum products have been capped, but experts believe that the subsidy being given to oil marketing companies is accumulating and the government is not in a position to clear the backlog
By Shujauddin Qureshi
Oil prices hit an all-time high of $90 per barrel on October 19, mainly due to the rising tension in the Kurdish areas of Turkey along the Iraq border and an increased seasonal fuel demand ahead of the winter season in the United States and Europe. Though the prices have come down to around $85 per barrel since, the situation is still alarming for the Pakistan government as it faces budget deficit due to the soaring oil import bill.

analysis

The question of how to handle the 'extremist' threat has emerged as the most important question facing Pakistan's 'moderates' at the present time. Some 'moderates' might argue that this has been a concern for some time now -- they have consistently issued warnings about the creeping threat of 'Talibanisation' since the regime of that name came to power in Afghanistan over a decade ago. Aside from the fact that the familiarity of this discourse can be attributed in large part to the ravings of the western media, it is true that there is quite serious polarisation in parts of Pakistan, and that it is deepening with each passing day. The need for serious analysis of this state of affairs is, therefore, acute.

In the first instance, it is important to recall that until recently the cynical use of jihad as a plank of strategic policy was an open secret in Islamabad. As is now common knowledge, the about-turn in strategic policy -- at least formally -- followed the infamous ultimatum issued by United States President George W Bush to the General Headquarters (GHQ) a few days after the September 11 attacks. And as is also now common knowledge, there has been an increasing pressure on the Pentagon from within the US over the past year or so to reevaluate its generous military and financial aid disbursements to Pakistan because there is a belief that the country's military is not doing all it can in the mystical 'Pakistan-Afghanistan border region' where all of the world's militants seem to have converged.

'Moderates' have been insisting that this is Pakistan's war or, more specifically, the Pakistani people's war. They argue that it is imbecilic to try and stave off what they believe to be an inevitable clash with 'extremists' -- the tone is very often Huntingtonian -- by taking refuge in the argument that this is America's war. Slightly nuanced versions of this argument look towards the 'judicious use of force' to win the hearts and minds of the Pakistani public.

Pakistan People's Party (PPP) Chairperson Benazir Bhutto has been quoted as saying that the only long-term solution to the 'extremist' threat is to bring the tribal areas within the political mainstream and allow political parties to function freely there. To be fair, of all the possible options proffered by the 'moderates', this one seems to be the most far-sighted. Yet at the same time, Benazir seems intent on reinforcing the 'moderate' vs 'extremist' binary, deliberately kissing up to the US (and the West more generally), and thereby alienating herself from at least some of the people she would ostensibly hope to reach if and when a political process was initiated in the tribal areas.

What should not be lost on anyone is the fact that the spectre of 'Talibanisation' is acute only in certain geographical zones of the country, which is why Benazir's pro-America stance does not seem to have affected her traditional stronghold in, for example, Sindh (as evident from the reception she received on October 18 on her return to Pakistan). This is not to suggest that polarisation is not increasing or that more and more people will not eschew the mainstream political process if they perceive all major players to be only fighting over the scraps being thrown their way from Washington, but only to point out that it is important to keep the rantings of the 'moderates' in perspective.

The fact of the matter is that what is going on in the tribal areas and spreading into some of the settled Pakhtun districts is a function of America's war -- a war that started in the late 1970s and has now morphed into something quite different in accordance with Uncle Sam's changed geo-strategic priorities. It is true that the Pakistani state -- and particularly the military -- has had a stake in both this and previous wars in the region, and that, to this extent only, this is Pakistan's war. But to suggest that this is the Pakistani people's war is almost perverse.

It is not the Pakistani people's war because jihad was sponsored not by the people but by the American and Pakistani establishments, and similarly the decision to now combat jihad is not a decision of the people but that of the American and Pakistani establishments. To suggest that it is the responsibility of people to clean up the mess that has been created by the CIA's and ISI's cynical use of religion, and their systematic promotion of violence within a particular set of communities, is to very conveniently assume that the people also see the world in straight lines like the 'moderates' view the 'extremists'.

What people do see at the present juncture is a behemoth in the form of the US, waging endless war with the support of the Pakistani military that has turned against the very forces that it once cultivated. Thus there is deep anger and in the absence of serious political alternatives -- a grim reality for which one also has America and the GHQ to thank for -- the rise of rightist forms of resistance is hardly surprising.

Meanwhile the military is wracked by internal conflicts over the abandonment of a time-tested strategic policy, which is giving rise to intrigue of an altogether more treacherous kind. There is also severe demoralisation within the military's rank and file, as it becomes painfully clear that this is not an epic historical battle between 'moderates' and 'extremists' but rather a fallout of the self-serving policies of the US, the most brash imperial power the world has ever known.

Finally, it is important to consider briefly the posture of the various religio-political movements that are party to this highly complex state of affairs. The mainstream religious parties are in total disarray. The Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) in particular is facing a crisis like never before because it faces a future without the patronage of the military, a surreal prospect for an organisation that has maintained a symbiotic relationship with the men in khaki for close to four decades. The Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI) led by Maulana Fazlur Rahman is bending over backwards to secure some share of power in the dispensation being crafted in Islamabad. Both are facing the prospect of losing influence to renegade extra-parliamentary forces.

Meanwhile, the utterly useless debate over the balance of power in the tribal areas between the Taliban and al-Qaeda, a favourite of the media, is to gloss over the more important fact that bombing the place into the stone age will serve only to confirm what the British concluded about the Pakhtun tribes well over 150 years ago -- fighting them indiscriminately is a sure recipe for failure.

In the 20th century too, the US learned in many cases that its huge military advantage counted for naught when fighting a guerilla force that had won the hearts and minds of the local people who were facing the brunt of the warfare. Add to this the fact that under the Pakhtun tribal code, refuge is provided also to outsiders believed to be the victims of injustice even when they are not necessarily personal favourites.

America's war is plunging Pakistan into a crisis from which it looks increasingly unlikely to emerge. The only responsibility that the people of Pakistan must accept is that to free themselves from the suffocating clutches of imperialism and its stooge military. 'Moderates' speak only for themselves when they call this a people's war, while the people understand the world around them in altogether different terms.

One good thing -- indeed, perhaps the only good thing -- that has emerged in the six years since 9/11 is a slowdown in the growth of mass tourism. The trend is not likely to be reversed in a hurry, what with the continuing security fallout from the US occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq, and the possibility that the Bush administration may be contemplating more attacks on who knows how many other countries -- Iran being the latest potential target on the White House's list. Tourists don't like travelling when bombs are falling or may be about to start falling. In other words, Daisy Cutters and tourism don't really mix.

I say that the decline in mass tourism is a good thing because mass tourism is an idea that has turned much of the world into a hideous melange of overcrowded resorts, garish high-rise hotels, plasticised fast-food joints, tacky souvenir shops, sleazy nightclubs and that peculiarly ghastly American invention: the theme park.

Luckily, we, in this country, have so far largely been spared such horrors. As Isobel Shaw has noted in her Guide to Trekking in Pakistan: "Pakistan is one of the best kept tourism secrets in the world." And it's just as well that it is; otherwise we, too, would have become a giant theme park by now. It could be, however, that the barbarians may soon be at the gates.

The government wants to push tourism -- to put Pakistan on the tourism map of the world, as it were. But I say let's keep it off the map, unless, of course, we want hordes of tourists descending on our shores like a plague of locusts.

Many, I'm sure, will disagree with me, arguing that mass tourism is a good thing. It can be a big foreign exchange earner, they will point out. I, for one, however, say: let's earn our foreign exchange some other way. Earning it through mass tourism would be at the cost of destroying the beauty of this country's landscape. That would be much too high a price to pay for earning a few million dollars.

As it is, many of the most beautiful places in Pakistan have already fallen victim to what is euphemistically called development. Take Murree, for example. Once known as 'The Queen of Hill Stations', it now looks more like a scene from a documentary film about urban blight, rather than a place people visit to enjoy the beauty of nature and find peace and quiet.

I am reminded, here, of some lines from a poem by the American poet Vachel Lindsay: "Then up around the apple earth they come, / Blasting the whispers of the morning dumb, / Cars in a plain, realistic row, / And fair dreams fade when the raw horns blow." Do we want our fair dreams to fade, too? Do we want long lines of tourist-carrying coaches crawling up the Kaghan Valley? No, we most certainly don't. Make that, no, no, no and no.

The British invented the concept of the Grand Tour, a term used by well-heeled Brits in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries for extended swings through Europe: from capital to capital and fashionable spa to spa. 'Taking the Tour', it was called, with a subtext that had fashionable ladies talking about 'Taking the Waters'. But it was the Americans -- the inventors of mass production, mass communications and that elusive something called 'mass happiness' -- that invented mass tourism.

By the mid-1950s hordes of gum-chewing, camera-toting, dollar bills-flashing, loudmouthed American tourists clad in Bermuda shorts and biliously patterned Hawaiian bush shirts had begun to descend on Europe. In the decades that followed, the Germans, the Japanese and others all got in on the act.

Mass tourism soon spawned its own jargon. In tourist jargon, people don't go from here to there; they are 'transferred'. Thus, a tourist group's itinerary will say "Saturday, 5 pm: transfer from airport to hotel. Sunday, 8 am: transfer from hotel to airport." "What's that over there?" a tourist will ask as the transfer coach races along on its way to the airport. "That? That's the Eiffel Tower," the guide will reply. "And that structure over there, that's the Louvre."

In the jargon of tourism, places are called 'destinations' (as in "Phuket is a great destination"); customers in restaurants and hotel dining rooms are 'covers' (as in "We did 300 lunch covers today"); and all days -- irrespective of the weather -- are 'nice days' (as in that ghastly Americanism "Have a nice day").

In the old days, people were travellers; nowadays, they are tourists. Tourists are a very different kettle of fish than travellers. Travellers were usually solitary individuals who wandered the world in search of knowledge and adventure, bringing to the quest a mix of scholarship, curiosity and appreciation of natural beauty that they passed on to posterity in the form of written accounts of their journeys.

Tourists, by contrast, are people with a herd instinct. They are never happier than when they are in crowds. Their idea of paradise is a beach with a million other tourists crowding the scene, packed together like so many sardines. Acres of peeling flesh may be good for the sun-block-lotion business, but it has done less than nothing to further the cause of good travel writing or scholarship.

Travellers used to make their way through foreign lands at a leisurely pace, taking time along the way to learn about local customs, history and culture. Tourists, however, operate on the principle that if it's Tuesday, it must be Belgium. What most tourists know about the countries -- sorry, 'destinations' -- they visit could be written on the head of a pin with room to spare.

If this is progress, you can keep it. Give me old-style travel anytime -- lazy days spent travelling along the fabled Golden Road to Samarkand, or floating down the Mississippi on a paddle steamer, or trekking up a precipitous trail in the Karakorams, a region that Eric Shipton called "perhaps the ultimate manifestation of mountain grandeur in the world."

November 15, 2007, will mark the completion of full five-year term of assemblies for the first time in the recent political history of Pakistan, thanks to a quasi-military power structure with all powers vested in the person of President General Pervez Musharraf. During this term, the National Assembly passed the controversial 17th constitutional amendment that changed the country's political landscape by allowing a general in uniform to rule the country. Interestingly, the outgoing assemblies also re-elected Musharraf as the president for another five-year term just a month before the expiry of their own mandate.

The Pakistani model of democracy, with a general in power, was openly greeted by the United States while the European Union viewed it cautiously, though both Washington and Brussels will never accept this model for themselves. The US policy in this regard is clear - the country supports democracy at home while helping dictators across the world, as they are considered vulnerable to its increasing demands. The EU's policy, on the other hand, is confused -- though the regional grouping champions the cause of democracy and human rights, it has to support quasi-military regimes as a compromise at certain places, for instance Pakistan.

The year 2007 is being seen in Pakistan as a year of elections, political campaigns, and realignments within both the government and the opposition. The ruling elite led by Musharraf, despite its in-fighting and internal controversies, is hopeful of regaining power in the forthcoming general elections as long as the current president holds the reins of power. Political analysts believe that these elections will more or less be the re-enactment of the last elections, when hand-picked people were brought into assemblies to further consolidate Musharraf's hold on power. In this context, holding free and fair elections will be a major challenge for the government, especially considering that a pre-election assessment mission of the Washington-based National Democratic Institute (NDI) and a EU delegation have called for massive reforms to make the polls credible.

In its nine-page report, released by the mission's head, former US Senate majority leader Tom Dasche, the NDI calls for a genuine attempt to make the polls credible by eliminating the role of intelligence agencies. In addition, the institute marks actions for the government of Pakistan, Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP), political parties and police to ensure that all eligible voters can cast their votes in a free and fair manner.

"If the integrity of the elections is seriously compromised and not seen as representative of the will of the people, the nation could face increased civil conflict and the military could become further entrenched in the country's political life. The escalating violence and intimidation in Pakistan is creating an atmosphere of fear, and threatens to curtail the ability of parties and candidates to freely engage in political activity," the NDI report warns.

The report also notes that, in order to stop criticism, the government attempted several times to gag the media and limit its activities. Moreover, it stresses the need for ensuring that the women freely exercise their right to vote in areas -- for instance, Bajaur Agency and the Federally Administrated Tribal Areas (FATA) -- where reportedly the political parties have agreed not to allow them to cast their votes.

The NDI report recommends that the ECP should develop a formal process of regular consultation with political parties and civil society on election procedures and policies; access the NADRA's database of identity card holders to verify the accuracy of the voters' list; and publish the final voters' list in electronic format.

The report also recommends that the government of Pakistan should end the involvement of intelligence agencies in the electoral process; create a legal framework for all security agencies requiring that they be politically neutral and not interfere in the political process; make all attempts to prevent election-related violence, and promptly investigate all attempts to disrupt the election process; cooperate with judicial inquiries into the killing and abduction of journalists and political workers; and use its full authority to enforce the right of women to vote and the right of the media to cover the elections in all areas of the country.

The report further urges political parties to adhere to a code of conduct and refrain from employing violence during the electoral period. The NDI also castigates the government for not implementing the recommendations of its earlier mission, which is a major cause of concern for all those who want to see free and free elections in Pakistan.

The NDI mission's and the EU delegation's reports -- as well as those prepared by Pakistani political parties, the media and civil society -- clearly show that questions are being raised on the fairness of the elections even before they are held. The reason for this simple -- the ruling elite is promoting the politics of exclusion and selective participation. Almost all the opposition political parties have hinted that any elections under the Musharraf regime would not be more than a farce, as he himself has said on record that only his 'comrades' will win in the forthcoming polls. Musharraf is right when he says this, because otherwise he would lose hold on power despite being the president. So, as is evident from Musharraf's recent elections campaign, he is trying his best to ensure the return of his 'comrades' to assemblies.

The political activities are gaining momentum -- with a lot of ideological realignments, alliance-building efforts and political compromises -- ahead of the forthcoming elections. The much talked about Benazir-Musharraf rapprochement seems hanging in balance with the latter's 'comrades', in particular the Chaudrys of Gujrat, trying their best to seriously dent the process.

The dichotomy in the government's dealings with political leaders is clearly visible -- on the one hand, the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) has been promulgated; while, on the other hand, the ruling elite in bent upon destroying its very spirit by initiating a propaganda campaign against political leaders, in particular those belonging to the Pakistan People's Party (PPP). Still, the questions remains -- will the elections be credible and who will make them credible?

The reports by both the NDI mission and the EU delegation support the participation in the forthcoming elections of twice former prime ministers Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif. The EU delegation seemed satisfied that its observers would be allowed to monitor the elections. However, in the history of Pakistan, almost all elections have been rigged and their results have been manipulated. Despite the presence of international observers during previous elections, and their serious reservations about fairness and credibility, the power brokers always managed to sail smoothly without facing any major challenges.

According to political analysts, the foremost thing that challenges the credibility and fairness of the forthcoming elections even before they are held is that a uniformed president would be in place for another five years. Though he will install an interim government, it will be of no use even if represented by leading political parties -- in Pakistan, as indicated by the NDI report, elections are conducted keeping the 'national interest' -- as defined by the president, the ruling elite and intelligence agencies -- in view.

The international community needs to realise that if it wants to see a smooth and transparent democratic transition in Pakistan, it needs to urge for an interim government without Musharraf, who seems interested only in prolonging his own rule through political manipulations and rigged elections. In the present scenario, only one thing is certain -- the forthcoming elections would not be different from the ones held in 2002.

The main cause of price-hike is the government itself. So how ridiculous it would be to plead before it or urge it to either reduce or control prices. That is why the prescriptions suggested in this article are directly meant for the consumers. However, it needs to be explained what a government is not supposed to do if it does not want to cause price-hike.

First, it must not adopt administrative or judicial measures to reduce or control prices, since in most cases as a result of these measures prices soar up instead of going down. Second, it must not ban movement of various items from one place to another on any pretext, since goods and services usually move to where they fetch higher prices. If goods and services are not allowed to move freely, their prices go up eventually. So, the government must not block the way of products and services coming in from abroad in search of higher prices and vice-versa. For this to take effect, it must not impose import duties or give export incentives because they disrupt the free movement of goods and services and, thus, distort their prices.

Now let us come to what we ought to do. A few days ago, I wanted to buy apples. But the rate of about Rs 80 per kilogram seemed too high. I could have bought some other fruit not as expensive as the apples were, but I decided to abstain. That was my reaction to the increasing prices of fruits. I could also have written a letter to editor or an article for a newspaper to complain about the failure of the government to control the prices of fruits. I could even have filed a petition in the court, praying it to direct the government to control the sky-rocketing prices, especially of fruits.

But what difference it would have made? First, it would have made an irresponsible consumer of me. Can't I hold back? Must I buy apples? Second, it would have helped others -- especially the people in or aspiring to be in the government -- realise that controlling prices is one of the foremost duties of a government. Third, it would have made all of us know that prices could be controlled through the adoption of suitable administrative and judicial measures. Fourth, it would have been an indication to the fruit producers / traders that consumers were not ready to buy their products at such high prices.

What did I achieve by abstaining? I, at least, tried not to let any of these four things happen. If the number of such abstainers is high enough to send a clear signal to fruit producers / traders that consumers are not ready to buy their products at exorbitant prices, the prices will come down for sure, as such items cannot be held back for long even in cold storages. The same is the case with other products too -- the solution lies with the consumers, and not the government!

What about the sky-rocketing prices of wheat / flour? Can we abstain from buying wheat / flour, a staple food, our daily bread? The answer is no. We would have to buy, out of necessity, wheat / flour even if the prices increase even further. What we can do instead is to use the commodity carefully and responsibly. Will this bring the prices down? No, not substantially! However, it all depends on the behaviour of most consumers.

Then, should we let the hoarders make hay while the sun shines? If we want both the government and the opposition not to politicise this issue, then let these hoarders make millions as is being alleged. Otherwise also, they will be doing the same thing. Doesn't this amount to favouring them? But on the other hand, what can we do? Were we able to do anything about the sugar and cement scams, for instance? Though there was much hue and cry, no concrete measure was adopted to teach these people -- who are bent upon minting money from the masses in collusion with the government -- a lesson.

In this context, it is all the more unacceptable that we use our hard-earned money irresponsibly. Instead of ruing how the influential exploit and loot the people using the institution of government, we as consumers should come up with solutions of our own. It is true that we have no door to knock at to seek justice, but why don't we exercise our right to choose when it is available to us? It is this policy of inaction that hurts the consumers the most. Simply put, the consumers should be actively choosy where they have the freedom to do so!

But the real issue is that in a country like ours -- which cares a dime for its citizens and their rights, where there is no rule of law, where justice is a far cry, and where the institution of government is but an instrument in the hands of the influential to exploit public resources for their private interests -- what hapless consumers like us can do. The answer is that we can at least make responsible choices! It is this consumer behaviour that will ultimately affect and determine the prices of goods and services.

Let us try to analyse the situation wherein we, the consumers, are forced to be helpless and producers / traders are allowed to make easy money. We are forced because the government is on their side, not on ours. Apparently the government tells us that it obstructs the import of certain products to protect the local industry or does not allow the export of certain products to protect the consumers, but in practice such policies benefit the influential only and the consumers suffer. Not only are the latter forced to buy low quality products at higher prices, they are deprived also of enjoying the real value of their hard-earned money.

What is required of us as responsible consumers is restraint! We need to exercise caution in our decisions concerning buying of goods and services. This would surely affect, in one way or the other, the structure of prices distorted by the various measures adopted by successive governments. Nonetheless, as we have been somehow brain-washed by those who believe in an omnipotent government, and are used to rely on the government for everything from a morsel of bread to a bed of roses, it is difficult for us to exercise independence of mind. But for a hapless lot of consumers like us, it is the only non-governmental solution available to cope with the artificial price-hike!

Title: Gender & Education in Pakistan

Editors: Rashida Qureshi and Jana F A Rarieya

Pages: 267

Price: Rs 495

First Edition: 2007

Publisher: Oxford

University Press, Karachi

Gender disparities are prevalent in all parts of the world and in all areas of life, but they are more pronounced in the field of education than others. This forms the context of the book under review, which is specific to policy, theory and practice of gender and education in Pakistan. In particular, it looks at the underlying processes that result in different educational practices and outcomes for boys and girls, and men and women, in Pakistan.

At the moment, there is very little research-based documented literature on gender issues in education in Pakistan. Additionally, the gender related dynamics within schools and educational systems have received little explicit attention. As a response to this gap, this book presents relevant, contextual and researched chapters that examine the different aspects of inter- and intra-play between gender and education in Pakistan. It contains a collection of research-based essays that explore the nature of gendered issues in Pakistan as reflected in educational policies, teachers' lives, classroom practices, educational leadership and educational research.

The book makes gender issues in education in Pakistan more visible by illustrating how gender is both a very personal and yet public issue, and calls for more carefully thought out approaches to dealing with gender disadvantages in the education system. Gender & Education is divided into six parts. Part 1 -- Gendered Landscape -- presents a critical review of the educational policies over the last decade. While focussing on women's education in Pakistan, Iffat Farah analyses the quantitative and qualitative outcomes of the government's efforts towards reducing the gender gap in education. Her analysis clearly shows that while gains have been made in providing access to and enrollment of children, especially girls, in school, the overall gender disparities have nonetheless persisted, resulting in rural girls being more disadvantaged.

Part II -- Gendered Teaching -- consists of three chapters. Through the narration of her personal stories in becoming a teacher educator, Ayesha Bashiruddin raises many important issues related to career progression of women in a patriarchal society like Pakistan. One of these is the role of the family. Her family played a very supportive role in her professional development, so that she could become 'unconventional'. Unlike Ayesha, who became a teacher educator by choice, most of the teachers in Jackie Kirk's essay were in the profession as it was compatible with their domestic responsibilities. Jackie examines the complexity of being a woman teacher. She discusses the multiple gender roles and relationships of women teachers, which clearly bring to the surface the tensions in women's experiences of teaching girls and boys. Dilshad Ashraf also talks about the experiences of five women teachers in the Northern Areas. Through the use of the life histories of women teachers, he examines how education and employment opportunities for women in the mountainous communities impact the traditional image of women by expanding the boundaries of their traditional roles.

Part III comprises studies that deal with gendered schooling practices. Anjum Halai shares the results of a survey that was conducted among teachers of Mathematics in Karachi. The survey taps into their beliefs about gender difference in the teaching and learning of Mathematics. The major issues identified as a result of this survey, as well as their implications for the teaching and learning of Mathematics for boys and girls, are discussed. The next chapter by Rashida Qureshi, Parvez Pirzado and Saeed Nasim also explores the issues of gendered educational experiences of boys and girls in primary schools in rural Sindh. While focussing on the role of primary school teachers as change agents, the chapter suggests how teachers and the government can help create more gender friendly schools for boys and girls.

Language and Gender in Higher Education by Sabiha Mansoor, Iqbal Azam, Mohammad Zafar and Sabahat K Tatari is based on a nationwide study of students and teachers of English in private and public sector colleges and universities in the capital cities of Pakistan. The differences between males' and females' competency in regional languages and the factors responsible for such phenomena are explored. The authors have also discussed the implications of their findings for language policy in higher education. Bernadette L Dean highlights the stereotypical roles of men and women presented in the English language textbook used for upper secondary class. Suggestions for improving textbooks for promoting gender equity and equality both in classrooms and the larger society are also discussed.

Gendered leadership is covered under Part IV. Jan Rarieya presents data from her study of four female leaders. The chapter highlights the factors that have contributed to their success as well as challenges they encounter in being women leaders. The paradoxical role of men, in terms of their support and opposition in helping and/or hindering the professional growth of women leaders, is also explored. Naureen Madhani presents the findings of a study of male and female faculty at a university department. The purpose of the study was to find out whether gender is a barrier to their career development in management. The chapter highlights that gender does act as a barrier, more for women, in the career development in management.

Almina Pardhan tackles the field of gendered research in Part V of the book. She talks about her research experiences as a female researcher working with women and researching on women. More specially, the chapter puts forward the lived experiences of the Booni women as well as the author's experiences of conducting ethnographic research with them. In the process, however, the author's own experiences as a woman brought up in a middle-class western world with limited knowledge of life in this part of the world are also highlighted. As the chapter shows, the researcher' femaleness necessitated constant negotiations that bore upon her role as a researcher. The chapter raises interesting issues regarding conducting research in a developing context like Pakistan.

Earlier this month, fire broke out in a major industrial unit in the SITE area. It destroyed the entire enterprise in just a few hours! Inadequate fire fighting capabilities were among the main reasons for this catastrophe. This was not the first incident of its kind. More than a dozen major fire accidents have been reported during the past two months in Karachi alone. On July 24, a boiler explosion caused the death of nine people and injured dozens of others. Initial evidences showed that the negligence of the factory owner and the boiler operator were the major reason behind the accident.

A grave health risk is posed to the residents in localities where such factories exist. These unfortunate people have to bear the brunt simply because of unregulated conversion of land use rules. Scientifically referring, hazardous industries cannot be allowed inside or even near the dense residential localities. In Karachi, many neighbourhoods possess dwellings that have been converted into factories without any lawful provision. Some of them are involved in chemical storage, bleaching, dying and even processing leather.

The phenomenon is spread uncontrolled without any monitoring by the concerned authorities. Even within industrial areas, gross violations of safety practices, over-utilisation of space, shoddy construction and overlapping of functions at the micro level cause fatal accidents. Other cities in Pakistan also are faced with a similar situation. It is needless to say that organic and haywire changes in the land use rules are a major threat to the healthy survival of cities. Several pertinent issues are worth analysing in this respect.

As a city expands, its land becomes the manifestation of its physical and human dimensions. The central area of the city becomes increasingly significant with the addition of new districts. Consequently, more people tend to converge at the city core due to the concentration of income-earning activities. The outcome of this phenomenon is congestion, and the subsequent decline in the quality of spaces and structures. It is at this point that it becomes important to rejuvenate the dilapidated spaces and structures. The same concept can be applied to other similar areas in the city. Indifference in this respect has always led to the crumbling of the physical / social infrastructure and to health / safety hazards. And neglect in this respect can also lead to social disturbances, environmental degradation, psychological disorders and economic decline.

Urban renewal is the scientific cure. This is a process of readjusting urban spaces and structures according to current and future functions, at the same time fulfilling aesthetic requirements. Utilisation of urban spaces is a continuous phenomenon that has to be made compatible with the contemporary demands of society. A palatial villa of the yesteryears can be turned into a public art gallery. A 'queen's walk' may become a busy pedestrian alley. Similarly, an ancient guild may be transformed into a bustling shopping mall. In curative terms, a successful urban renewal venture can do away with oozing service lines, decaying buildings or streets; and produce a tidy and productive environment.

Ironically, major catastrophies have made an important contribution to the clearing up of run-down areas. The London fire of 1665-66 was an event that removed the filthy inner city slums. A 35-year-long conservation exercise by Sir Christopher Wren was a follow-up to this grave accident. St Paul's Cathedral and other key edifices enlivened the atmosphere, while the overall inner city space obtained a new functional dimension that prevails till today. Heavy war damages in Rotterdam led to a massive redevelopment plan. The city has been laid out along functional grids in contrast to the winding layout of other Dutch cities. Japanese atomic bomb-hit cities Hiroshima and Nagasaki are also patterned on rectilinear streets, with ample green spaces along the busy corridors.

In third world cities, where the list of priorities is endless, urban renewal has to be properly justified. The extension of boundaries envelopes numerous sub-urban functions that soon become obsolete, as their production activities do not yield positive results. Similarly, livestock farms on the outskirts, when surrounded by dense residential or commercial development, become a nuisance. Sometimes cement factories or brick kilns come within city limits. These have to be replaced. Besides, prisons and arsenal depots have now become a perpetual threat to city residents. One has only to recall the Ojhri Camp accident in 1988.

Also, against the mushrooming high-rises, owners of single-storeyed houses are forced either to cede their property to greedy land developers or face the non-ending ruptures in water supply, power and gas as well as intrusion in their privacy. Imbalance in real estate value also needs to be checked in the wake of growing commercialisation. Residents of an affluent locality are compelled to move out if they find a settled kachi abadi next door to them. When an area sheds its historical character because of the menaces of commercial and industrial development, it is in need of urban renewal. Old Karachi, the walled city in Lahore, inner city in Peshawar and the Kachcha Qila of Hyderabad are prime examples of areas that have lost their historical and aesthetic character over the years.

Having justified the need for urban renewal, other factors need to be taken into account as well. First, the economic feasibility. Restoration, renovation or redevelopment of any sort cannot be successfully accomplished if the financial feasibility is not ascertained first. The nature of activities in the area, property ownership and building structure are the key factors in this regard. Private property is more difficult for incorporation into the urban renewal plan, because of multiple ownership and diverse interests. Similarly, the removal of a particular activity from an area can pose stiff resistance.

If the users are shown a lucrative option, only then can they readily agree to comply with the plan for the area. It is up to the skills of economists, planners, architects and engineers to maximise the returns in keeping with aesthetic and functional parameters. Besides, the option has to be socially acceptable not only for the owners but also for the users. What we find missing is a mutual communication between owners and policy-makers. Karachi needs such an urban renewal in its residential, commercial, industrial, recreational and coastal domains without any delay.

Katchi abadis located along the railway tracks, riverbeds and waterways are the short-listed sites for relocation. They are a threat to the residents themselves in case of recurring disasters and also a perpetual hindrance in aligning new right to way. Umer Colony behind KAECHS is an example where the houses are close to the railway track. Likewise, the urban renewal plan of the Lea Market junction must be prioritised due to its importance. Inner city warehouses in and around the old town area and Ranchore Line / Nishtar Road may choke very soon due to the mounting pressure of traffic. Recreational green spaces such as the Jehangir Park and Khori Garden (M A Jinnah Road) need to be freed from encroachments and notorious activities. Each of these problems has to be solved along the lines of optimum mobility patterns, efficient and economical service design, and a long-term vision.

Unless the role of corresponding actors is earmarked and subsequently executed, little improvement can be expected. The following are some propositions for the bodies concerned:

Civic agencies: Formulation of policies, follow-up programmes, implementation procedures and details of institutional support at each stage of execution; delineation of monetary incentives for the affectees to generate at least the minimum motivation for the plan; strengthening of technical expertise at the local level for undertaking various tasks like facade uplift, structural designs for decaying buildings and solving traffic congestions; and initiating efficient dialogue with all the concerned people, including owners, tenants, transporters and representatives of adjoining residential areas.

Non-governmental and community-based organisations (NGOs/CBOs): Motivating the concerned people to participate in the plan / execution; spreading general awareness about such issues; facilitating the communication link between the affectees and the government; and helping government agencies in monitoring the implementation process with a view to identifying the loopholes in it.

How effective are the local and indigenous methods of mobilisation of resources in post-disaster scenarios? The question has perplexing answers because the situation referred to signifies the break from a normal pattern, a situation that is de-railed. The time period involved in bringing people's lives back to normal is challenging, physically as well as psychologically. As the second anniversary of the October 8 earthquake was marked earlier this method, an attempt has been made to examine the current situation in one of the village of Muzaffarabad district, in terms of the community's resilience gauged against mobilisation and use of its scant resources in comparison with government schemes. The article aims at showing how the quake-affected people are trying to bring their lives back to the normal.

The village of Dhani Bore (Mai Sahiba) has more than 200 households, with an approximate population of 1,400-1,500 people each. Before the earthquake, most of the village populace was involved in subsistence farming -- growing spinach, onions, tomatoes, maize, wheat, rice and some other green varieties, mainly maithi. Importantly, the village had its own canal system (which locals call kool) and water for cultivation was distributed to the village, divided into four mohallas, on turn basis. Hence all the population had availability of water for cultivation. Another system for drinking water was also managed through a communal water tank, bringing water -- one of the most commonly available natural resource in the mountain areas of Pakistan -- from a stream located at a distance of four kilometres.

There was good amalgamation of government-financed development initiatives and the community's resource mobilisation before the earthquake. "People from the village were also keen to make their village a model one, more so because it had all the natural resources," nostalgically remembers Maqbool Abbasi, a social worker. Locals had collected Rs 175,000 for the construction of communal water tank, whereas the government made had available Rs 700,000 for the internal drinking water channel. With the availability of water, there was enough vegetation and dairy to be transported to the Muzaffarabad city, which was only five minutes away courtesy the road and the suspension bridge over the Neelum river.

The situation, however, changed after the earthquake: the road and the suspension bridge connecting the village to Muzaffarabad, and the water for cultivation and drinking purposes also became sparse. "As we were cut off from Muzaffarabad, we did not have enough water. We had to slaughter our livestock as it was dying of thirst," says Sadiq Abbasi, a resident, of the excruciating experience. In retrospect, one can say that the village was ignored by development agencies for being so close to Muzaffarabad, the capital of Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK). Villagers believe that the proximity factor became a hurdle for them in accessing development funds.

A number of organisations, however, did get the no-objection certificates (NOC) from the Earthquake Rehabilitation and Reconstruction Authority (ERRA), a pre-requisite for undertaking any development schemes in the quake-hit areas. These eligible organisations are executing various development schemes, mainly in the field of water and sanitation for schools. Though school buildings do not exist, latrines have been provided by a development organisation. Another has undertaken the repair of drinking water channel -- work on which was started two months back and is in the final stage.

The repair of water channel for agriculture is, however, divided in two phases. In the first, the water channel that brings water from the stream (almost four kilometers long) was repaired and made functional last month. However, the second phase comprising repair of the internal water channel is yet to be started. Meanwhile, the work on agricultural water channel is being undertaken by the Irrigation Department of the AJK government. "Under the Community Development Programme, the government has planned for complete reconstruction of the agricultural water channel and its sources. Moreover, it has evicted a mandatory 20 per cent community's financial contribution in all the quake-affected region," says Basharat, a deputy director in the department. The reader could well imagine how these people would have spent the time in the absence of sufficient water, which also affected their agriculture-based livelihoods.

Here, it is also important to mention that the road leading to the village did not survive the earthquake, so it could be accessed only by foot -- which meant a 90-minute hike -- till April this year. In the meanwhile, the villagers used a precarious suspension bridge. This made Maqbool Abbasi, chairperson of a local development organisation, contact a chairlift operator for installing the structure over the Neelum river. The operator, after doing a feasibility study, made an investment of Rs 2.5 million for the installation of chairlift and charges Rs 10 per round trip. As the village is also a gateway to about 20 other villages, the people from nearby villages also make use of the chairlift facility that has drastically reduced the travelling time to and from Muzaffarabad to only two minutes.

Until recently, there was a difference of opinion between the villagers and government officials whether the village fell in the Red Zone, where construction is prohibited, or not. The question demanded extensive scrutiny because had it been so, then its residents would have to be repatriated. Surprisingly, government authorities were also divided on the question. Some adamantly declared that the village fell in the Red Zone, while contradicting their earlier statements that three out of four tranches for the construction of houses (Rs 150,000 of the total Rs 175,000) had already been disbursed. It was finally decided after extensive scrutiny that the village did not fall in the Red Zone, but in the Highly Hazardous Zone. The rules framed for construction in this zone specify that only light materials will be used and a minimum distance of 50 metres from the ridge / edge of land-sliding area will be maintained.

Human nature and spirit is resilience to counter any disaster. Disasters -- both natural and human-made -- leave the spirit shattered, as well as have an effect on the people's assets and resources. The depleted assets can be regained if there is spirit to do so. As the residents of Dhani Bore possess this spirit, it has enabled them to withstand the effects of disaster. They have shown to the world that though their physical, financial and natural assets were depleted by the earthquake, their social and human assets remained intact -- and the combination of the two enabled them to regain the depleted ones also.

In the context of social assets, the village's residents contacted the Irrigation Department for the repair of water channel and its sources, and the operator for the installation of chairlift over the Neelum river. The people found the solution to their problems through mobilisation of their resources, which enabled them to voice their needs to the government, the market and civil society. This example shows that development interventions should make an effort to tap and use social assets, rather than relying on outside solutions.

The picturesque and scenic Northern Areas are on almost every brochure of the Pakistan Tourism Development Corporation. They are invariably the second thing that come up during a Pakistani's discussion with a foreigner; the first, of course, being Osama Bin Laden's whereabouts! However, the rights of the people living in the Northern Areas have eluded them for long and continue to elude them despite the various 'development' packages announced by successive governments. The Northern Areas of Pakistan have so much, yet so little.

The case of the people of the Northern Areas is essentially a consequence of Pakistan's lack of an effective federal system of government. The Northern Areas are largely seen as an appendix of the Kashmir issue and the citizens do not enjoy political rights. The federal government maintains that the people of the Northern Areas enjoy a 'special status' in the federation of Pakistan. This special status translates into a quota in services, just like the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), as a result of which a number of promising candidates are lost in the wilderness. It is interesting that in terms of constitutional status, the Northern Areas are clubbed with Kashmir; but as far as a quota in services is concerned, they are clubbed with FATA.

Last week, President General Pervez Musharraf announced a development package for the Northern Areas, as per which the Northern Areas Legislative Council (NALC) will be given the status of a legislative assembly with powers to debate and pass its budget. The existing council has 36 seats, 24 elected and 12 reserved (six for women and technocrats each). It is important to mention that, as the name signifies, the NALC was supposed to be a 'legislative' council even before the president's announcement and had the power to legislate on 49 subjects. All of these subjects, however, were ones that did not have a major impact on the lives of the people living in the region.

The question that comes to the mind of citizens with whom the scribe got a chance to speak is that what is the difference between the powers of the NALC before and after the recently announced package? They also doubt that the package will be fully implemented. Three years ago too, the president announced a development package that included an increase in the strength of NALC members from 29 to 32; the three additional seats being reserved for technocrats. The reserved seats for technocrats were later increased to six and of women from five to six, taking the total number of seats in the NALC to 36. Other clauses in the developmental package included delegation of administrative and financial powers to the Northern Area's administration, creation of a new district in Astore, setting up of an appellate court for the Northern Areas, improved air links through use of new planes on the route, and additional development funds of Rs 500 million in the current fiscal year (2007-08).

At that time, political analysts had pointed out that there were several loopholes in the development package. For instance, the replacement of old planes by the Pakistan International Airlines (PIA) with new ones was not something specific to the Northern Areas. The PIA at that time was replacing its planes on most air routes in the country. Clubbing it in a developmental package for the Northern Areas was at best good political communication, but nothing more. Disputes over where the district headquarters would be located also carried on for almost two years.

However, coming back to the legislative powers of the NALC, and the increase in its power and influence after the president's recent announcement, the 'deputy chief executive' will henceforth be called the 'chief executive' having full administrative and financial authority, and the existing chief executive (a federal minister) will be the chairperson of the Northern Areas government. The new chief executive will also be an elected one, with members of the new assembly forming the electoral college.

The package also envisages that all administrative and financial powers of the Ministry of Kashmir Affairs and Northern Areas (KANA) will be transferred to the government of Northern Areas. The assembly will be able to take up no-confidence motions against the chief executive, speaker and deputy speaker. Moreover, a separate accountant general's office will also be created for the Northern Areas.

The question that the people of the Northern Areas are asking is that, with the increased powers of the NALC, will they now see some progress towards the full implementation of the 1999 Supreme Court of Pakistan ruling? The apex court clearly stated that the people of the area should be given self-rule through their representatives and that an independent judiciary should protect their fundamental rights.

The president's package is silent on the judicial aspect. During his announcement of the development package, which also included the establishment of local governments in the area, he did not say anything about the judicial setup in the region, which is functioning as a department within the Ministry of KANA. This is an important aspect, particularly if the local government system is to be put in place. The judiciary ensures that the rights of citizens are protected from all the three tiers of government. To have local governments without an independent judicial setup or to increase the powers of the NALC without an adequate judicial mechanism is actually a case of creating more problems rather than solving them.

How it is an issue is best reflected in the case of Mohammad Ramzan, chairperson of the Eidgah Union Council, Astore. He had filed a writ petition before the Rawalpindi bench of the Lahore High Court (LHC) in May 2006, challenging a decision of the local administration regarding relocation of the district headquarters. The Ministry of KANA had created the Astore district in the Northern Areas in November 2004 and made Eidgah its headquarters. However, the local administration had proposed to make Gorikote the district headquarters. In September 2006, the court dismissed Ramzan's petition on the grounds that the Northern Areas did not fall in its jurisdiction as defined in Article 199 of the Constitution.

The petitioner challenged the judgment in the Supreme Court of Pakistan, arguing the Ministry of KANA was located in the jurisdiction of the LHC, and therefore its Rawalpindi bench could entertain a petition against the ministry. The petitioner's counsel argued before the apex court that the Ministry of KANA enjoyed administrative, legislative and judicial powers in the Northern Areas; therefore, an administrative action of the ministry could be challenged in the Rawalpindi bench of the LHC. He contended that the Northern Areas Chief Court could not issue any direction against the Federation of Pakistan, because it did not have such an authority in the light of Article 199 of the Constitution.

The Supreme Court admitted the petition filed against the decision of the LHC's Rawalpindi bench regarding relocation of headquarters of the newly-created district of Astore in the Northern Areas. While one cannot comment on the proceedings or the decision of the court, according to the Gilgit Bar Association: "This is a good example of the confusion that we would see in the coming months, when local governments will be in place without an independent judicial setup."

The citizens of the area view that in this era of good governance and devolution of powers, it is high time that the issue of the Northern Areas is taken up seriously and consistently, instead of sporadic dole outs in the form of developmental packages that are thrown as crumbs from time to time. Until that happens, local governments would not be representative nor would the NALC be in synch with the aspirations of its people.

On October 3 a Korangi town bulldozer demolished many houses in a suburban village of Karachi, but no one seems concerned

By Jan Khaskheli

Passing through the decorated market in Bengali Para (neighbourhood), Ibrahim Haideri Union Council, Karachi, a day before the Eidul Fitr, it was observed that all the people were engaged in their routine business activities. These people seemed to have nothing to do with politics, elections, clashes over land grabbing or even the demolition of houses around them. Most of them were unconcerned that the influential people, police and hooligans abuse their community members. They take it easy, as they have become used to this practice since long.

I reached Juma Kalmati Goth, situated near the seashore and falling in the same union council's jurisdiction not far from the Bengali Para, and tried to approach the Bengalis who might have been affected by the Korangi Town administration's recent raid and demolition of some houses, but failed to get any information from them. In fact, some of them were among the victims whose houses were demolished by a Korangi town bulldozer on October 3, 2007, but their fellow Bengalis were silent over the issue. It seemed as if nothing had happened around them.

Noor Alam, a Bengali tailor in the Juma Kalmati Goth, says he does not know who came to demolish the houses. "Yes, I heard gunshots. Teargas shells were also fired. But I shut the door of my shop out of fear and did not go out to see what had actually happened," he narrates. He, however, knows one thing -- whenever someone constructs something, say wall of his house, police come to get bhatta (extortion money) from the family by hook or crook. "It is up to the tenants how wealthy they are or how much they can pay to grease the palms of the police," Alam says.

The Bengali tailor adds that the policemen who come to extort money from them are sometimes from Zaman Town Police Station, while at other times from the Ibrahim Haideri Police Station. "Everyone has to pay bhatta to them." Alam, however, thinks that the police had nothing to with the demolition of houses, as a resident died on-the-spot and three women were injured while a bulldozer hit walls of their houses.

Looking at the debris of their demolished houses, the affected people -- including Balochs, Sindhis and Bengalis -- condemned the incident. "There was no justification for taking such an extreme step," they complain. The Juma Kalmati Goth comprises 40 acres of land and the victims have been living here since long.

"We have electricity connections, telephone lines, and water and sanitation facilities. We are not land grabbers," says Nabi Bakhsh Baloch, 32. He alleges that the naib nazim of Korangi Town executed the whole plan on the pretext of taking action against land grabbers. "This was, in fact, done to take revenge from the people for not giving bhatta to his cronies and the police," Baloch adds.

Bulldozers entered the Juma Kalmati Goth at around noon and continued demolishing houses till 5:00 pm. "Before the demolition started, police personnel took positions on the rooftop of a nearby poultry farm and fired teargas shells to create harassment," the residents say. In all, the administration of Korangi Town demolished around 15 houses. Mostly women were inside when the bulldozer, accompanied by four police mobiles, started demolishing the houses.

"They did not pay heed to the cries of women and children while the bulldozers demolished our houses," Fareed, a resident, laments. Other residents claim that they have lease documents of their houses under the Goth Abad Scheme. The village graveyard, adjacent to the demolished houses, was inaugurated by Haji Shafi Jamot, while he was chairperson of the now defunct Karachi District Council.

"These villages have been here for centuries. Hence the residents should be given ownership rights instead of issuing them individual lease of their abodes," says Shafi Jamot, who is now director of the Fishermen's Cooperative Society: He adds: "We are disappointed with the government's ill-treatment of the people who have been living here for centuries, but are being denied ownership rights."

Ibrahim Haideri Union Council Nazim Suhail Jamot also condemned the brutal act of the Korangi Town's administration, saying that Juma Kalmati Goth falls in his union council's jurisdiction but he was not even consulted. The staff of Ibrahim Haideri Police Station told this scribe that Juma Kalmati Goth falls in their jurisdiction, but they did not dare to say anything about the demolition incident.

"It was the work of land mafia. They are gangs being patronised by Malir Development Authority (MDA) officials. They occupy the abandoned plots and later sell them to individuals. After houses have been constructed on these plots, MDA officials come with bulldozers and demolish them. Nobody has the courage to challenge these gangs, as they are being patronised by influential people who are also in the government," alleges Abdul Hakim Baloch, a former provincial minister and ex-chairperson of the now defunct Karachi District Council.

The MDA and the Lyari Development Authority function under the Sindh Government, while the Karachi City Government deals with all the matters pertaining to the now defunct Karachi Development Authority. So, in a way, the two authorities deal with all the issues related to land. The present government also offers plots to attract dissidents of other political parties to join the ruling Pakistan Muslim League (PML) or the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM). Land is being used as a political bribe, those keeping a close eye on the political developments allege.

Shafi Jamot says a committee comprising representatives of suburban areas was formed in 1972, and it had recommended that residents of all goths (villages) comprising 50 houses or more should be given ownership rights, besides expanding the area surrounding the locality. Yousuf Shah, naib nazim of Bin Qasim Town, says this was not the first incident of this kind: "The MQM is eying our strongholds to grab everything from there. They want to occupy our land and capture our sources of livelihood. They do not have any sympathy for the people who have been living here for centuries; they only want to snatch land."